<!>This is the title to the cluster; please set as an article title in small caps to distinguish it from
the article title below<!>Re-Orientalism: German Indology Studies Beyond Foucault and
Gadamer
<au>Robert Cowan</>
<at>Introduction: New Models for Indo-German Scholarship Within the Critical Reappraisal of
Orientalism</>
<@@@>
The study of German Orientalism has had a conflicted relationship with the Saidian mode of
inquiry, from Edward Said’s initial omission of the German role in Orientalism in his pioneering
1978 book to his later rejoinders to his critics, which further entrenched his stance on the issue.
Despite this, German Orientalism scholarship has further extended the reach of Said’s critical
apparatus, capitalizing on those deconstructive elements that have proven most useful in
revealing personal biases, racial agendas, and overt and covert power dynamics. Yet, as Suzanne
L. Marchand notes in the introduction to her new book, “those who have followed Said’s lead
and adopted the Foucauldian tactic of analyzing only the surfaces of the texts they study end up
simply reiterating what we know, namely that people make representations for their own
purposes; too rarely do they ask about the variety of those purposes, or about the rootedness of
those representations in weaker and stronger interpretations of original sources” (xxi). Much of
the scholarship on German Orientalism in the past fifteen years or so, however, and Marchand is
part of this, has attempted to refine that which is useful in the Saidian model, balancing it with
hermeneutical theories and on-the-ground archival practices. German Orientalism scholarship
has thus played a leading role in the critical reappraisal of Orientalism by addressing these
aporiae in Said’s work and critically reflecting on his model’s efficacy, prejudices, and goals.
Within these endeavors, the study of German Indology has proven particularly fruitful, for closer
examination reveals that the intellectual relationships between Germany and South Asia provide
instances of “colonial” contact that differ in some dramatic ways from the Anglo-French
contexts that Said and others have emphasized, for Germans had very different agendas. Indeed,
I would argue that the intellectual relationships between Germany and South Asia have had
ramifications for Western thought that are more profound than any other Orientalist discourse.
In 2007, I organized a panel for the Modern Language Association convention in Chicago
entitled “The Indo-Germans: The German Misappropriation of Indian Philosophy,” featuring
Gabrielle Bersier, Sai Bhatawadekar, and Thomas Paul Bonfiglio. The German Studies
Association president Sara Lennox then asked me to organize a follow-up panel for the
Association’s 2008 conference in St. Paul, which I did, entitled “Re-Orientalism: Beyond
Foucauldian Paradigms.” That panel featured Nicholas A. Germana, Bradley L. Herling, Douglas
T. McGetchin, and myself, with Bhatawadekar as moderator and Peter K. J. Park as respondent. I
felt that Herling’s, Germana’s, and McGetchin’s papers went very well together: Herling
presented a challenge to the critical context in which this scholarship is taking place, and
Germana and McGetchin served as excellent examples of refinements of existing models that are
being taken in new directions. These three scholars are part of an important new wave of
scholarship on German Indology, each with recent monographs, contributions to anthologies, and
journal articlesi—the articles in this cluster for The Comparatist grew out of those presentations
at the 2008 GSA.
The fact that I am a comparatist, Herling a religion scholar, and Germana and McGetchin
scholars of intellectual and cultural history, and that we all work on German Orientalism is
indicative of the topic’s polyvalent nature. German Orientalism is an area of inquiry has both
expanded its scope and refined its modes of investigation rather dramatically in the past sixty
years, and not only in response to Said. That this branch of Orientalist study finally should garner
such tremendous attention is only logical, for it is an incredibly rich area for scholars in a variety
of disciplines. Such comparative analyses are vital to the growth of German Studies as it seeks to
hold its place institutionally, for while the study of German may be in severe decline as opposed
to languages such as Chinese or Spanish, the role of German thinkers in the history of both
European and global thought remains central.
<h1>A Brief History of German Orientalism Scholarship</>
Orientalism in Germany drew on two separate sources: the relationship between the Ottoman and
Holy Roman (later Habsburg) Empires, on the one hand, and the “Oriental Renaissance” spurred
by the translation of Sanskrit texts into European languages, on the other. As there are, thus, a
large constellation of disciplines to be involved here (history, literature, linguistics, political
science, anthropology, art history, etc.), scholarship on German Orientalism has tended to fall
into several overlapping categories. As so much of this work has been interdisciplinary, these
categories could be divided up in a number of ways. The following is a general by not
necessarily exhaustive list, and in no particular order. German Orientalism scholarship concerns:
 <ext>European travel-writing about the Middle East, South Asia, and East Asia, as
well as depictions of such journeys in the visual arts
 Biographies of specific Orientalists
 Attempts to foster “cross-cultural understanding”
 Theoretical discussions of Orientalism, colonialism, and postcolonialism
 The role of Asian religions in European philosophy
 The Indo-Aryan “Myth” and the anthropology of race
 The ideological roots of German Nationalism and National Socialism
 Language, Philology, Translation, and the Institutionalization of Orientalism in
German Universities
 Indian intellectuals’ views of German work</ext>
The foundational scholarly text for the study of German Indology, Raymond Schwab’s
La renaissance orientale, was published in 1950 and between 1950 and 1981 the most prominent
contributions to this literature include A. Leslie Willson (1964), Ernst Behler (1968), Léon
Poliakov (1971), and Wilhelm Halbfass (1981). We might gloss the trajectory of this work as
citing the dramatic philosophical and anthropological importance of the “Oriental Renaissance”
for European intellectual history, to explaining the ways in which European scholars
mythologized Asia, to vilifying the abuse of such mythology for racist ends, to a more sober and
comprehensive attempt to understand the utility of Indo-German cultural relations.
Despite these foundational texts in the field, the German case had received much less
attention than its English or French counterparts until rather recently. It was really not until the
1990s that the study of German Orientalism hit its stride, with the work of Dorothy M. Figueira,
Ronald Inden, Partha Mitter, Kamakshi Murti, Sheldon Pollock, and Susanne Zantop, to name
only a few major contributors to what has become a growing field of inquiry. Much of this
groundbreaking work, particularly in regard to German Indology, has been a response to the
notion that Germany, which, unlike England and France, came to colonialism late and on a
smaller scale, did not share with its European neighbors the same kind of exoticizing power
dynamics.
In Orientalism (1978), Said does not acknowledge the enormous project of German
national self-determination with which German Indology was intertwined, for the Germans were
the groundbreaking Sanskrit scholars of the nineteenth century, during a period in which they
also struggled to define themselves in relation to both Latinate and Christian culture and as a
modern nation. Figueira faults Said for consigning the Orientalist himself to a position that is
<ext>merely a function of political forces rather than an expression of the private motives
and desires that inspire the individual artist or scholar. Said’s argument disregards the
testimony of a text’s language, reception, and character as narrative, poetry, translation,
or scholarship. By linking texts with certain cultural practices, Said imposes a
systematized coherence on the historical past that presupposes the political experience of
the twentieth century. (56)</ext>
Indeed, this criticism is particularly relevant to the study of late eighteenth- and nineteenthcentury German proponents of Indian wisdom, such as J. G. Herder and Friedrich Schlegel, for
they brought to the study of Sanskrit texts their own search to establish a set of German national
origins that were independent of the Greco-Roman and Judeo-Christian traditions. They also
strove to postulate how modern Germany might regenerate an enervated Europe and bring about
what they felt to be its enlightened (Lutheran or Catholic) destiny.
What Figueira emphasizes throughout her critique of Said is the personal nature of such
Orientalists’ engagement with India and, in his pioneering 1993 article, “Deep Orientalism?:
Notes on Sanskrit and Power beyond the Raj,” Sanskritist Sheldon Pollock makes a similar
critique. Pollock argues that German intellectuals were engaged in forms of “internal
colonialism”ii which employed ideas from and about India, Sanskrit, and Hinduism for their own
national interests (82). “The case of German Indology, a dominant form of European orientalism,
leads us to ask whether orientalism cannot be powerfully understood with reference to the
national political culture within which it is practiced as to the colony toward which it is directed”
(76). Thus, since the early 1990s, scholars such as Figueira and Pollock have sought to situate
the peculiar case of German Orientalism, and particularly German Indology, within a framework
that emphasizes the participants’ personal struggles to self-define. These are struggles to
reconcile Eastern and Western explanations of the universe and Europeans’ role in it as a means
of understanding their own geographical, linguistic, and spiritual origins, as well as their purpose
and destiny.
The early twenty-first century has continued what has become an explosion of exciting
new work (monographs, essay anthologies, and articles) on these categories of German
Orientalist scholarship cited above. At the risk of essentializing them myself (and I’m sure many
readers will have scholars to add to this list), some prominent recent contributions to the
literature might be classified as such:
 <ext>Todd Kontje has applied a more refined version of the Saidian model to the
study of German literary history
 Scholars such as Kamakshi P. Murti, Vasnat Kaiwar, Sucheta Muzumdar, and
Sumit Sarkar have addressed the intersections of race, gender, and nation, in
German Orientalism and modern India’s relationship to it
 Suzanne Marchand, Douglas McGetchin, and Indra Sengupta have concentrated
on institutionalized academic Orientalism
 Related to that work, Tuska Benes, Bradley Herling, and Pascale RobaultFeuerhahn have directed our attention to debates about hermeneutics, linguistics,
and philology within such institutionalization
 Nicholas Germana, Peter K. J. Park, Chen Tzoref-Ashkenazi, George S.
Williamson, and I have focused on the relationships between religion, aesthetics,
and nationalism in German Indology
 Thomas R Trautmann, Edwin Bryant, and Stefan Arvidsson have engaged new
debates about the mythology of “the Aryans” and Aryanism
 And scholars like Robert Irwin and Kris Manjapra have revisited the careers of
specific Orientalists and explored India intellectuals’ relations with
Germany.</ext>
As part of this recent wave of scholarship, the intention of this cluster of articles is to take
Figueira’s and Pollock’s critiques further and argue that, in the German case, Orientalism can
only be understood as a set of personal attempts to appropriate foreign concepts, motifs, and
stories in an effort to tell Germany’s own unique story. This cluster also seeks, though, to
question the critical and hermeneutical methods by which such understanding comes about.
<h1>This Cluster’s Contribution to the Field</>
The contribution of Bradley L. Herling in “‘Either a Hermeneutical Consciousness of a Critical
Consciousness’: Renegotiating Theories of the Germany-India Encounter” lies in his taking
stock of what the frameworks have been for theoretical debate historically and currently and
presenting a challenge to develop new models. Herling employs a distinction made by Paul
Ricoeur between “hermeneutical” and “critical” consciousnesses (identified with Hans-Georg
Gadamer and Jürgen Habermas, respectively) in his look at German India scholarship at the turn
of the nineteenth century and since, in the hope of understanding the paths it has forged. Then,
Herling attempts to “chart some new theory-driven pathways through the historical thicket of the
Germany/India encounter.”
In evoking one of the masterworks of the field, Wilhelm Halbfass’s India and Europe,
Herling notes that Halbfass (who, most would agree with Herling, came down on the side of
hermeneutics) specifically emphasized that “gaining better knowledge about India in Germany
depended entirely on India becoming a genuine challenge to the self-understanding of German
intellectuals; they were prompted to become Other to themselves.” Herling then turns to recent
scholars such as Ronald Inden and Kamakshi Murti, who have emphasized the European
feminization of Indian thought and the dramatic ramifications of its concomitant racial
hierarchizations, as examples of the “critical consciousness” in action.
In the central portion of his essay, Herling traces the “hermeneutical consciousness” in
the early German interpretation of the Bhagavadgītā from Herder (via Friedrich Schlegel, Franz
Bopp, and August Wilhelm Schlegel) to Wilhelm von Humboldt, emphasizing the eventual
tempering of initial and developed Gadamerian “prejudices.” He then, however, points out how
Humboldt’s hermeneutical openness was appropriated by others and employed in the further
reinforcement of power relationships. Thus, Herling asks, “How should this history be done, and
assuming that it can be done faithfully, what conclusions should we draw from it?” He wonders
whether recognition of the potential further enforcement of power imbalances texts that are
hermeneutically careful and make real strides in cross-cultural understanding does not cancel out
both schools of “consciousness.”
In the hope of bridging this impasse, Herling then points out scholarly contributions that
have attempted, à la Ricoeur, to synthesize the hermeneutic and the critical, works by A. Leslie
Willson, Richard King, Dorothy Figueira, and Bruce Lincoln. He argues that, “we must be able
to account for both intellectual progress and ideological retrenchment.” Herling proposes the
“revivifying of the old vocabulary of ‘myth’ and ‘logos’ to distinguish and describe the
prejudicial structures that we find in the work of intellectuals and their communities.” “Myth,” as
“ideology in narrative form” corresponds to the “critical consciousness” and “logos” corresponds
to the “application of technique and method to the project of cross-cultural understanding.”
Herling also usefully emphasizes looking at how intellectual communities transform “pre-ideas”
into concepts that often hang around long after they have exhausted their use, as well as the
actual “event[s] of contact between European intellectuals and India.” Finally, Herling advocates
for close reading of the ways in which textual practices were undertaken, from the native
teachers of the foreign languages to local debates on such issues as canonicity to the ways in
which translations of foreign texts were presented to the public.
*<!>Please use an ornament rather than the asterisk<!>
Nicholas A. Germana’s work on German Orientalism has brought together the strains of
argument pertaining to the development of German political self-determination and the
institutionalization of its Orientalism. His “Self-Othering in German Orientalism: The Case of
Friedrich Schlegel” addresses the well-known lacuna in Said’s account of Orientalism by
extending and elaborating on the “internal colonialism” argument made by scholars like Sheldon
Pollock. Germana argues that Germany employed imagery of the Orient in the late eighteenth
and early nineteenth centuries, not to identify itself with European colonial powers such as
England and France, but to identify itself with Asia, in a process of “self-Othering.”
Germana contextualizes the unusual relationship between German self-Othering and the
Sonderweg thesis in German history by drawing parallels to Irish Orientalism and to British
feminism, as well as by pointing out some of its precedents in idealized descriptions of the
inhabitants of the New World by Montaigne and Las Casas. Germana finds that, for German
intellectuals, self-Othering is “a curious rhetorical strategy which involves two distinct forms or
acts of Othering—the imaginative construction of the oriental Other with whom to identify, and
of the western imperial Other, against whom one is seeking to construct an identity.” This
“provide[s] the starkest possible contrast between oriental Germany and the corrupting, even
barbarous West.”
Germana then addresses two scholars “whose arguments are noteworthy for taking the
examination of German Orientalism in a slightly different and intriguing direction by drawing
attention to the identification of many German thinkers with the victims of French and British
imperialism”: Susanne Zantop and Todd Kontje. He notes that “Zantop acutely concluded that
‘as German states are overrun by French revolutionary armies, (some) Germans discover their
kinship with other ‘enslaved’ or ‘colonized’ peoples.’” While Kontje resolves that, “‘the very
lack of a unified nation-state and the absence of empire contributed to the development of a
peculiarly German Orientalism. German writers oscillated between identifying their country with
the rest of Europe against the Orient and allying themselves with selected parts of the East
against the West’ (2–3).” Thus, Germana further emphasizes, alongside Liah Greenfield, the
ambivalent relationship of Germany to Western Europe, based on anxiety about cultural
competition.
Germana then moves on to Friedrich Schlegel, as an example that refutes Said’s
contention that Europe was always held up by Orientalists as the Orient’s “contrasting image,
idea, personality, experience.” He traces Schlegel’s early Orientalist career, his criticisms of
Latinate (i.e., French) culture, and the identification of German culture with that of Vedic South
Asia, paying particular attention to how they play out in his Über die Sprache und Weisheit der
Indier (1808). He laments, however, and perhaps will provoke some other scholar, that, “the shift
from his early, vague, romantic Orientalism to his more earnest investigation into ancient Indian
language and thought has been left unexplored” thus far.
*<Please use an ornament rather than an asterisk<!>
Finally, in “Indo-German Connections, Hermeneutical and Critical, in the First World War,”
Douglas T. McGetchin finds the two poles in German Orientalism that Herling discusses in his
essay, glossed by McGetchin as “a Saidian focus on power differentials and exploitation versus a
Gadamerian emphasis on shared dialogue,” in the First World War. McGetchin notes in the
German support of revolutionary movements in countries such as India a conflict between the
impulse to support social underdogs who sought to free themselves from despotic, often colonial,
governments, and the impulse to attempt to build their own German empire on the English
model. The Indo-German connections during the First World War, he goes on, defy merely
hermeneutical or critical interpretation, for the German attempt to undermine British power
among South Asians and the Indian independence movement abroad comprised only the latest
episode in a relationship of mutual interest and admiration that deeply intertwined philological
investigation, textual exegesis, philosophical speculation, and political pragmatism.
In the first half of his essay, McGetchin traces the complexities of these contradictory
relationships, emphasizing the role of South Asian revolutionary expatriates and their
trepidacious relations with German powers, through the example of Virendranath “Chatto”
Chattopadhyaya’s Berlin India Committee and Baron von Oppenheim’s Muslim plan. He notes,
“unlike the European-Middle Easterner adversarial dynamic Edward Said documents, both
Indians and Germans were fixated on the anti-colonial struggle of prying British control away
from the Indian subcontinent. Thus, the German interest in helping Indian independence was
linked directly to a mutual enemy, the British.” Yet, he adds that, “Germans disparaged Indians
as ‘coloured Englishmen,’” and that they criticized (then copied) the “savage” tactics of India
troops fighting for the British on the Western Front.
McGetchin then connects the initial Indomania of the early German Romantics to the
polyvalent early-twentieth-century German view of South Asia. “The tensions within German
attitudes towards India have to do with the differences between the ‘official Germans’ of
diplomatic and military circles and that of Germans who were influenced by the strain of India
culture intensely studied by German scholars.” He quotes Nirode K. Barooah, who points out
that, “educated Indians never got any sympathy for their political aspirations from the official
Germans throughout the pre-War period... The German diplomats in India being down-to-earth
practical men of business had nothing to do with ancient Indian history and culture. One does not
find in their reports a mention of Indology and its impact in Germany ... [and] many ... found
some of the Hindu customs simply revolting.” And McGetchin uses figures such as the
Indologist Helmuth von Glasenapp as examples of those unique characters that embodied both of
these attitudes. On the whole, however, during the period of the First World War, “official
critical interaction trumped cultural hermeneutics,” for “the Germans’ hearts were more with the
British as fellow Europeans than with the Indians.”
The Weimar Republic would see a wider, more liberal view of South Asian culture. Yet,
the ambivalent relationship is charted in postwar Indian literature that reflects on the period. In
this second half of the essay, McGetchin turns to literature and focuses on Mulk Raj Anand’s
Across the Black Waters (1940) and W. Somerset Maugham’s Ashenden (1941) as examples of
this hermeneutical-critical tension. Anand’s novel largely centers on the respect and curiosity
shown each for the other between Indian sepoys and German soldiers, and “represents the
fruition of the anti-British ‘agitation’ that Chatto and his Berlin Committee sought to propagate.”
Maugham’s Ashenden presents the wish fulfillment of the British capture of a fictionalized
Chatto. In the end, McGetchin decides that, “perhaps the greatest legacy Indo-German
cooperation during the First World War had was on the Indian independence movement.”
McGetchin recognizes and employs the wider definition of the term “hermeneutic,” emphasizing
not so much its exegetical utility as its larger significance in cross-cultural understanding.
<h1>Conclusion</>
McGetchin is one of the few people exploring the early twentieth-century developments in
German Indomania who is not exclusively preoccupied with Nietzsche or with trying to explain
the ideological origins of the Third Reich. His nuanced approach to the constellation of
relationships between Germans, Indians, and Englishmen shows how complex these
relationships were, governed by ever-shifting political agendas as well as by elective affinities.
Similarly, Germana turns the idea of subalternaity inside out, highlighting the ways in which
figures such as Schlegel identify by turns with Europe and with South Asia depending on the
philosophical or political issue under review. Such methods of investigation answer Herling’s
call for models that balance the critical and the hermeneutical, for, without being purely
psychological, they privilege the inconsistency of personal affiliations. The future of these
studies, at least immediately, will lie in pulling back from the personal and balancing it with
more macrocosmic preoccupations, associations, and prejudices, in an effort to understand how
the personal becomes the global and vice versa.
The “Oriental Renaissance” began on the eve of Romanticism, would be transformed by
empirical and biological concerns in the periods of Realism and Naturalism, and would revivify
and further mutate its Romantic beginning through the Modernist period. It would oscillate
between great ogygian myths, hopeful philosophical similarities, supposedly irrefutable scientific
proofs, and arguments for enlightened European destinies. Similarly, scholarship on German
Orientalism has oscillated between exposés of racism, the damning or deepening or supposed
philosophical parallels, the further use of empirical science to prove or disprove theories of
origin, and arguments for how the lessons gleaned from such investigations might lead to the
enlightened destiny of all people. But, just as the German Orientalist writing that is most useful
engages Indian thought and culture on its own terms in an attempt to respectfully understand it,
so must scholarship in this field attempt to understand the milieus in which such texts were
written, in all their various facets: political, philosophical, aesthetic, religious, institutional, the
personal, and the global.
<#><aff>Kingsborough Community College of the City University of New York</>
<bmh>Works Cited</>
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<bib>Jenkins, Jennifer. “German Orientalism: Introduction,” Comparative Studies of South Asia,
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<bib>Marchand, Suzanne L. German Orientalism in the Age of Empire: Religion, Race, and
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<bib>Pollock, Sheldon. “Deep Orientalism?: Notes on Sanskrit and Power Beyond the Raj.”
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<bmh>Select Bibliography of Scholarship on German Indology, 1950–2010</>
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<bib>Arvidsson, Stefan. Aryan Idols: Indo-European Mythology as Ideology and Science. Trans.
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<bmh>Notes</>
<en>i See the selected bibliography of scholarship on German Indology at the end of this
introduction for each contributor’s publications in this field.
ii
Sheldon Pollock, “Deep Orientalism?: Notes on Sanskrit and Power Beyond the Raj” 82.</en>