Institute of Political Studies of Paris
"Doctoral School of Sciences-po
Doctoral program of political science
STAKE
Phd in political science - political
Theory
Co-supervision of thesis
Freie Universität Berlin
Linz Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften
OTTO-SUHR-INSTITUTE
Dissertation zur Erlangung of
akademischen Grades
Doctor rerum politicarum (Dr. rer. pol.)
Cotutelle-Verfahren
Kleros & Demos:
The theory of the draw in politics to the
test bench the practice of
the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens.
Die Theory of Losverfahrens in der Politik
auf dem Prufstand der Praxis der
Planungszelle und der jury citizen
Antoine VERGNE
Thesis directed by
Gil DELANNOI, professor of political
science, Science-Po Paris
Univ. - Prof. Dr Gerhard GOHLER,
Professor Emeritus, Freie Universitat
Berlin
Dissertation, the November 07, 2011 JURY:
Mrs. M. H. Bryan Kozman, Professor,
Western Paris Nanterre La Defense, Prerapporteur
MR. H. BUCHSTEIN,
Professor, Universitat Greifswald, Prerapporteur
MR. G. DELANNOI, professor of political
science, Science-Po Paris
MR. G. GOHLER, Professor
Emeritus, Freie Universitat Berlin
Table of contents
French Text
Table of illustrations
.....................................................................
...................................... 11
Genre..........................................................
.................................................................
Summary - Abstract
.....................................................................
.......................................... 17
Avantpropos.........................................................
...........................................................
Introduction...............................................
.....................................................................
Part 1: The theory of the prize draw in
policy ........................................................
33
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
.....................................................................
........ 35
1. The drawing within the procedures of
choice
.....................................................................
. 36
1.1 " Who gets what, when and
how? ≪........................................................
...... 36
1.2 Selection Procedures and procedural
blocks
...................................................................
38
1.3 The specificity of the draw: the random
moment
........................................................ 41
1.4 Lotteries
"natural " and " artificial "...........................
...................................... 43
1.5 Balance Sheet
.....................................................................
................................................... 44
2. The hardware operation or the black box
of the draw
.......................................................... 45
2.1 The " price " and the pool of options
.....................................................................
...... 45
2.2 The pool of sorteables
.....................................................................
........................ 46
2.3 The random moment or palos
.....................................................................
................. 47
2.4 The confirmation and the margin of
maneuver
.............................................................. 51
2.5 Conclusion
.....................................................................
......................................... 52
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
............................................................... 53
3.1 The justification, or the reasons of the
draw
..................................................................
54
3.2 The receipt, or the interpretations of
the draw
........................................................ 64
3.3 The existence of frames anything
economically exploitable
.....................................................................
69
4. To prototypes of drawing
.....................................................................
.................... 69
4.1 Review of existing typologies
.....................................................................
.......... 70
4.2 A typology in terms of prototypes
.....................................................................
.. 75
4.3 Proposal of typology
.....................................................................
...................... 76
2
5. Conclusions
.....................................................................
........................................... 88
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
......................... 91
1. Methodology
.....................................................................
............................................ 92
1.1 Delimitation of the corpus
.....................................................................
................................. 92
1.2 Thematic distribution of texts
.....................................................................
.......... 93
1.3 Analysis scientometrics of the corpus
.....................................................................
.... 94
2. The descriptive texts and historical
.....................................................................
........... 98
2.1 The wide-field: Random, statistical and
literature ....................................................
98
2.2 Historical texts and descriptive studies
................................................................ 99
3. Explore the potential of drawing
.....................................................................
.................. 103
4. The texts containing proposals
.....................................................................
...... 104
4.1 Lotteries: distribute goods and evils by
drawing .................................................
105
4.2 The drawing as a method of rational
decision and fair ................................ 107
4.3 Distribute the power by drawing: The
proposals of sortition ..............................
109
5. The emergence of a new paradigm
within the political philosophy ?
................. 114
5.1 Hypothesis
.....................................................................
............................................. 114
5.2 Bibliometric indicators that confirm
effect you may estimate a particular
project .................................. 115
5.3 The development of a network
d'acteurs
................................................................
122
6. Conclusions
.....................................................................
............................................. 125
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
........................................................ 127
1. Definition of the field investigations
.........................................
.....................................................................
........ 128
1.1 Corpus
.....................................................................
............................................ 128
1.2 Structuring was debate of being studied
................................................................
128
2. The " crises " of the political system
liberal
..................................................................
129
2.1 " A crisis of representation that never
ends not ≪.................................. 129
2.2 The (non)-participation
.....................................................................
....................... 134
2.3 Deconstruct the foundations of liberal
regimes ............................................... 137
2.4 A crisis of legitimacy generalized
.....................................................................
... 143
2.5 Best Practices, of Athens mini-publics
....................................... 144
3. A new democratic era
.....................................................................
............... 145
3.1 Represented by the drawing
.....................................................................
......................... 146
3
3.2 Participate in the lottery
.....................................................................
....................... 151
3.3 " Politicize
society ≪.....................................................
......................................... 153
3.4 A new company, without " new man "
on.......................................................... 156
3.5 A common line face the criticism
................................................................
160
4. Diversity and differences
.....................................................................
.......................... 162
4.1 Representation and deliberation
.....................................................................
......... 162
4.2 The citizen competence in debate
....................................................................
165
4.3 The intellectual affinities varied
....................................................................
167
5. Put into perspective
.....................................................................
............................... 169
5.1 Precursors, pioneers and smugglers: a
historical perspective ................ 170
5.2 Various approaches: a highlighted
theoretical .......................................... 173
6. Conclusions
.....................................................................
............................................. 177
Part 2: Aix and Poitiers, the theory in
the roadtest
....................................................... 179
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic ... 181
1. Overview of a gradual renaissance
.....................................................................
..... 182
1.1 A myriad jobs
.....................................................................
........................ 182
1.2 Limitation of the field investigations
.........................................
.....................................................................
. 185
2. Planungszelle and Citizens Jury, models
pioneers of mini-publics .........................
186
2.1 Methodology: a study of diffusion of
innovations .......................................... 186
2.2 1969 - 1979: the emergence of a
political innovation
............................................. 187
2.3 1979 - 2002: a slow process of
maturation
..................................................... 198
2.4 2002 - 2009: Crisis and stabilization
.....................................................................
.. 202
3. Apparitions, dissemination and
hybridisation: the multiplication of models
of mini-public. .205
3.1 Two original models
.....................................................................
.................. 205
3.2 The hybrids: a constellation of models
more or less ambitious .................. 208
3.3 The mini-public arrive in France
.....................................................................
... 210
4. Reasons for the choice of the models
Planungszelle and jury citizen
....................................... 212
4.1 Analytical Return
.....................................................................
................................ 212
4.2 Models adapted to the empirical test
.................................................................
218
5. Operationalization of research: Aachen
and Poitiers ............................... 220
5.1 The reasons for the choice of these
examples
....................................................................
220
5.2 " Eine neue Abfallgebuhrensatzung as
Aachen ≪.................................................
221
4
5.3 " Assessment of regional action in the
fight against climate change " on228
6. Conclusions
.....................................................................
............................................. 232
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action ?
................................................ 235
1. Methodology
.....................................................................
....................................... 236
1.1 The arrangements put in place Aix-laChapelle (A)
................................................... 236
1.2 The arrangements put in place in
Poitou-Charentes (SC)
................................................ 238
1.3 Translate the expectations
.....................................................................
........................ 240
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
.................................................................
240
2.1 A Stellvertretung really more faithful
............................................................ 240
2.2 A tilt relative to the mandate
.....................................................................
.. 246
2.3 A proper accountability in the eyes of
actors ................................. 268
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation ?
....................................................................
271
3.1 All and not everyone: " We have a
small end of the world has our
table ≪........... 271
3.2 " The opinion of Mr. all-the-world " ?
.....................................................................
..... 274
3.3 The empowerment of citizens
.....................................................................
............. 278
3.4 Become the decisive voter: The power
of individual citizens ..............................
283
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies ?
........................................................ 285
4.1 Make the power to the people
.....................................................................
.............. 285
4.2 The mini-public and its environment:
the question of legitimacy ........................
292
4.3 A new society without new Man
............................................................. 300
5. Conclusions
.....................................................................
............................................. 307
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
........................................................ 313
1. Hagen has Sydney and Vancouver has
Wenling: The potential of mini-publics
........... 314
1.1 Methodology
.....................................................................
........................................ 314
1.2 The Reprasentation
.....................................................................
............................ 315
1.3 The participation
.....................................................................
................................ 318
1.4 The deliberation and the power of the
people
.................................................................
320
1.5 Toward a new society
.....................................................................
................ 322
1.6 Balance Sheet
.....................................................................
............................................... 324
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public ? .............................................
325
2.1 Exceed the weaknesses in based on
practices ......................................... 325
2.2 Toward the criteria of quality renewed
................................................................
328
5
2.3 Open questions
.....................................................................
....................... 338
3. The conditions for achieving the policy
aleatorienne .............................................
339
3.1 A change desirable?
.....................................................................
............... 340
3.2 A desired change ?
.....................................................................
.................. 345
3.3 Balance Sheet
.....................................................................
............................................... 348
4. What agenda for the theory of the draw
in politics ?
.................................................... 349
4.1 The scenarios of change
.....................................................................
............ 349
4.2 Research Questions
.....................................................................
................... 353
5. Conclusions
.....................................................................
............................................ 355
Conclusion..................................................
....................................................................
1. Inputs of being studied
.....................................................................
................................... 357
1.1 A typology relevant
.....................................................................
.................. 357
1.2 The emergence of a theory of
democracy random
.......................................... 358
1.3 The mini-public: An innovation come
Germany. .......................................... 359
1.4 A theory that past the roadtest
.....................................................................
360
2. Limitations and open questions
.....................................................................
.................. 361
2.1 A typology incomplete
.....................................................................
............... 361
2.2 " The age of the draw " on is it " on
us " ?
.................................................................
362
2.3 The limits of the methodology
.....................................................................
....... 363
2.4 Some of the unfulfilled expectations
.....................................................................
............ 364
3. " Create the world of tomorrow "
on.................................................................
.................... 366
Bibliographie..............................................
.....................................................................
Annexes......................................................
...................................................................
1. Abbreviations
.....................................................................
.............................................. 397
2. Documents relating to chapter 4
.....................................................................
.............. 398
2.1 Questionnaire sent to members of the
network Planungszelle ................................
398
2.2 Estimation of the number of
Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and
derivatives ...................... 399
2.3 Estimation of the number of
conferences of citizens in France
................................ 400
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
.....................................................................
.............. 401
3.1 Arrangements put in place Aix-laChapelle (A)
............................................................ 401
3.2 Mechanism put in place in PoitouCharentes (SC)
................................................ 413
6
Deutsche Zusammenfassung
Zusammenfassung - Abstract
.....................................................................
....................... 429
Einführung.................................................
....................................................................
Eine Renaissance, die Fragen aufwirft
.....................................................................
.. 431
Stand der Forschung
.....................................................................
............................... 432
Method und Aufbau der Arbeit
.....................................................................
................. 433
Le Teil 1: Die Theory of Losverfahrens
in der Politik
.......................................................... 437
'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of
Losverfahrens
.....................................................................
.... 439
Losverfahren als Auswahlverfahren
.....................................................................
.............. 439
"Wer bekommt was, wann und wie?"
.....................................................................
..... 439
Die Besonderheiten der einzelnen
Auswahlverfahren
................................................. 441
Der prozedurale Block
.....................................................................
........................... 443
Blackbox Losverfahren
.....................................................................
............................... 444
Der Pool der Items, der Ausgange und der
Kandidatinnen ..........................................
444
Das aleatorische Moment, oder Palos
.....................................................................
.... 445
Die Bestatigung
.....................................................................
...................................... 447
Das Los im Kontext: Rechtfertigung und
Rezeption of Verfahrens
................................ 448
Pro und kontra Kleros: die Rechtfertigung
of Losverfahrens .....................................
448
Die Interpretation of Zufalligen und die
Rezeption of Losverfahrens ......................
454
The Prototypen Losverfahrens
.....................................................................
...................... 455
Ubersicht der existierenden Typologien
.....................................................................
. 456
Die Theory der Prototypen
.....................................................................
.................. 458
Vorschlag einer Typology
.....................................................................
...................... 459
'Pralatenwein' 2: Losverfahren und
politische Philosophy: eine Untersuchung
szientometrische ........ 465
Korpus.........................................................
.................................................................
465
Deskriptive und erkundende Text
.....................................................................
............ 466
Befurwortende Text
.....................................................................
.................................. 468
Lotterien
.....................................................................
............................................... 468
Das Los als Instrument rationaler und
fairer identifiable ......................................
469
7
Posten, oder Sortition und elektives
Losverfahren
....................................................... 470
Ein neuer Ansatz in der politischen
Philosophie?
............................................................. 472
Hypothesis
.....................................................................
................................................ 472
Methodik
.....................................................................
................................................ 473
Ergebnisse
.....................................................................
............................................. 474
Zusammenfassung
.....................................................................
...................................... 478
'Pralatenwein' 3: Hin zu einer Theory der
Demokratie aleatorischen
................................................ 481
Die Krisen of liberalen politischen
Systems
...................................................................
481
Reprasentation und Partizipation in der
'............................................................. 481
Die Dekonstruktion der Fundamente der
liberalen Demokratie ..................................
483
Eine neue party spectrum comprises Ara
.....................................................................
...................... 485
Eine gerechtere Stellvertretung und eine
neue Form der Reprasentation
..................... 485
Gone, nicht jeder: die Partizipation durch
das Losverfahren
......................................... 487
Die Entpolitisierung der Gesellschaft
.....................................................................
..... 488
Eine neue Gesellschaft ohne "neue
Menschen"
........................................................ 489
Vielfaltigkeit und Diskrepanzen
.....................................................................
......................... 489
Die Debate um die genaue Bedeutung von
Deliberation, Reprasentativitat und
Kompetenz
.....................................................................
........................................................... 490
Die Vielfaltigkeit der Diskurse und
Instrumented
........................................................... 490
Zusammenfassung
.....................................................................
...................................... 492
Le Teil 2: Aachen und Poitiers, die
Theory auf dem Prüfstand
........................................ 494
'Pralatenwein' 4: Planungszelle und jury
citizen: zwei ALLE MODELLE der
Demokratie aleatorischen ........... 496
Kurzer Uberblick einer Renaissance
.....................................................................
........... 496
Planungszelle und Citizens Jury als a
Pioneer der Minipopuli
....................................... 496
1969 - 1979: "Neue Entwicklungen
fordern ein neues Instrumentarium"
.................. 497
1980 - 1991: zwischen begrenzter
Verbreitung und Vorzeigeprojekten
....................... 499
1992 - 2002: partizipativer Boom und
Anerkennung ausländischer Flüchtlinge
international ............................ 500
2002 - 2011: 'und Beginn eines neuen
Zyklus ...................................................
502
Begrundung der Auswahl der
Planungszelle und der jury citizen
.................................... 504
Die Vermehrung und Verbreitung der
ALLE MODELLE von Minipopuli
................................. 504
Planungszelle und jury citizen als
geeignete Instrumented der Forschung
.................. 507
8
Aachen und Poitiers: Prasentation und
Begrundung der empirischen
Forschungsfelder ... 508
Begrundung der Auswahl
.....................................................................
....................... 508
Eine neue Mullgebuhrensatzung fur die
Stadt Aachen
................................................. 508
Evaluierung der regionalen Klimapolitik
der Poitou-Charentes Region
....................... 510
'Pralatenwein' 5: Aachen und Poitiers: die
Theory in Aktion?
............................................................ 512
Method
.....................................................................
........................................................... 512
Teilnehmende Beobachtung (A1 - A2 / P1
- P2) .................................................. 512
Schriftliche Evaluierung (P2)
.....................................................................
................ 512
Interviews (A2 - A3 - A4 / P3 - P4 - P5)
.....................................................................
........ 513
Dokumentanalyse (A5 / P6)
.....................................................................
......................... 513
Nacherhebung (A6 / P7)
.....................................................................
........................ 513
Anpassung der Erwartungen year das
Forschungsfeld
.................................................... 513
Reprasentieren durch das Los und die
Deliberation
............................................................. 514
Eine Stellvertretung, die tatsachlich
reprasentativer ist ..................................
514
Die Reprasentation der basis in den
Minipopuli .................................................
516
Eine ausreichende accountability
.....................................................................
................. 518
Partizipieren durch das Los und die
Deliberation
............................................................. 519
Gone, nicht jeder: "We have a small piece
of the world has our table"
.......................... 520
"The opinion of Mr. tout-le-monde?"
.....................................................................
............... 521
Die Minipopuli als Ort der
Selbstbefahigung
.............................................................. 522
Die "entscheidende Wahlerin"
.....................................................................
............... 524
Der Minipopulus als neue
Minigesellschaft?
....................................................................
525
Die tatsachliche Macht der ausgelosten
Burgerinnen
................................................. 525
Die Legitimitat
.....................................................................
....................................... 527
Eine neue Gesellschaft ohne "neue
Menschen"
........................................................ 529
Fazit.............................................................
.............................................................. 531
'Pralatenwein' 6: Umrisse einer
aleatorischen Politik
....................................................................
532
Von Hagen bis Sydney, von Vancouver bis
Wenling: das Potential der Minipopuli
.......... 532
Method
.....................................................................
............................................... 532
Ergebnisse
.....................................................................
............................................. 533
Welches institutional Design fur die
Minipopuli?
............................................................ 536
Schwachen und best practices
.....................................................................
............... 536
Hin zu erneuerten Qualitatsstandards
.....................................................................
.... 537
9
Offener Kanal Fragen
.....................................................................
......................................... 541
Realisierungsbedingungen der
aleatorischen Politik
........................................................... 541
Ist der servers are restarted] Wandel
wunschenswert?
.....................................................................
................. 541
Ist der servers are restarted] Wandel
erwunscht?
.....................................................................
...................... 542
Welche Agenda fur die Theory der
aleatorischen Demokratie?
....................................... 544
Szenarien of Wandels
.....................................................................
.......................... 544
Neue theoretische und empirische
Forschungsfragen
................................................. 545
Fazit............................................................
...............................................................
10
Table of illustrations
Table of illustrations
Illustration 1: The procedural block
.....................................................................
................................. 39
Illustration 2: Divination by the spells
(kleromanteia) in the presence of Athena in this case, lithobolie or jet stones.
Source: Wikimedia
.....................................................................
................................ 44
Illustration 3: The different procedures of
choice.
.....................................................................
....... 44
Illustration 4: The kleroteria machine or a
pull to the fate. Photo Credit MR. GirodLaine .......... 49
Illustration 5: representativeness and weak
law of large numbers, an example
...................................... 50
Illustration 6: The random moment or
Palos is surrounded by precautions
deterministic and intentional aimed a
check the procedure and whittle away the
contents of the random draw.
............................................ 53
Illustration 7: The goddess Fortuna.
Source: Wikimedia
.....................................................................
........................ 65
Illustration 8: The types of hardware
operations, summary.
........................................................ 78
Illustration 9: The prototype as a result of
the cross between a hardware operation of
drawing and a way to justify and interpret
slights
.....................................................................
........................ 79
Illustration 10: The procedure of choice as
the result of a hardware operation and of
an intellectual operation.
.....................................................................
...........................................................
Illustration 11: Summary of prototypes.
The question marks correspond to the
crossovers either unlikely either for which
it has not yet found a prototype.
............................................. 87
Illustration 12: thematic distribution of the
texts of the corpus
....................................................................
95
Illustration 13: Calculation of the density
of the matrix of citations.
........................................................ 96
Illustration 14: Summary of proposals
concerning the sortition of legislative
items .......................... 113
Illustration 15: Evolution of the number of
annual publications.
.......................................................... 115
Illustration 16: cumulation of annual
publications
.....................................................................
............. 116
Illustration 17: The annual number of
cross-citations
.....................................................................
.... 117
Illustration 18: Cumulative cross-citations
.....................................................................
.......................... 117
Illustration 19: annual share in % of
written quotations and cross
................................................ 117
Illustration 20: Relation between the share
of writings and share of cross-citations. A
negative number indicates that the number
of cross-citations is proportionately
greater than that of publications ....... 118
Illustration 21: Rate of intercitation and
annual average in %
...................................................................
118
Illustration 22: Density of the matrix of
citations
.....................................................................
......... 119
Illustration 23: centrality of publications
.....................................................................
...................... 119
Illustration 24: centrality of the authors
.....................................................................
............................ 120
Illustration 25: The Matthew effect:
number of citations received by the
authors of the matrix ................ 120
Illustration 26: relative share of types of
texts in the corpus
............................................................ 122
Illustration 27: Dienel (dr.) and his
collaborators before the models proposed
by the citizens during the project on the
future of the city center of Cologne - 1980
.....................................................................
.... 198
Figure 28: Number of projects of
Planungszellen in Germany. Own
Calculations .........................................
201
Illustration 29: Number of Planungszellen
in Germany. Own Calculations
........................................ 201
Illustration 30: Estimate of the number of
Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and
derivatives in the world. Cal11
Table of illustrations
Cul
propres........................................................
.................................................................
Illustration 31: Members of the German
network of promoters. Own Calculations
....................................... 203
Illustration 32: The dissemination of minipublic.
.....................................................................
........... 215
Illustration 33: The report citizen
.....................................................................
.............................. 225
Illustration 34: The rehabilitation of the
Burgergutachten has Aix-la-Chapelle: In
the background, the participants. Before
has left the mayor of Aix-la-Chapelle.
Right H. Lietzmann of the FBPUW
.............................. 225
Illustration 35: Calculation of the tax
depending on the pricing model with three
examples for 2007.
.....................................................................
...........................................................
Illustration 36: The program of work of
the Planungszellen
............................................................ 227
Illustration 37: The official handover of
the opinion (right to left: two participants,
the chairman of the regional council, the
vice-president in charge of the
environment and the vice-president in
charge of democracy).
.....................................................................
...........................................................
Illustration 38: The program of work of
the jury of citizens of Poitou-Charentes
.................................. 231
Illustration 39: Place of residence of the
persons interviewed in Poitou-Charentes
.............................. 239
Illustration 40: geographical origin of
participants has Aix-la-Chapelle
.......................................... 241
Illustration 41: geographical origin of
participants in Poitou-Charentes
...................................... 242
Illustration 42: population structure of
participants has Aix-la-Chapelle
..................................... 243
Illustration 43: population structure of
participants in Poitou-Charentes
................................. 243
Illustration 44: distribution by gender of
the participants has Aix-la-Chapelle.
........................................ 243
Figure 45: distribution by gender of the
participants in Poitou-Charentes
....................................... 244
Illustration 46: occupational distribution
of participants in Poitou-Charentes
....................... 244
Illustration 47: feeling of participants on
their representativeness.
................................................. 245
Illustration 48: presumed Interests and/or
defended by the actors has Aix-la-Chapelle
............................ 249
Illustration 49: presumed Interests and/or
defended by the actors in PoitouCharentes ....................... 250
Illustration 50: the citizens at work has
Aix-la-Chapelle
.................................................................
253
Illustration 51: evaluation Questionnaire
of the jury citizen picto-charentais
...................................... 255
Illustration 52: Title for a plan of action
has Aix-la-Chapelle: " that sorts,
benefited! ≪............................... 258
Illustration 53: a proposal which exceeds
the mandate is the favorite of the
participants (in down on the sheet
rajoutee)......................................................
.................................................................
Illustration 54: Example of questionnaire
for the work in a small group.
......................................... 266
Illustration 55: a participant has Poitiers,
working on " the climate crisis " on.
............................ 276
Illustration 56: Activity socio-political
participants
....................................................................
286
Illustration 57: Aix-la-Chapelle. The
recommendations of the citizens and their
implementation ................ 291
Illustration 58: Associations between
drawing, vote and a series of concept
................................................ 302
Figure 59: Summary of the results of the
empirical study
........................................................... 311
Illustration 60: Corpus of empirical
studies of mini-publics
.............................................................. 315
Illustration 61: Criteria of qualities for the
mini-publics
..................................................................
329
Illustration 62: Prototypes of procedures
of choice.
.....................................................................
..... 358
Figure 63: Estimated number of
Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and
derivatives. Detail by country. 12
Table of illustrations
Calculations
propres........................................................
.................................................................
Illustration 64: French Experiences of
conferences of citizens. Estimate the
04.01.10 . 400 .............
Abbildung 65: Die Unterschiede zwischen
den Auswahlverfahren.
................................................... 443
Abbildung 66: Der prozedurale Block
.....................................................................
.................................................. 444
Abbildung 67: Fortuna. What: Wikimedia
.....................................................................
.................. 454
Abbildung 68: Die Prototypen of
Losverfahrens. Fragezeichen bedeuten,
dass kein passender Prototyp
wurde...........................................................
................................................................
stations are included in
Abbildung 69: Verteilung der Text der :
inleidende studie
.....................................................................
................... 466
Abbildung 70: Deskriptive Text Zusammenfassung
.....................................................................
.. 468
Abbildung 71: Ubersicht der Vorschlage
fur die Sortition der legislativen Posten
............................... 472
Abbildung 72: Can be sampled again der
Publikationen pro Jahr
.....................................................................
....... 474
Abbildung 73: Can be sampled again der
Publikationen insgesamt
.....................................................................
..... 475
Abbildung 74: Can be sampled again der
Publikationen, thematisch geordnet
............................................................ 475
Abbildung 75: Dichte der Zitationsmatrix
.....................................................................
........................ 476
Abbildung 76: Zahl der wechselweisen
Zitationen pro Jahr
...................................................................
476
Abbildung 77: Zahl der Zitationen
wechselweisen insgesamt
............................................................. 476
Abbildung 78: Rate der wechselweisen
Zitationen in Prozent
............................................................. 477
Abbildung 79: Zentralitat der
Veroffentlichungen
.....................................................................
........ 477
Abbildung 80: Zentralitat der Autorinnen
.....................................................................
........................ 477
Abbildung 81: Can be sampled again der
Planungszellen in Deutschland.
PROGRAMNAME Berechnung
.................................. 500
Abbildung 82: Can be sampled again der
Planungszellen-Projekte in Deutschland.
PROGRAMNAME Berechnung
.................... 501
Abbildung 83: Can be sampled again der
Planungszellen, Citizens Juries und
Ableitungen you can look up SAES.
Schatzung.. 501
Abbildung 84: Die Arbeit in der
Planungszelle
.....................................................................
.............. 509
Abbildung 85: Geographische Verteilung
der Teilnehmenden in Poitou-Charentes
.............................. 515
Abbildung 86: Altersstruktur der
Teilnehmenden in Aachen
.............................................................. 515
Abbildung 87: Altersstruktur der
Teilnehmenden in Poitou-Charentes .
............................................. 515
Abbildung 88: Berufssoziologisches
Profile der franzosischen Teilnehmenden
..................................... 516
Abbildung 89: Gefuhlte Reprasentativitat
der Teilnehmenden.
............................................................ 516
Abbildung 90: Vertretene / angenommene
Basis der Akteure in Aachen
...................................... 517
Abbildung 91: Vertretene / angenommene
Basis der Akteure in Poitou-Charentes
....................... 517
Abbildung 92: Commitment der
Teilnehmenden
.....................................................................
........... 525
Abbildung 93: Die Ubergabe of
Burgergutachtens in Poitiers. Von Links
nach Rechts: Die Vize-Prasidentin as
Demokratie, die Vize-Prasidentin fur
Umweltfragen, die Prasidentin, und zwei
Teilnehmerinnen
.....................................................................
..........................................
................................... 528
Abbildung 94: Korpus der Falle , und'
rules on advertising by fur die
Kontextualisierung
....................................... 533
Abbildung 95: Zusammenfassung der
Qualitatskriterien fur die Minipopuli
....................................... 540
Abbildung 96: Prototypen von
Auswahlverfahren.
.....................................................................
...... 549
13
Kind
Kind
Make a co-guardianship has collateral
effects interesting. I had written my
memory of end of studies entirely in the
masculine, by setting aside the question of
the kind by a short preliminary remark and
was referring to citizens. My studies and
my research in Germany have taught me
has use the form double, that
of BurgerInnen. By returning to France for
my memory of master i was using then in
French the form citizens-born, more
consistent but widely more complex has
employ due to the agreement of adjectives
in French. In the articles published since I
have been in the habit - what a coincidence
- to solve the problem by a drawing of lots.
For the thesis, the workpiece has turned
once again, and it is finally the male who
is out. The German text is written with the
female form. 15
Summary
Summary
The thesis takes as field of investigation a
corpus of texts in which are located the
proposals for introduction of the draw in
politics and poses the question of their
consistency and of their relevance: the
publications do they form a whole that
could be described as " theory of
democracy " on random ? If yes, the
expectations formulated by its proponents
vis-a-vis the practice are utopian or, on the
contrary, are they carried out in
experiments using the draw of participants,
such as the " mini-public " on ? The
quantitative and qualitative analysis of the
corpus leads to the conclusion that was
well case was the emergence of a theory
which is built around a frame was debate
collective and common set of expectations:
the draw would be the solution to the
crises damning the liberal democracies. Its
use would achieve a better formal
representation and substantial, a
participation qualitatively and
quantitatively increased, and reorganize
the democracy on a new legitimacy, more
procedural and dynamic. The thesis then
answered the second question in passing
the theory to the test bench of the practice
of a Planungszelle and a jury of citizens,
two models of mini-public in which
citizens are recruited by drawing in order
to develop recommendations for public
policy. The empirical survey qualitative
allows you to move forward that most of
the expectations are fulfilled, but in a
framework has limited scope, which raises
the dual question of conditions of
realization of the theory and of the
possibilities of improving systems for
mini-public through a new institutional
engineering.
Keywords: prize draw, sortition,
democracy theory random, mini-public,
deliberative democracy, participatory
democracy, Planungszelle, Citizens Jury,
jury of citizens.
17
Abstract
The field of investigation of this thesis is a
corpus of texts containing proposals for the
introduction of random selection schemes
in politics. The thesis questions the
relevance and coherence of argument texts:
do the publications form a theoretical
whole that could be equivalent labelled as
a "theory of aleatory democracy"? If so,
do the expectations raised by its supporters
remain merely utopian gold do they stand
the test of the political practice? The
quantitative and qualitative analysis of the
text corpus leads to the conclusion that we
are in fact dealing with the emergence of a
theory and that tea we provide assay
services authors develop a common frame
was debate and common expectations: the
use of random selection in politics could
be a solution to overcome the crises of
liberal democracies. Its use would allow a
better formal and substantiel
representation, has qualitatively and
quantitatively anacronym participation,
and give birth to a new, more procedural
and dynamic form of legitimacy. Thesis
expectations are then tested with the help
of two mini-public, that is to say,
experiments in participatory democracy
that use random selection to recruit their
participants: has Planungszelle and a
Citizens' Jury. The qualitative empirical
investigation shows that most of the
expectations are Yorkers, although only in
a limited geographical, social and political
frame. Thesis results raise the double issue
of the conditions for the realization of the
theory and of the possible improvement of
the mini-public mechanisms through
institutional engineering.
Keywords: random selection, sortition,
theory of aleatory democracy, mini-public,
deliberative democracy, participatory
democracy, Planungszelle, Citizens
Jury, jury of citizens.
Foreword
Foreword
This is in May 2001, either there are more
than ten years that I have been for the first
time faced in the prize draw in politics,
when going from one room of course has
the other i fell on a poster announcing a
conference of " Roger Sizif ≪, at the
center of which was the following text:
Stochocratie, n.c. Polit. : System in which
parliamentarians and rulers are designated
by the drawing of lots. This system,
invented in France at the end of the
twentieth century, was gradually adopted
by the western countries as a whole, the
fact of its excellence and its effectiveness.
Syn. Democracy-loto, lotocratie. ≪ Extract
from the universal Dictionary of the
twenty-first century.
The idea attracts me immediately and i
decided to go see this conference.
Unfortunately, it was already passed since
a week. The subject, him, continua has me
work ; a tel point elsewhere that i decided
to make it the theme of my memory of end
of study two years later, pompously
entitled " The democratic stochocratie:
proposal to resolve the crises of liberal
democracy and achieve has a regime truly
democratic " on. The latter - headed by
Claire Conte and " Roger of Sizif ≪ itself ended by the next call: " Stochocrates of
all countries let us all unite! Let the
revolution stochocratique! ≪
This impassioned appeal had in fact
nothing new and, without knowing it, I
was only reinvent as others before and
after me a frame was debate that I have
finished by define in this thesis as " theory
of democracy random ≪. Numbers of
academics but also citizens have in effect,
based on the ancient democracy or the
republics venetian and florentine, handed
over in debate to the question of election
as monopolistic tool of choice of
representatives and have proposed to
reintroduce the draw in the methodological
arsenal of the democratic party. On
arriving in Germany the following year, I
put in head to begin a thesis on what i
much managerial astuteness in the
meantime the " neodemocratie " and which
was to be the continuation of the work of
memory. Two major elements have yet
given a tower entirely new has this project.
First, I began to discover the works such as
those of John Burnheim and Barbara
Goodwin, who opened a world undreamt
of research and reflections on the draw in
politics. The " stochocrates ≪ existed,
under the name of kleroterions, a mailing
list by electronic mail bringing together
a 21
Foreword
Small number of interested and founded by
off remarks": Conall Boyle in 2004. And
each year brought her batch of new texts
supporters and exploratory which were
worth the trouble to be approaches under a
systematic angle. Secondly, I realized by a
happy coincidence that existed in Germany
for more than thirty years a model of
democracy in which the selection of
participants was done by lot:
the Planungszelle. Once again, opened a
field full of research and experiments
which, beyond the " planning cell " on,
comprised a series of process gathered
today under the term of " mini-public " on.
I'd come in contact with the network of
promoters of the German model and
learned to know the practice
of Planungszellen. The confrontation of
these two worlds made me appear with
great fanfare that they were very little
related. The cross search between the
theoretical and empirical approaches were
rare; but above all, the question of the
consistency and relevance of the theory of
the draw on the ground was not asked even
when the experiments suitable for the test
were booming: my thesis subject was born.
Today, the mailing list has been thought,
the research on participatory democracy
have flourished, those on the printout are
exponentially developed and approaches
crossing theory and practice of the draw
are proliferating. For my part I have
learned to take a critical position vis-a-vis
the drawing tool. The enthusiasm of
departure is still present, but if I consider
the kleros as a valid instrument in the
palette of democratic procedures, it does
seem to me for a long time more as the
miracle solution to the challenges of
democracy of the twenty-first century.
This is the great contribution that has given
me this research work.
***
The whole of the work would not have
been made possible without the support of
my two research directors, Gerhard Gohler
of 2004 and Gil Delannoi from 2005
onwards. Their critical remarks have
enabled me to make progress in the
definition of my object of research, in my
methods, in my reflection on the draw and
in the learning of the scientific method. In
this context, I would also like to thank
Danielle Cabanis' dream which allowed
me to follow a master opening the doors of
the enrollment in thesis in France.
I had not originally planned to carry out an
empirical study, but the meeting of actors
of land in France and in Germany has
prompted me to do this not. In Germany,
Susanne Buy link22
Foreword
Berg, Marc Schulz and Hans Lietzman i
was greatly helped and supported in the
monitoring and study of Planungszellen of
Aix-la-Chapelle. Marion Ben-Hammo ,
Sophie Bouchet-Petersen , the team of
public tasks as well as Yves Sintomer, I
have launched and then accompanied on
the runway of the jury picto-charentais and
on the roads in the area during my
interviews. It is the occasion to thank all
the participants to the two experiences
with which I have been able to exchange
during the sessions and which I have for
many of them and greeted them for talks
and se are submitted in good grace in the
inquiry in writing then.
The family Dienel, Hans-Liudger Dienel in
particular, has offered me the unique
opportunity to be able to work in the
bottom of Peter Dienel has Elstal. This
work of literature review and cataloguing,
albeit that imposing by the quantity of
material (120 cartons of moves) has helped
me to understand the history of the
emergence and dissemination of minipublic by the prism of one of the major
players in their development. The seminar
of Elstal has made this research possible in
welcoming the bottom and me putting its
material means a provision.
The Kleroterions have played a central
role in the evolution of my research, they
should be thanked here, any specially
Connall Boyle who helped me in a lot of
translations into English, but also Barbara
Goodwin, Oliver Dowlen, Peter Stone and
Hubertus Buchstein. My interest for
the Planungszelle was first awakened by
Peter Dienel, optimistic drinker that I had
the chance to know. During our first
meeting, he asked me if I wanted to
translate his book of 1978 in French to
publicize better the Planungszelle in
France. The project has not yet been
completed, but the work done on the
manuscript did much to advance my
knowledge on the model and its
employment. The group of promoters of
the Planungszelle has also been a fruitful
forum of exchange, i think including a
Hilmar Sturm, Benno trutken and Ilse
Burgass. On the other side of the Atlantic,
my thanks go to Ned Crosby with which I
have been able to exchange in long e-mails
on the emergence and development
of Citizens Juries.
Beyond these exchanges, work has fed
countless discussions between friends on
the draw and democracy and valuable
corrections, critical remarks and readings
working versions of the thesis. For its
support day after day and for more than
three years I want especially to thank Sara
Iglesias. For their presence despite the
distance, my parents and my family.
Maximilian Girod-Laine , Chi-Huy Tran,
Marius Haber23
Foreword
Land, Nicolas Schaeffer, Karen
Schierhorn, Lisa Carstensen and Anna
Langenbruch who have read and reread my
text in French and patiently corrected my
german up until the last day.
If the scientific work feeds on discussions,
the scientist must him to eat, just short.
That is why I again thank my parents for
their financial support, the orna
(Interdisciplinary Center for Study and
Research on Germany) for his scholarship
of short duration, the Heinrich-Boll
foundation who granted me a research
grant of three years as well as the Region
of Ile-de-France through its device SETCI
(Support has the framework of thesis in
International Doctoral) which have helped
to carry out the project. 24
Introduction
A renaissance
We observed since a quarantine of years
the publication of texts of more and more
many dealing with the prize draw as a
method of selection and distribution. A
part of the studies is of a historical nature
and traces the jobs gone from what the
Ancient Greeks were appointing kleros,
the venetians of the brevia renaissance and
the Spaniards from the time of the
Reconquista , insaculacion. Another group
of texts is interested in drawing in more
exploratory and seeks to understand the
logic, the nature and the compares to other
selection procedures such as the elective
vote or the market. In a last set of
publications, the authors of the texts take a
position more committed and are
supporters or even activists of the
circulation: they propose to introduce, or
rather to reintroduce, the draw policy to
distribute goods rare, important political
positions, or even to take decisions1.
This development represents a sort
of " renaissance ". The draw, after a long
eclipse in practice stretching of the liberal
revolutions of the 17th century until the
end of 1960 becomes little has little a
center of interest of the academic research.
What is equally exciting is that
publications which it is question here are
very close to each other in their
construction was debate and their corpus
of examples and historical references, but
have - until very recently - developed in a
manner largely independent of each other.
The authors cite very few conversely and
do not seem to consider - and be
considered - as a coherent whole, as part of
a common corpus. It is this paradox that
emerged from the first issue of the
thesis: the multiplication of research and
publications on the draw does it mean that
emerges from a theory of the prize draw in
politics, consisting of a common
foundation of references, of anything
economically exploitable frames shared
and similar expectations vis-a-vis the
political practice?
1The term policy will be taken here in a
broad sense including both the distribution
of scarce resources that the process of
collective decision-making has mandatory
character.
Introduction
In addition, in the political practice, the
drawing seems to have been reborn from
its ashes. Since the end of the second
world war, it has been, and is still used, to
distribute goods rare such that of organs, to
select of conscripts, to distribute
permissions to stay, social housing or
admissions to the university. He has also
been a new employee to select of the
citizens in order to occupy political posts
in the framework of models that were
grouped today under the designation
of " mini-public " on. However, and this is
still an interesting paradox, the renaissance
of the practice that observed for forty years
is long performed very independently of
the theory. When Peter Dienel shall meet
in 1973 for the first time, a group of 25
citizens learned the fate on the registers of
inhabitants of the town of Schwelm
business unit in order to discuss the
garbage, he does not know that Robert
Dahl had proposed three years earlier, in a
book published in the United States, the
creation of a deliberative assembly pulled
to the fate. And this same Dahl does not
mention in 1987, when he reformulated
more precisely its proposal by qualifying it
as a " mini-populus ≪ that
the Planungszelle of Dienel has already
been used a hundred times in Germany.
And yet in both cases, it is a matter of
combining of citizens by the drawing of
lots to deliberate on the policy and make
recommendations. It was the intuition that
the reasons are relatives, that the
expectations and motivations of the
practice from sticking to those developed
in the theory. It is from this observation
that is born the second research question of
the present work: the mini-public could
they be a privileged terrain to test the
theory of the prize draw in politics, if there
is such a theory exists?
Research Question
By putting in parallel the two questions
that I have just been present, it is in a
position to formulate the overall question
of the thesis: the proposals of the
reintroduction of the draw in politics
which has been increasing for a
quarantine of years are they only of
modern utopias or do they have a real
potential for the future of the liberal
democracies? And do they get the test
bench of the practice? It is as well to put in
the center of the work the whole discursive
constituted by the proposals pro-drawing
in order to test their consistency and their
relevance in the context of actual models
of participation based on the draw.
26
Introduction
State of research
To this day, two publications only seem to
have qualified the texts on the draw of
coherent body. The first is an article by
John Snider (2007) who called Yale School
of Democratic Reform a group of sponsors
around Dahl (1970) including for example
Fishkin (1995) and O'Leary (2006).
According to Snider, the main idea of this
school of thought is that " a large,
randomly selected sample of American
voters could be brought together to
deliberate in such a way that some of the
most intractable problems of America's
representative democracy could be
solved " (Snider 2007, 3). Article of
Snider is particularly interesting because it
highlights very well before the frame was
debate presented in a large part of texts
supporters regarding the draw of
representatives. He did not know however
that the majority of the proposals are not
derived from academic north-Americans
and that the distribution of posts is not the
only area of reflection of the supporters of
the draw. These dimensions are however
taken into account by the second
publication, that of Buchstein (2009a)
which qualified the whole text
of aleatorische Demokratietheorie - theory
of democracy random - and which he
defines as " normative ein Projekt mit dem
Ziel, die Rationalitatspotentiale of
Zufallsprinzips as modern Demokratien
nutzbar zu machen " (Buchstein 2009a,
343). The approach of Buchstein, more
broad and comprehensive terms, represents
a solid basis for the purpose of answering
the first research question, the one
concerning the emergence of a theory of
the prize draw in politics, but should be
supplemented and deepened by a more
systematic approach given that his
approach is not quantitative and thus
ignores a part of publications.
The question of the relevance of the minipublic as a tool for testing the proposals of
random democracy was for the first time
dealt with by Carson & Martin (1999)
which, starting from the proposal
of " demarchie ≪ formulated by Burnheim
(1985) mobilizing then their experience of
facilitators of mini-public (Citizens' Juries)
in the aim to prove the merits of the
theoretical construction. The comparable
publications post resume the same schema
in starting the more often in the history of
the drawing before to be interested in the
mini-public who are regarded as being the
contemporary application the most
promising of the principle of the prize
draw. This is for example the case of
Schmidt (2001) or Sintomer (2007). Other
publications are opting for a reverse
pattern and begin by dealing with the minipublic as an instrument of participatory
democracy and deliberative before
formulating a 27
Introduction
Theoretical proposal more ambitious
(Gastil 2000 ; Ackermann & Fishkin
2004). Considered in their entirety, these
publications reinforce the intuition that the
mini-public could be a suitable field test.
But they earn has be supplemented
because most take as input door the theory
of deliberative democracy and leave to one
side of the central concerns expressed in
the theoretical propositions of the theory of
democracy random, what we will see in
detail in the work.
Finally, the overall question of the
potential of the prize draw in the liberal
democracies has been recently addressed
by the books of Dowlen (2008a) or Stone
(2011) and more generally by all the
sponsors supporters of the draw but has
not yet received a response based on an
empirical study. That is why it is the center
of interest of this research work.
Approach and Methodology
The crossover approach the political theory
and political science empirical in order to
test the theoretical expectations grace has
the qualitative study of two models with
recourse to the prize draw. From a
methodological point of view we decided
to alternate between an inductive approach
and deductive method: the process of
research has thus begins with the census
and the reading of the theoretical
propositions, continued with two field
studies conducted of inductive manner,
before building the theory in student
quantitatively and qualitatively the corpus
of theoretical texts and then analyze the
empirical material in view of the
expectations and assumptions contained in
the theory. Finally, a subsequent
investigation has enabled us to complete
the empirical study of deductive. More
specifically, the thesis mobilized four
methodological tools corresponding to the
successive questions of the work.
The first chapter of the thesis takes the
form of a typological work inspired by the
linguistic theory of prototypes (Rosch
1973 ; 1978), defined as " a medium form,
characterized by the attributes the more
typical ≪ (Girard 2006, 296) in order to
propose a classification dynamic and
flexible forms of draw on the basis of the
existing typologies, as they are intrinsic
(Sher 1980; Goodwin 2005), procedural
(Bromberger & Ravis 1987; Elster 1987),
functional (Buchstein 2009a) or combined
(Delannoi 2010 ; Sintomer 2007). This
work will provide the analytical basis for
entering, to order and to put in relationship
the forms of drawing that we will meet in
the course of the work as a whole. 28
Introduction
The second methodological tool mobilized
in the thesis, and which constitutes the
object second chapter, is the scientometrie,
that is to say the " measure of scientific
activity in a particular area " (Gingras
2008, 3). It will be the basis of the
quantitative study to answer the question
of the existence of a coherent body of texts
dealing with the draw. This analysis,
corresponding to the second chapter, will
be in two distinct steps. We will begin by
identifying inductive manner all of the
texts having to main subject the draw in
order to build a database of 318 texts
which, once cleaned of duplicates
(multiple publications of the same book or
translations), of gray literature
(manuscripts) as well as of the earlier texts
has 1945 will constitute a corpus of 205
texts. These will be then submitted has a
bibliometric study systematic (Havemann
2009) which will confirm, from a
quantitative point of view, the assumption
of the existence of a theory of democracy
random.
We can then, in the third chapter, to
apprehend in qualitative as the corpus of
texts and we will restrict to do this the
examination to the proposals concerning
the drawing of political posts because they
are the most numerous and that they
present the spectrum of arguments and
expectations the more broad. The study
will see that the speech of the sponsors
supporters of the drawing may be densified
in the form of theory which we will detail
the presuppositions, the frame was debate
and hopes vis-a-vis the practice.
This theory of democracy random may
then be passed to the test bench of the
practice through an empirical study which
will constitute the second part of the thesis
and will begin logically by the
identification of a suitable land in the
fourth chapter. We will blaze has this
effect the field of jobs contemporaries of
the drawing before to focus on the uses of
type mini-public in due first to the affinity
between theory of democracy and random
mini-public that we will put in before. This
choice also based on the fact that the
majority of the proposals concern of
deliberative posts and on the observation
that the distribution of posts is a
phenomenon which has truly undergone a
renaissance since the end of the second
world war, while most of the other
practices have existed without interruption
since longer. Finally, the mini-public are
complex constructions which allow you to
test a wide range of theoretical
expectations. The choice of specific
models and areas of research in the
category of mini-public will be
successfully carried out by the detour of a
study of dissemination of social
innovations inspired 29
Introduction
The approach of Rogers (2003), based on
the results of the archive, and the
indexation of the substance Peter Dienel
constitutes of documents on
the Planungszelle but also on all the
variations of mini-public because of the
centrality of this researcher in the field.
We will choose then informed
the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens
as test patterns. The first for its pioneering
nature, standardized, history and because it
remains the most employee has this day
and the second for its youth, its aspect
strongly hybrid, its character of first in
France (policy evaluation) and its anchor
in a political context and different
discursive (including its greater proximity
with the theory of democracy random).
Finally, attention will be given to the two
lands forming the base of the empirical
study.
Chapter five will be devoted to the project
of Planungszelle " eine neue
Abfallgebuhrensatzung as Aachen ≪2
achieved in 2007 has Aix-la-Chapelle and
the jury citizen " assessment of regional
action in the fight against climate
change " organised by the regional council
of Poitou-Charentes in 2008. The
empirical study will be based on the
counting of a qualitative survey
comprising two participating observations
carried out in November 2007 and June
2008, a series of 57 semi-structured
interviews carried out with all the players
present (participants, organizers,
facilitators, politicians, administrative),
two questionnaires (the first during the
sequence of mini-public and the second
respectively three years and two and a half
years after) as well as a study of media
impact and that an analysis of texts
produced during the two projects (steering
committees, record of
sessions, Burgergutachten, opinion citizen,
administrative documents and policies).
The exploitation of the results of the
survey will enable us to judge the
achievement of the expectations of the
theory within the limited framework of the
two experiments.
In a last chapter, it will be to contextualise
the empirical research by means of a
comparative study by passing a twenties of
experiences of mini-public similar to those
of Aix-la-Chapelle and of Poitiers in the
sieve of the grid of reading of chapter five.
The result of this study will allow the
formulation of recommendations for
institutional engineering concerning the
mini-public. We then continue the
contextualization at the theoretical level by
posing this time the question of conditions
of realization of the theory of democracy
random within liberal democracies before
concluding on a possible research agenda
in this area.
2" A new system of pricing of household
garbage for Aix-la-Chapelle " on.
30
Part 1: The theory of the prize draw in
politics
(Kleros)
" I would propose the creation of what
might be called a mini-populus. Its
members would be a group of randomly
selected citizens, who would serve for a
limited period: let us say a thousand
citizens serving for a year, when they
would be replaced with a new minipopulus. More than one mini-populus
would be desirable. One might decide on
the agenda of issues, while several others
might each pesticidal concerned with one
of the major issues. A mini-populus could
exist at any level of government, national,
regional, or local. ... During their year
members would be attended, again by
means of telecommunications, by an
advisory committee of scholars, and has
staff monitored by the advisory committee.
At the end of its year, has mini-populus
would indicate the preference ordering of
its members among the most under
alternatives in the policy area assigned to
it. A mini-populus would not be a
lawmaking body, however, goal would
director-generalor what the public would
prefer pesticidal if the public were as well
informed as their fellow citizens in the
mini-populus had become during their
period of service. If decision makers were
to disagree with a mini-populus, they
would need to explain the reasons for their
disagreement. ≪
Dahl (1987, 205-206).
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
The concept of drawing lots seems at first
sight intuitive because it is known to all of
us and used in everyday life. As well,
during a loto, of a jury or judicial before a
football match, lots are drawn. However,
quote these three examples is sufficient to
sow doubt: we realize that it is in fact a
procedure that takes the faces greatly
different to the consequences extremely
varied. Understand the draw need therefore
to be interested has its multiple uses, has
what the differential treatment, the closer,
allows you to compare, define. To enter
the nature simple and yet complex of the
draw we will choose a modular approach
and we will begin by defining it as a
procedure of choice based on the use
artificial and controlled of the random (1.1
and 1.2 ). We will then forward its
specificity in relation to other types of
procedures (1.3 and 1.4 ) This will open
the " black box " of the process to clarify
the operation " physical " on, hardware
drawing (2). We focus then has the
intellectual environment that surrounds
any concrete use of draw (3). To finish,
we will be discussing the possibility of
formulating a typology (4) based on the
work already achieved (4.1 ) and propose
the formulation of " prototype "
on drawing (4.2 ).
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
1. The drawing within the procedures of
choice
1.1 "Who gets what, when and how? "
" But we will try now to deal with a
background of the establishment of the
judiciaries. The differences may relate
only to three terms various whose
combinations should give all possible
modes of organization. These three terms
are: first the voters, in the second place the
eligible, finally the mode of appointment. "
On Aristotle (Politics, book IV, chapter
12).
During the democratic era of the ancient
Athenian, the 500 advisers of the
trackball were chosen according to a
procedure which we today is well known:
its members (the boulotai or bouleutes)
were drawn out each year from among all
the citizens of the city, older than 30 years,
through shelves of bronze coins minted in
their name1. Suite has this draw the
citizens chosen spent
the dokimasia (docimasie), a procedure
during which the potential bouleutes
should respond has a series of questions
before the outgoing Council regarding
their family, their ambitions but also any
question that the Council saw fit to ask.
The end of the docimasie consisted in a
vote has freehand on the approval or
rejection of the candidate. If one thinks in
terms of procedure, such a conduct raises
at least four questions in echo has those
posed by Aristotle: what is distributed /
allocated? How, that is-a-say between
which, by whom and on what terms?
Why? And with what consequences? To
answer, you have to be interested in the
concept of procedure of choice which is according to the formula remained famous
- the same definition of the policy as
activity of distribution of limited
resources, also called items. In short,
" who gets what, when, and
how " (Lasswell 1935). The items shall
take three forms: that of batches, that of
posts and that of decisions,2. Even prior to
detail these three alternatives, it is
necessary to clarify what is meant
by " limited resources " on. In effect, in a
theoretical framework or the resources are
endless and completely equal, the problem
of the distribution does not arise real1See
(Blackwell 2003 ; Hansen 1999 ; Headlam
1891). The example of the ball will serve
as a wireless operator to the developments
in this chapter.
2Elster (1987, 108) speaks of decisions, of
resources, of stains and loads. The last two
words seem to refer to the same object, a
post office, but interpreted in a neutral
manner in the first case and negative in the
second. See infra, p. 37.
36
1. The drawing within the procedures of
choice
Faithfully. In contrast, when the items are
different and/or are not infinite (or
divisible has the infinite) and/or that it is
important to know that the will in the first,
it is located in the presence of limited
resources (Goodwin 2005, 59).
The group of batches is divided classically
between batches hardware (a computer)
and intangible (a right of entry has a
computer fair). The group of posts is an
area much more vast but that the you can
enter in a functionalist perspective as a set
of tasks to be accomplished. We can divide
between political posts (concerning
therefore mainly the distribution of limited
resources) and non-political. The posts not
policies represent the vast majority of this
category and correspond to the jobs (jobs).
The theory is granted has distinguish 6
groups of functions in the political posts.
The statutory items (1) whose proponents
have to stain to formulate and adopt the
whole of the laws governing a political
body. When it comes to the law supreme,
there is talk of posts of the constituent
power (2). The executive posts (3) whose
purpose is for the persons exercising to
implement the laws. The judicial positions
(4) whose proponents have to function to
check the adequacy of laws has the law
supreme (constitutional judge) and punish
non compliance with the laws in force
(judicial court). The advisory positions (5)
which the holders have to role of help by
the discussion and deliberation the
proponents of the other functions in their
work, without having them-even a power
of decision. The elective posts (6) which
allocate has their holders the function to
carry out a procedure of choice concerning
another node3 authority. The group of
decisions returns as he was the concept of
adoption of an alternative that is-a-say of a
course of action plan4. Lots, positions and
decisions are therefore the three types of
items that can be subjected to a procedure
of choice. We will talk about in the first
two cases of distribution and decisionmaking in the third.
As will be seen later in detail, but it is not
useless to clarify now, that the name given
to the items varies according to the
interpretation positive, negative or neutral
only in font the actors in the presence
during the distribution. When it comes to
the distribution of the lots, there will be
talk of " goods " or " evils " ; with regard
to posts we will be talking of honors or of
loads. The decisions may sometimes
receive the qualifier of " tragic " (Calabresi
& Bobbit 1978) or " difficult " ( UllmanMargalit 2007). Finally, an item may be
divisible or not and indi3The
Posts giving the function to distribute the
lots would be of an executive nature
(administrative).
4And to know if we will go to the left or
right at the next junction, we can draw a
stack or face or watch the signs. In the first
case the decision is made by a drawing and
in the second by an examination.
37
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Individual or collective. If the second case
includes by itself - there is a fundamental
difference between individual decisions
and collective decisions or private lots and
lots collective - the divisibility called a
note. People advance in effect often that a
well divisible is not a problem of
distribution, because that it is enough to
divide it into as many parts as there are
pretenders. This assertion is valid but
neglected that we might want to give more
has some that has other or that it may be
important to know who will be the item
first.
These elements allow you to answer the
question of " what " on, concerning the
procedure for the selection of bouleutes: it
was a post, consultative and individual.
The consultative nature coming from the
fact that the Council had for role to prepare
the proposals of law which were then
submitted to the people's assembly
(Bleicken 1995).
1.2Selection Procedures and procedural
blocks
Repeating now the complete process, one
can be interested in the second question
related to the activity of distribution of
limited resources, that of the " how? ≪.
The literature is granted has define a
procedure of choice or selection, also
called allocation procedure (Buchstein
2009a) as a process of reduction of a set of
items has a single item, " moving from
many options to just one "5. Elster offers a
definition based on two successive filters:
the first allows you to limit the number of
possible items to that of plausible items
and the second to reduce has a these
derniers6. By applying these definitions,
the distribution of posts of bouleutes
comprised three distinct stages and
successive reduction to arrive at the final
set: the drawing of the names of potential
bouleutes on the lists of citizens, a
docimasie conducted by the outgoing
council and a vote has freehand for
rejection or acceptance. This distinction is
however problematic given that it is
located face has three different procedures
within the same in a larger process, which
opens the door has a regression has infinity
(spiral without end) concerning the
beginning and the end of the
procedure5Ullmann-
Margalit & Morgenbesser (1977). This
definition also applies when one chooses
several items of the set if it is considered
that the choices are successive (the first
bouleute, the second, etc). See also Stone
(2007b) and Thiele (2008).
6Elster (1984, 76): " To explain why a
person in a given situation behaves in one
way rather than another, we can see his
action as the result of two successive
filtering processes. The first has the effect
of limiting the set of abstractly possible
actions to the feasible set, i.e. the set of
actions that simultaneously satisfy a
number of physical, technical, economic
and politico-legal constraints. The second
has the effect of singling out one member
of the feasible set as the action which is to
be carried out. ≪ We will come back on
this process in 2.1 and 2.2 , p. 45 and
following).
38
1. The drawing within the procedures of
choice
Lasts: who establishes the lists of citizens?
According to what procedures? Who
decides on the criteria for the review and
by what procedure? How this vote has
freehand? With what majority rule? As the
note Dowlen (2008a, 219), the draw has
been - from a historical point of view used most of the time in combination with
other procedures and it must take into
account this context. In fact it seems
necessary to differentiate between two
levels - that of the procedure and that of
the procedure within the procedure - what
we propose to do in introducing the
concept of procedural block which
corresponds to a logical articulation of one
or several procedural steps7 and that we
can illustrate using the example of the
bouleutes:
Step concrete
Verification of the nationality and age
Draw in the medium of bronze plaques
Docimasie
Vote has hand lifted
Procedures
Review on political criteria and biological
Prize Draw
Consideration on the basis of a
maintenance
Vote
Procedural Block
Selection of bouleutes
Illustration 1: The procedural block.
Two additional examples should help to
clarify this idea. During the years 60, the
United States government was distributing
plots of land that can contain the oil
through a draw against the purchase of a
ticket at a fixed price. The winners of the
plots had the right to resell them at the end
of a year (Haspel 1985). In this block we
sees a draw procedure surrounded by two
market procedures. Another good example
is the procedure for the selection of jurors
in France which begins with a review
(nationality, age), continues through the
drawing and ends by a review (capacity,
empechements). The advantage of the
concept is that it allows you to cut out the
actual procedures in order to analyze,
without losing sight of that they fit
together in the reality.
The use of such a tool requires however
the census of the different types of
procedures that can articulate in a block.
The literature regarding the types of
procedure of choice is, as the note
Buchstein (2009a, 232), relatively diffuse.
Itself distinguishes seven methods: the
vote, the drawing, the cooptation, the
auction, the strict rotation, the temporality
and the monopolized distribution
(distribution on the basis of benefits, of
abilities or
7Elster ( 1987,108 ) speaks of " higherorder decision " but its concept focuses on
the fact of knowing which decides to use
the draw and under what procedure. It does
not take into account the procedural sets
real, nor does it include the steps
subsequent to the decision.
39
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Needs). Elster as has offered him a
division between drawing, egalitarian
distribution, allocation according to the
needs, productivity or contributions,
market procedures, queue, rotation and
statut8. Kornhauser & Sager (1988)
distinguish four types: the vote, the tender
(on the merit or need), the market and the
tirage9. Saunders (2008, 361) distinguishes
between selection, draw and auction. The
intersection of these four lists and
consolidation of their common categories
allows you to propose a typology centered
around four procedures. The first - that we
have already discussed in the example of
bouleutes - is the vote, that the Greeks
were appointing psephos (Delannoi 2003).
The vote has been widely studied and
explored in its procedural aspects, but also
historical, mathematical, social and
cultural rights.10 however. This is the
standard procedure of selection of the
representatives in the liberal democracies
and we will see that it is strongly linked to
the draw procedure in some
frameworks/contexts. The second
procedure corresponds to what Buchstein
calls the auction and Elster the market and
that the Greeks were
appointing agora. This type was not
present in the choice of the bouleutes but is
often central during distribution process. A
procedure of market based on the
allocation through the meeting of an offer
and a request, all expressed in the form of
prices. Market procedures have been and
are still the subject of much research and
controversy that it is not for us here to
detail. The third type of procedure is the
consideration or the dokimasia11. A
review is a procedure during which the
candidates are judges on a list of criteria
that they must fulfill in order to be chosen.
This type covers categories co-optation,
strict rotation, temporality and
monopolized distribution developed by
Buchstein and the egalitarian distribution,
the allocation according to the needs, of
the productivity or of contributions as well
as the queue, the rotation and the statute
described by Elster. This broad coalition is
understandable if one considers that all of
these categories are in fact of the criteria
for a review procedure. As well, we may
have a review which the criterion is the
merit, or the fact of being come first
(queue at8Elster
(1987, 128) does not consider its list as
complete and is only concerned with the
first four.
9Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 483) : " In
Western, industrial societies thesis
procedures fall into three somewhat
crudely drawn categories. Two of these are
common and carry with them familiar
justifications from political philosophy.
Adjudicatory mechanism measure claims
for benefits or for relief from burdens
against standards of social value gold
entitlement ... Markets permit persons to
trade toward benefits gold away from
burdens ... The third category of allocative
device is neither common nor easy to
locate on the map of political philosophy.
Lotteries are distinguished most
prominently by the fact that they eschew
"rather than embrace identifiable elements
of personal desert gold social value;
lotteries are driven by chance, not reason "
on.
10It is impossible to do here is an
overview of the literature concerning the
vote as it is vast.
11Dowlen (2008a) speaks of screening,
Delannoi (2003, 2) of appointment and
Molino ( 1987,144 ) review.
40
1. The drawing within the procedures of
choice
Attempts) or even the fact of not yet
having had the item (rotation or strict
rotation). The fourth type of procedure is
the one that we are most interested: it is the
pulling or kleros. As we shall see later, it is
based on the principle of the random, i.e.
on a moment of indeterminacy.
How can we differentiate now these
procedures
(psephos, agora, dokimasia, kleros) of
each other? The stain is much more
difficult than it seems. That is why, while
we will try to demonstrate the particularity
of the kleros in detail, we will confine
itself to a of elements of an approach to the
other selection procedures.
In the first place the vote. It is a procedure
which goes through a time of choice - the
vote itself - during which individual
preferences will aggregate to become a
collective preference (Thiele 2008, 22).
Following the vote and by the application
of a rule of count (for example the simple
majority or consensus or even the
proportional), one obtains the collective
choice which will be retained. The market
process has the same processing operation
of a preference in choice through a price
and suite has an auction. The review is a
procedure more difficult to enter because
the transformation of preferences in choice
is done through the application of criteria
very varied, cumulative and highly
subjective. In the three types as well
defined, one sees the implementation of a
process of transformation of the preference
in choice by using a tool (the vote, the
price or a series of criteria). This process
is, in the case of the draw, interrupted.
1.3The specificity of the draw: the random
moment
In any drawing not rigged12 there is a
moment of complete indeterminacy. This
time is the specificity of the draw, its
originality deep. Dowlen (2008a, 11-30) is
called the blind estate (the moment blind).
Stone (2011, 22) speaks of nonpredictability: " It is unpredictability, then,
that characterizes a lottery, setting it apart
from other processes. " On The draw is a
time the actors lose control completely on
the procedure. They cannot - at this precise
moment - not the influence. The draw
is " completely free of intent " on and is
opposed to the other procedures
which " melt the result intentionally. ≪13
It is not a tool that
12Given that we thought about here " all
things being equal ", this accuracy is made
only once. We are talking here of prints
not fudged but also of votes or markets not
fudged.
13Schmidt (2000, 369) : " In man dem
Selbstverstandnis ... der Moderne, dann is
connected ihre Zuruckhaltung gegenuber
Losentscheiden vor german Master
Corporal Daran, dass sie anspruchsvoller
ist, es besser machen will ( ... ). Man
begnugt sich nicht mit irgendeiner
Regierung, irgendeinem Tater,
irgendeinem Gelehrten, es sollen) for nach
Mog41
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Can transform the preferences in choice.
That is why it seems justified to draw a
line between the drawing and the other
three methods of selection. Whereas in the
vote, the market and the examination, the
actors keep control throughout the process,
they are brought has the losing in a draw,
would-what a fraction of a second. This
property of the draw comes from the fact
that it is a procedure of " chance
organized ≪,
a " spacecraft " or " mechanism of
chance " ; it " reflects an intentional choice
to take a decision through a mechanism not
intentional " on14. In short, the specificity
of the prize draw is that it appeals to the
principle random. We will define this last
crossing in two dimensions which the first
returns to the formula of Cournot (1851,
30) that reduces a random event has
the " meeting of two causal chains
independent " on. The second is based on
the approach of Chaitin which defines a
series of random numbers such as that
which cannot be described by a simpler
formula that it itself, i.e. which cannot be
reduced to an algorithm: it is not possible
to put in place a method of prediction of
the result. Chaitin takes as example two
sets of figures: 01010101010101 and
011010110111100. While the first series
can be written " 7x01 " on the second must
remain such that elle15. These two
elements - the independent channels and
the inability to predict - represent the heart
even of the concept of random.
As to the word coincidence often used to
describe the same phenomenon, it seems to
be equivalent, even if it may have in
French a connotation less neutral in
French. We will therefore by the suite of
preference the second term, that of
random, leaving to one side the adjective
risky and password randomization which
have a connotation negative16.
Lichkeit die richtigen breast, und welches
die jeweils gegebenen richtigen sind,
ergibt sich aus der Know selbst, der
Kompetenz und Eignung der Bewerber,
unserem gemeinschaftlichen bekundeten
Willen, usw. ; Kurz, aus Grunden, die das
Ergebnis begrunden intentionnelle, vom
ersten bis zum letzten Schritt auf bewusst
getroffene identifiable zuruckzufuhren
konnen, statt es der Willkur against eines
bestimmten Richtung folgenden, ganz und
gar intentionsfrei funktionierenden
Entscheidungssubstituts zu uberlassen. ≪
14The first expression, organized chance
is to Goodwin (1984, 190), the
second, chance device ,of Aubert (1959,
2). The quote is from Elster (1987, 108)
: " Lotteries reflect year intentionnelle
choice to make the decision by a
nonintentional mechanism. ≪
15In the first case it was a transmission of
the message in terms of understanding and
the second in terms of expansion: the first
leaves place has an interpretation, the
second non- (Christmas 1991, 201).
16What the passage shows an interesting
paradox of the French language: the FTAA
is risky and the random is random.
42
1. The drawing within the procedures of
choice
1.4" Lotteries natural' and 'artificial'
The draw is therefore a procedure by
which the reduction of the set of options
has a unique option is done by using the
random. But it must still clarify what
exactly we mean recourse has the random.
There seems to be two options. The first
corresponds to what most of the writers
call the " lottery " on artificial and
corresponds to the procedures in which the
involved to agree has the time on the
appeal in the random principle but also on
the overall results possibles17. Has the
reverse in some prints the parties agree
only on the use has the random; these are
the are the " natural lottery ≪. An
illustration of this dichotomy is given by
Molino (1987, 140) : " There is the trace of
a fundamental opposition between the
procedures for drawing (of, buds) and the
procedures based on the production of a
configuration (divination by the sand, the
reve, scales). ≪ If found in both cases a
random moment, in the second, the margin
left has the interpretation is much stronger.
When a process based on the reading in the
bowels of an animal (haruspice), we do not
know the number of options and the
person in charge of the interpretation of the
result a great deal of freedom. In the case
of a launch of in contrast we formalized
the procedure in terms of probabilities. If
the latter has six faces, the probability of
obtaining each of the faces is 1/6: it is, if
we resumed the term of Stone, in a lottery
uncertain. If the two types of draw can also
be random one than the other, that which
changes, it is the control of actors on the
procedure. In a draw " natural " on, the
limits of the control are blurred, in a draw
artificial, the actors set the set of limits of
their influence. We must therefore
introduce a distinction even from within
the group of procedures for drawing. In
one case, one can refer to the
word kleros (cleros) that the Greeks used
to designate the draw in the framework of
the distribution of legacies but also of
political posts (among other the
trackball)18. It is located opposite has a
procedure containing a random moment,
but whose possible outcomes are known, it
is the lottery artificial. In the second case it
refers rather has the interpretation of an
event which has been produced by the
random and that the Greeks were
appointed by the name of kleromanteia,
the
17Elster speaking of lotteries formal and
informal (1987, 107). Stone offers the
same dichotomy in differentiating between
the " lotteries uncertain " on which are
those where the number of exits is known
and the " lotteries has risk " or they are not
(Stone 2008a, 21).
18It should be noted in this connection
that, initially, the word kleros meant has
both the land distributed by drawing and
the drawing itself. An analogy which is
found with the English word "batch"
which comes from the
Germanic hlot designating also the field
allocated by draw. Cf. Fienberg (1970,
255).
43
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Cleromancie, i.e. the divination (mantike semantics) based on a draw (kleros cleros), it is the lottery naturelle19.
1.5Balance Sheet
Thus, the draw or artificial cleros is one of
the four methods of choice has available to
distribute batches, positions and decisions
within a community politique20. In
opposition with the other types of
procedure - vote, market and review - it
contains a time more or less important to
indeterminacy during which the actors
voluntarily lose control on the procedure.
In practice, the drawing is nested with
other types of procedures in procedural
blocks.
Procedure of choice
Reduction Tool
Moving from many options ...
Psephos - vote
Aggregation of preferences through a vote
+ calculation mechanism.
...... To one.
Agora- market
Confrontation of preferences until the
balance through the price.
Dokimasia - docimasie
Review of the adequacy with the
predefined criteria (which correspond to
the preferences of the allocators).
Kleros - cleros
Random Moment
Kleromanteia - cleromancie
Random Moment + interpretation
Illustration 3: The different procedures of
choice.
These distinctions help answer has two of
the four questions concerning the
bouleutes that we asked ourselves at the
beginning of this chapter: the counselors
were chosen during a procedural block
comprising a cleros, a docimasie and a
vote (the " how? " On the departure) to fill
a deliberative function and individual
(the " what? ≪ Of departure). We do not
know however not yet how the cleros itself
operates, which is located in the " black
box " on the draw, that we will now open,
in the hope that it is not transformed into
Pandora's box.
19The semantics was not necessarily
preceded by a draw, for example when the
divination was based on visions or dreams.
20Now that the distinction is made
between draw natural and artificial we will
use the word prize draw in the second
sense, unless otherwise indicated.
44
Illustration 2: Divination by the spells
(kleromanteia) in the presence of Athena in this case, lithobolie or jet stones.
Source: Wikimedia.
2. The hardware operation or the black box
of the draw
2. The hardware operation or the black
box of the draw
In the procedure of choice of bouleutes,
the draw was grace has the employment of
the kleroteria and tablets of bronze. This
procedure is it a particular type of cleros?
Or all prints are similar? More generally,
how can we distinguish of steps at a draw?
Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 485) have
proposed a redistricting in three steps on
which we will build to describe the
hardware operation of drawing i.e. is the
specific moment or between in game the
random: " A lottery allocates a benefit
(sometimes called a "prize") among a
designated group of potential profits (
"candidate" who understood a "pool")
according to a stipulated procedure (the
"pay-off condition" ). ≪ In incorporating
these elements, we can identify
four " moments " when the hardware
operation of circulation: a first step is to
define the item or " price " as well as the
possible options (2.1 ), a second
corresponds to the definition of the pool
of candidates (2.2 ). Then between in
game the random moment, designated here
as we will see by the term of palos,
corresponding to the condition of
profitability ( pay-off condition) evoked by
Kornhauser & Sager (2.3 ). Finally, the
process will complete eventually by a
confirmation (2.4 ).
2.1The "price" and the pool of options
Most often, an operation of drawing begins
by the fixing of the item (lot, post,
decision) or " price " as well as the list of
possible options and of the selection
conditions or rejet21. For example, when
the draw of a of has six faces the options
will be 1,2,3,4,5 and 6 and may decide to
assign the digits peers has a condition of
selection and the odd has a condition of
rejection. By this operation, each item
therefore receives a probability of
realization. In the case built here, each
option receives an equal probability was
50 %. The definition of a series of options
also allows you to create multiple
allowances. As well, if there is a ballot box
with the white balls and black and that we
assigned the option black has a choice and
the white option has a rejection, we can
organize a massive draw. Once this pairing
achieved, one may be interested in
candidates, i.e. the group of sorteables.
21The definition of pool and options is
done in the reality the simultaneously
(Elster (1987, 109).
45
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
2.2The pool of sorteables22
" I know of no instance of social lotteries
without some pre-qualification gold
scrutiny on the basis of need, merit, and
the like. ≪ Elster (1989, 67-68).
The constitution ex ante of the group
among which we will draw the fate is at
the time the step the more complex and
probably the most influential of the
physical operation of drawing. In theory
one could imagine a drawing without
qualification, but this case does not seem
to exist in practice, as the stressed Elster
(cf. highlights). In the case of bouleutes
for example, two conditions were
necessary: it should be an Athenian citizen
and having more than thirty years. A
inductive review of all the rules of existing
qualification seems impossible, that is why
we will present a series of deductive
criteria:
1.Voluntary Participation against
mandatory participation: items in
game can-they or must-they take part in
the prize draw? More participation is
mandatory, more the level of qualification
is low since the items must participate
even against their will. The mandatory can
be cultural in nature. Thus, if the
participation in the prize draw for the
trackball seems to have been voluntary, it
does not seem unreasonable to think that
the dominant political culture of this time
made this participation rather obligatory
(Bleicken 2005).
2." All, some, a " on : this famous
Aristotelian alternative on the number of
rulers also applies for the qualification.
More than the relative number of items has
take part in the prize draw is large, the
more it has a level of qualification down.
3.Natural Qualification against gained: the
first corresponds to the characteristics data
(be a human, large, small, a woman, etc)
and the second has the qualities acquired in
the course of time (buy a ticket of entry,
pay a cens, be holder of a minimum score
has a review, etc. ).
22This term is the translation of
the losberechtigt of Buchstein (2000, 170)
and returns to the equivalent " eligible ",
or " saleable " on other types of procedure.
46
2. The hardware operation or the black box
of the draw
4.Active Participation against passive:
more than the item must act to enter in the
pool, the more one can consider the level
of qualification as high. For example the
candidates has a place for a football match
of the world cup must fill out a form
before you have the right to participate. On
the contrary, the jurors of the judicial
panels in France have nothing to do, it
comes out.
It can be argued that the interaction of
these factors determines a sort of overall
level of qualification. For example, a
printout optional concerning a few - say
the two kings of the Nordic fable unfolds
in Ekeland - would have a level of
qualification haut23. On the other hand a
printout mandatory on all passengers of a
canoe in distress to know who will be
eaten would have a low level of training.
2.3The random moment or palos
2.3 .1Draw pure, weighted, or with quotas
" Two terms ancient Greeks shall
designate the draw: cleros and palos.
Cleros applies to both the object used in
the prize draw, the draw itself, has this
which is assigned by the draw and,
especially, has the share of property and
more still has the one receives in
inheritance. The etymologistes the related
has a radical cla, signifying the breakup,
so that cleros would nominate materially a
piece of wood. Palos, him, proceeded to a
root pe/ol meaning shake so that if one of
the names comes from the object uses and
covers the whole field semantics, the other
fact of first reference has the act of
drawing. Pralon" (1987, 151)
It is located at the heart of the machine
random, at the actual time of the blind
estate that we will appoint palos has the
result of Pralon. One can distinguish
between three types of palos. The first is
what is called in statistics a draw pure or
equiprobable, i.e. the one in which the
deterministic phase (the agreement of
participants) stops after the choice of
items, options and the pool of sorteables:
each item receives in this case an equal
chance. However, it may happen that the
competitors want play a more active role in
the process by influencing the chances of
occurrence of a result. In this case, they
will be able to use a weighted draw in
which some sorteables will have more
chances than other beings chosen. By
23Ekeland (1991, 13) : " Torstein Frode
tells that in Hising was a city had linked
are fate earlier has Norway and earlier has
Sweden. The two kings then agreed that
pull the fate has that it would be
tantamount: they would launch the of, and
the winner would be the one who would
have the highest total. ≪
47
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Example, if one wants to promote the
selection of women for a post can be put
two times more female names that of male
names in the pool24. But the competitors
may want to go even further and decide
you want to influence not the probabilities
of outcome, but the latter directly using
quotas (Elster 1989, 96-97). In this case,
they secure the pool of sorteables and then
assign the objectives determined at the
result of the palos, for example the parity.
The " paper " on learned of the bag
returning has the
category " man " or " woman " cease to be
taken into account once the quota reached
(50% in the case of parity). The difference
between the two modes of control may
seem innocuous, it is nevertheless a
fundamental: then that the weighting
system prevents theoretically not that
100% of the chosen are all of the same of
men (rare but not impossible), the quota
system blocked this possibility by
introducing of the determinism in the heart
even of the palos whose contents random
decreases without disappearing
completely. In effect, if we know that we
will have 50% of women, it is not known
which (except if the number of candidates
is equal to or less than 50% of the number
of women's spaces to occupy) nor what
woman will get the post in first, which can
be crucial.
2.3 .2Formalization
Let us assume that a driver lost decided to
resort to the draw to decide if it will run to
the left or right at the next intersection. He
can follow the first blue car, play a stack or
face or even launch a random number
generator (hand to left and odd for right for
example). These three modes cover the
palette of possibilities of formalization, i.e.
the degree of research aware of a process
entirely random. The first type is what
Elster appoints the prints epistemic (2000,
242). The second corresponds to prints
made with an instrument non-exclusive
given that the piece, if it can serve as a
draw, has not been created for it; this is not
its primary function. The generator on the
other hand is a dedicated instrument in the
draw. Of the same that the Greek
kleroteria or the imborsione florentins25.
These degrees of formalisation are - just as
the three types
24 An interesting case of drawing of this
type is reported by Elster (1987, 123): " In
the United States ... the supplementary
draft for the National Football League, the
rights to choose players are allocated by
year inverse weighted lottery. The
Champions get their name placed in a hat
ounce. The last-place team (twenty-eighth)
get their name placed in the hat twentyeight times. ≪
25The instruments created respectively by
the Greeks and by the Florentines in the
sole purpose of achieving the prize
draws. 48
2. The hardware operation or the black box
of the draw
Drawing presented above - the means of
controlling the amount of indeterminacy
content in the palos. A random generator
search in a targeted way - and this is not
obvious - has create a random result
responding to the laws of the statistique26.
A draw epistemic capacities in contrast can
be virtually non-random without that it
does gene the actors who do not seek " the
random objective " but " the impression of
random ≪, because, as one can show
through the example above, one could
imagine that a factory of blue cars is
located on the right hand side of the road
and that the cars out to be sold in the
garages of the city is located at the end of
the road to the left. In this case, it can be
reasonably assumed that the probability
that a blue car Vienna on the left will be
lower than the reverse and the draw will
not equiprobable.
The formalization can be an important
issue concerning the procedures for
drawing. We know, for example, that the
fact for a sonar to poll 1000 people of
epistemic manner in its street will give
results less random in terms of
representativeness sociological that a
procedure through the drawing of thousand
addresses on the whole of the territory by a
random generator. Some epistemic prints
are similar even to natural prints (cf. supra,
paragraph 2.3.2 ): the driver previously
cited cannot assign probabilities has its
options because they do not know how
many blue cars could come from left. In
addition, it is not even what is a blue car :
should it be entirely blue? It is sufficient
that the cover is blue? The driver has a
wide margin of interpretation.
2.3 .3The representativeness
Any drawing leads, according to the
mathematical theorems in force, has the
creation of a sample more or less
representative of the whole of departure
(the so-called universe). The re26A
Production of a series of number
mathematically random is an exercise
particularly complex because of the
difficulty has exclude any constant
algorithms and formulas for the
calculation. On this point see Ekeland
(1991, 20-37).
49
Illustration 4: The kleroteria machine or a
pull to the fate. Photo Credit Maximilian
Girod-Laine .
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Presentativite depends on factors that we
have already mentioned such as the quotas,
the weighting or formalization, but also
operations post-palos that we will see by
the result. As well the establishment of
quotas may increase the representativeness
of the sample but can also decrease, if the
quotas do not correspond to the actual
characteristics of the base population.
Similarly, the conditions of entry into the
pool , that is to say in the statistical
universe, influence the representativeness
of the latter and therefore the final
representativeness. There is, however, a
mathematical relationship inescapable, that
of the weak law of large numbers which
states that the representativeness of a
sample depends not on its size but of the
confidence interval (i.e. the probability that
a result is consistent with expectations)
chosen regardless of the universe of
departure (see illustration 5, p. 50).
Either a territory or live 100 million
inhabitants (universe of the study, note N).
Among them, 60 million are sorteables
(note A) and 40 million are consequently
not sorteables (note B). The proportion of
sorteables is thus 60% 0.6 (note p) and that
of non-eligible to 40% 0,4 (note q).
If the drawing of the sample is performed
with discount, the frequency fn=X/n of
individuals was observed on the sample
has to mathematical expectancy p and for
gap-type npq
It is sought to designate a representative
sample (note n) which has a percentage of
chance to be representative of the
population N called confidence interval
(note c). We cannot know with certainty
the exact value that will take each item
drawn within the confidence interval, that
is why it employs an interval length (noted
t) which is a measure of the uncertainty on
the actual position of the true value of the
parameter estimates. With these
assumptions and applying the weak law of
large numbers, the following formula will
allow us to determine the sufficient sample
size n:
We know p (0.6) and q ( 0.4 ). We must
set c has our liking. We want an interval
equal to 99 %. To find t, it refers to the
table of the binomial distribution, or to
simplify, has the table of the normal law:
for that the sample has 99% of chance to
be in the confidence interval, it must take
t= 2.33 . By applying the formula one
obtains 13029,3 . For a population of 100
million inhabitants, of which 60 million
sorteables, it must pull 13030N(people for
having a 99% chance a representative
sample was 99 %. If we drop these
thresholds at 96% (for c) and 96% (for t)
either t= 1.75 , one obtains n= 459.3 . With
a sample of 460 people, we will be able to
represent the 60 million sorteables with
96% of representativeness and with 96%
chance that this representativeness is
effective.
Illustration 5: representativeness and weak
law of large numbers, an example.
50
2.33∗√ 0.6∗0.4n⩽1-, 990.6∗0.4n≤(
0,012,33 )2n≥ 13029,3
T√pq/n≤1-c.
2. The hardware operation or the black box
of the draw
2.4The confirmation and the margin of
maneuver
2.4.1 Confirmation
We have seen that after the draw in itself,
the potential bouleutes has had to submit
to the docimasie which corresponds to a
measure of control of the procedure ex
post that we can call confirmation
(Delannoi 2003). The latter is an
additional injection of determinism within
the random procedure. However, it has a
particular character in relation to the
checks carried out before and during the
procedure in the sense that it can have a
retroactive effect. In affirming or reversing
a elected by lot, outgoing advisers will
leave the possibility of a change that the
random has produced.
In theory, one can imagine printouts
without confirmation, but the procedural
blocks concrete that we met in politics
seem to be almost never free. The
confirmation takes several forms nonexclusive that you can enter by using a
series of four criteria, without pretension to
completeness:
1.Formal confirmation or substantial. The
first case returns for example has the
practice of conscription by drawing during
which only the name of the person
concerned must be confirmed. The second
is located between other during the
docimasie of bouleutes. The Council may
ask any question that seemed pertinent, i.e.
enter into a substantive examination of the
characteristics of the candidate.
2.Confirmation simple or complex. This
criterion is at best illustrated by an
example: during the Italian renaissance,
the Doge of Venice was elected at the end
of a procedural block containing 12 steps
mixing votes, prints and exams (Boursin
1991). It is what we might call a complex
process. A single confirmation is located
for example in the case of a procedural
block in which the draw is the only step (a
lottery for a place of university for
example).
3.Confirmation passive or active. In some
cases, for example when the draw for a
jury of citizens, the chosen must confirm
their desire to participate. In others they
have been fetched, as is the case in the
judicial panels.
4.Confirmation internal or external. In the
first case are the chosen them-even which
confirm their election. In the second, a
body is responsible for this task.
51
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
2.4 .2margin of maneuver of participants
Beyond the confirmation step and when
the item in game is a post distributed has a
person, the latter has, if it is selected, a
certain margin of maneuver which
influence its control over the procedure
and seems to be able to take three forms,
of which the first is the refusal (Elster
1990,78 ). When the draw for the juries
french judicial, the participation of citizens
is mandatory (Roumier & Decocq 2003)
even though there are a few exceptions.
Conversely, many prints are optional. This
distinction is, as we shall see in the
following chapters, fundamental when
interest is to the achievement of the
expectations of the authors who write on
the draw. Secondly, the contestation. In
central Sardinia, the distribution of the lots
of inheritance is done by means of a draw
(Carosso 1987, 286) which the children
should participate. However, each heir has
the right to challenge the result of the
drawing up to three times. Thirdly, the
replacement. In the context of the
conscription by draw which took place in
France in the nineteenth century, the
persons elected had the right to find a
replacement (Bohigas 1968).
2.5Conclusion
" But, as it (the prize draw] is faulty by
itself, it is has the resolve and has the
correct that the great legislators have
outdone themselves " (Montesquieu, the
Spirit of Laws, Book 2, Chap. 2).
We can now better understand what is
happening inside the black box of the
circulation: it is located in the presence of
an indeterminate time, of a blind estate,
carefully surrounded by mechanisms for
regulating its content random. Even if it is
impossible to list exhaustively all these
mechanisms, a chronological distribution
of the procedure allows you to get an idea
of the possibilities of ex ante control by
the fixing of the pool of options and
sorteables, ex post, by means of the
confirmation and the margin of maneuver,
but also so far in the same time of the
drawing, the palos, by the means of the
weighting, in quotas and formalization. If
using the example of the ball we realize as
well that it was a massive draw, with a
threshold of qualification relatively low, a
draw pure and formalized through a
dedicated instrument, the kleroteria. The
confirmation about it was substantial,
simple and passive. The learned the fate
had apparently little room to maneuver:
they could not challenge the result of the
drawing or find a substitute. We had 52
2. The hardware operation or the black box
of the draw
Therefore well case has a particular type
of palos and cleros that the actors of then
had constructed so aware and which was
probably the result of an intense
discussion. It seems high time to take an
interest in the " great legislators " on ladies
has Montesquieu and immerse in the
context of the intellectual procedures of
drawing.
Illustration 6: The random moment
or Palos is surrounded by precautions
deterministic and intentional aimed a
check the procedure and whittle away the
contents of the random draw.
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
" The random procedures in the culture
are at the same time hardware
manipulations and strategies
intellectual ≪ (Molino 1987, 141).
In political practice, all kleros takes place
in a context which gives him its
foundations and discursive determines in
large part its form. The actors
develop strategies "intellectual " on first
by building elevator pitches pro- or antidraw it is-a-say by creating a regime of
justification (3.1 ). In parallel they tend to
interpret the procedures they employ and
their results; it discerns the presence of a
regime for reception (3.2 ). Justification
and interpretation are combined in the
form of frames anything economically
exploitable (3.3 ).
53
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
3.1The justification, or the reasons of the
draw
" If social innovations are a functional
prerequisite of society, so are normative
patterns bestowing legitimacy upon thesis
innovations. Man cannot just act; he must
be capable of giving reasons for his
actions. And he must be capable of giving
reasons before he acts. ≪ Aubert (1959,
10).
The concept of justification refers to the
question of " why " on the selection
procedures: what is it that pushes the
actors has to want to organize the prints?
The participants has support the procedure
or on the contrary has the challenge? We
are going here - on the basis of an
enumeration of inductive type27 - seek the
discursive elements surrounding the draw,
the " reasons for " and the " reasons
against ≪ (Engelstad, 1989)28.
The " normative justifications for the
drawings " (Elster 1987, 159) and
the normative patterns (cf. highlights)
advanced by the proponents and the
objections raised by their detracteurs29.
These arguments are not intrinsically true
or false, they are fair mobilized by the
actors in the political arena. For example,
say that the drawing allows the
mathematical equality of participants is not
true if the pull is done on the basis of
quotas.
3.1.1 Equality, fairness and justice
The argument pro-main draw which is the
most recurrent but also the most complex
concerning equality and its variations in
the form of equity and justice (Goodwin
2005, 44). The equality can be understood
as procedural, that is-a-say that the
drawing gives the same chance has all the
participants or as substantial if the draw
allows an effective equality after the
procedure when the drawing is repeated
and that each item (batch, person or
decision) eventually be chosen over the
long term (Goodwin 1984, 195). This
reasoning also implies that each draw is
unequal in a certain sense, since
paradoxically, absolute equality that would
accrue a division in equal share is replaced
by an equal chance because at the end
some of the candidates obtain the item and
other non (Elster 1987,
27The list incorporated in this paragraph
relies mainly on the work of Buchstein
(2009a), Delannoi (2010), Elster (1987),
Engelstad (1989), Goodwin (2005),
Schmidt (2000) and Sintomer (2007).
28Goodwin (2005, 51) speaks
of " theoretical arguments for and against
using sortition as the basis for social
distribution. ≪ Buchstein (2009a, 295)
of " funktionalen argued fur und gegen
Lotterien. ≪
29This regime of justification is well on
this for all of the selection procedures. Cf.
Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 484).
54
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
128)30. Thus, if the money is to be
distributed by drawing a social housing
there will be, during the first cleros, a
procedural equality between the candidates
wishing to obtain but a substantial
inequality since only one person will
obtain the well (instead of the share
between all this which would create a
substantial equality). On the other hand, if
it repeats each week the drawing with the
same candidates, on the long term,
everyone will get (in theory) the housing
and it will tend toward a substantial
equality. From a justice perspective, the
argument is that the drawing allows you to
create all parts an equality which does not
pre in order to eliminate any perceived
differences as injustes31. The draw does
not know as well the wishes, needs and the
merits of participants (Goodwin 2005, 56)
and rule by the same the delicate problem
of the concrete measure of such
magnitudes. During a review, one is forced
to resort to a battery of criteria in order to
differentiate which of A or B is more
deserving. But perform the measurement
may prove particularly tedious or even
impossible (Broome 1984). Use the draw
allows you to make a clean sweep.
Such a vision is of course highly polemic
and returns has two opposing concepts of
social justice, with on one side a liberal
vision in which the latter takes the form of
equity (justice geometric of Aristotle) is-asay " from each, according to its
contribution " (Elster 1987, 170). In the
eyes of the proponents of this vision, the
printout may be assimilated to a " denial of
humanity " on32. Other authors argue,
however, that a system based on merit
actually strengthens the inequalities caused
by birth, the greatest of all loteries33. To
correct this situation and establish a greater
justice, it is based to redistribute
periodically the social roles. By using a
prize draw, we can introduce the
30 The only alternative here would be to
not choose or distribute.
31In this context, the drawing is put in
place, " weil die doch naturlich
bestehenden Unterschiede keine Rolle
Maxxi spielen+lernen sollen)
for ≪ (Schmidt 2000, 364). When on the
other hand the differences do indeed play
no role or do not exist, it may refer to a
rational argument, " weil sie de facto
keine Rolle Maxxi spielen+lernen " on.
This argument is repeated more than
bottom in the form of the rationality of
second order (see 3.1.4 , p. 58).
32Wolfle (1970, 1201) : " It is a denial of
man's humanity; each man is reduced to a
cipher, distinguished from other ciphers
only by the uniqueness of the combination
of digits that identify his records. ≪
33Goodwin (1984, 192): " However, the
problem for liberalism is that the biggest
chance distribution of all takes place when
we are born and is beyond our control - the
distribution of health, beauty, intelligence
and other natural endowments. In societies
where a strong class system operates,
social status can also be regarded as a
'natural' endowment. Under these
circumstances, a merit-based system of
social justice straighten merely to reinforce
natural advantages disadvantages gold. ≪
55
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Justice the or there was not avant34. More
than that, we can achieve a distributive
equality ex ante in the form of the equal
division of chances35. In summary:
" This can be simply stated: if the structure
of society is partly or wholly determined in
certain respects and necessarily entails
inequalities (I. e. different roles with
different intrinsic values and/or different
rewards attached to them), and if people
are more equal than are the roles (I. e. roles
and rewards are highly differentiated,
people less so) injustice will result from
any ounce-for-all distribution. In such a
case, justice related in a repeated chance
allocation and re-allocation of individuals
to the various roles with their concomitant
rewards " (Goodwin 1984, 193).
However this justice - procedural on the
short term and noun in the long term - is
done in depends on a justice based on
merit. The debate concerning the character
of the flattening drawing has often been
put forward by the opponents of the
drawing, for example by Socrates in his
commentary on the choice of rulers by the
Faba bean and it is probably, from a
historical point of view, the debate the
more keen on the draw from the antiquity
athenienne36. It is also around this
character levelling frame that is focused
and is still focusing the debate concerning
the draw in his report has democracy as we
will see ulterieurement37.
3.1.2 Unpredictability
During a draw, it is impossible to know
which batch will be assigned a who, what
decision will be finally taken, who will be
chosen. If defenders and critics of the
drawing are in agreement on this fact, he
did not draw the same conclusions. For the
first, the unpredictability makes the
strategic calculations on the procedure
much more difficult and expensive, this
has the advantage of reducing the
incentives to bribe as well as the
manipulations designed to influence the
outcome, making the drawing a perfect
tool to fight against the factions (Lockard
2003a ; Vergne 2006) because of the prints
and successive independent eliminate any
schema.
Such a lack of predictability pushes the
detractors of the draw has criticize his
character " arbitrary " on which " exposes
people to a high degree of risk and
uncertainty " (Goodwin (2005, 78). It is
by the-same incompatible with a vision of
human action based on the volun34
" Randomness appears to be a way of
bringing some fairness into an inherently
unfair situation " (Broome 1984, 40). Of
synthetic manner: " The justification for
adopting the lottery as a distributive
procedure resets on the choice of equality
as the proper basis for socially just
distribution. ≪ (Goodwin 2005, 122).
35Kornhauser & Sager (1988) and
Wasserman (1996) have developed this
point in detail.
36According to the words of Socrates
reported by Xenophon: " It is madness to
choose with a broad bean the magistrates
of a republic, while nobody would like to
use a pilot designated by the Faba bean, or
an architect, or a player of flute, nor any of
these men, whose sins are yet much less
harmful than the errors of those who
govern States " (Xenophon, memorable, I.
2.9 ).
37See Chapter 3. See also Dowlen (2008a,
218-219) 56
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
TE: " People become passive containers of
equal chances rather than active seekers of
equal opportunities " (Fishkin 1983, 112).
Thus subjected to the FTAA, the human
beings are being hindered in their freedom,
especially when the draw concerns of
significant items such as the entrance to
the university and when the possibility
exists to pull several times on a ticket
perdant38. The proponents argue that the
introduction of a non-cumulation or
rotation of mandates or batches distributed
eliminate this possibility.
3.1.3 Economy
The economy of time and resources is
often mentioned as a reason for recourse to
the cleros (Broome 1984, 40; Delannoi
2010, 18; Schmidt 2000, 367). A drawing
appears - ceteris paribus - quicker and
easier than an examination procedure, to
market or to vote. We could resume here
the example of the blue car: the decision to
bifurcate may be taken in organizing a
debate with the other passengers on the
direction to take, or more quickly by
pulling a stack or face. More generally, the
argument of economy has been defended
by the current of the rational choice
(rational choice theory) in the following
form: it is rational to use a draw when the
cost of classification of alternatives
exceeds the benefit from choose the one
which is actually the best (Bunting 2006,
168). Therefore the draw allows you to
solve the problem of the cost of the
marginal information. This reasoning has
been pushed to its extreme by proponents
of the theory of public choice who have
argued for the benefit of decision-making
draw, as we will see ulterieurement39. The
argument of economy also comes in the
form of accuracy, Treffsicherheit40, since
the drawing does not produce - as we have
seen - of equality between the options.
There is no zero match possible and after
the prize draw each is fixed on its fate.
False economies! Declare its detractors.
The draw, driven in reality of hidden costs
because it ignores the deliberation and
discussion (Buchstein 2000, 99). It does
not solve the causes of conflict but only
their symptoms. A decision coming from
the outside and without consultation of
stakeholders provides a fertile ground for
conflict. In addition, the economy of
means does not prevent that we should
select the pool of sorteables.
38Boyle (2010) reports of cases of
repeated refusal has the entry of
universities which illustrate well this
criticism.
39See chapter 2, 4.2 , p. 107 et seq.
40Schmidt (2000, 367): " Was immer das
Problem, die Entscheidung ... the ist. Sind
die Wurfel einmal gefallen, wissen went
unmittelbar Beteiligten', was nun zu tun
oder welches hpc Los ist. ≪
57
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
And as long as a y be, as much directly
choose the best. But this is not all, the
drawing also entails costs for the society as
a whole by a suboptimale allocation of
resources. A distribution of jobs by a
lottery, such as the one presented by
Goodwin (2005), may thus lead to the
consequence that a talented individual in a
domain, for example a great physicist,
pulled a ticket of orchestra leader. In this
case, the company loses a good physicist
and will not earn any good orchestra leader
(Engelstad 1989, 32).
3.1.4 Rationality of second order
" In pester France reinsten Form erscheint
das Auxiliarmotiv beim Losen. Wer durch
Einsicht nicht mehr imstande ist, sich fur
eine von mehreren Handlungsweisen zu
entscheiden, kann das Los zur Hilfe rufen,
oder, was dasselbe ist, in formloser Weise
erklaren, er killed eben " irgend
etwas. ≪ (Neurath 1913, 63).
The draw might be a central tool of
metarationalite. For Neurath (1913, 63),
the cleros is the purest form of
a " auxiliary reason ", that is, a procedure
that allows you to take a decision in a
framework or lack any rational basis for
decision. It allows you to exceed
the " pseudo-rationality " (Neurath) also
called " hyper-rationality " by Elster
(1989), for which, ignore the " limits of
reason " on returns has to submit
a " ritual " on of the reason. Recognize the
borders of rationality should motivate the
use of the draw in certain situations that
Elster identified using the four criteria
non-cumulative: the insecurity, the
indifference, the indeterminacy and the
incommensurabilite.
The opposition has this vision relative to
the rationality focuses on the fact that a
draw represents in fact " an abdication of
moral responsibility " (Bellioti 1980, 255).
But also, and especially, that the there is a
risk of opening the Pandora's box: the area
of the rationality of first order risk to
disappear in favor of a system as depicted
by Borges (1944) in its fable on the lottery
has Babylon in which the draw ends by
directing all the social interactions. Indeed,
why bother to find reasons to act if the pull
can we fully exonerated from any
responsibility? HAS see limits on the
rationality everywhere, there is a risk to
submit to the arbitrary control of the
random. The draw despises the rational
choice and moral judgment individual ; it
is " an act of the most despicable
cowardice ≪ (Godwin 1793, VI, Chap.
10).
58
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
3.1.5 Externalities
At a draw, no one is responsible for the
choice made. It is a consequence of the
random moment. This argument is
defended in two main forms: those in
which " person " on does the choice and
that in which " someone outside ", that is
to say a God for example, is responsible
for this choice. This second case is
interesting because it denies the principle
even of gambling within the procedure for
the reduce has an intentional decision
external. However, the argument exists and
the draw has been used frequently for the
precise reason that it allowed to leave the
choice has a power superieure41. In the
case where this externalities is " person "
on, the organizers cannot be made
responsible for the choice, nor the elected
bragging about it. The " fate is a way to
elect that has afflicted person ; it left has
every citizen a reasonable expectation to
serve his fatherland ≪ said Montesquieu
(the Spirit of Laws, II, 2). And everything
has a time, " sortition eliminates the
feeling of entitlement that comes from
election or selection by merit " (Goodwin
1992, 20). It protects and limited to the
time the ego of participants, cut the link of
responsibility. The latter contribution of
the drawing may be crucial in the context
of tragic decisions when there is a desire
that no person should be made responsible
for example when it comes to the selection
of the deckhand who must be eaten.
The externalities can be view as
particularly debilitating, because it
eliminates any possibility of
accountability. In addition, they are not the
best items that are chosen but well any
whom: the qualities and individual faults
are ignored. The supporters of the draw
note, however, that the votes, reviews or
mass markets lead to the same result: in
such frameworks, the individual character
is lost in the whole.
3.1.6 Impartiality
" Krc sperencia tenim vist that los
regiments called fate y of sach conferences
my al good vuire, saludable Régimen e
administracio of the ciutats y vile that los
altres speeds that iron acostumen per
eleccio, electric percola tor com its my
continuous y iguals, passifichs y apartats
of tota " passio. ≪ Ferdinand II (circa
1495)42.
41This reason is related to a mode of
interpretation of the random, as we will see
later (cf. infra, p. 64).
42" We know by experience that the socalled regimes of fate and bag confer a
better life, a regime and an administration
more healthy from towns and cities that the
other schemes which are characterized by
the election, because they are more
continuous and egalitarian, peaceful and
detached from the passions. ≪ Cited in
Nels (1972, 132). Personal Translation.
59
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
The printout does not takes part for person
since he is not gifted with a own
determination. It is neutral, outside the
passions and human manipulation. The
argument of impartiality has been
presented by Dowlen (2008a, 15) in the
form of a-rationality and by Stone (2009a,
377) in the form of the effect hand
sanitiser. At a draw, the reasons (good or
bad) not to count more. In systemic terms,
the printout appears then dispose of a
large " procedural autonomy " (Buchstein
2009a, 299) which gives him great benefits
when one wants to make sure that bad (or
good) reasons do not influence the choice.
The time of loss of control on the
procedure at the heart of the drawing
makes the attempts of manipulation lapse
and the procedure is therefore strategy
proof, unlike its rivals: the actors earn
nothing has adopt a strategic position
hiding their actual preferences being data
that these are not taken into account, not
more than the preferences exprimees43.
This justification of impartiality seems to
have been particularly important in the
Italian republics of the renaissance
(Dowlen 2008a, 134) but also in the
Aragon of Ferdinand II (cf. highlights).
However, the impartiality returns has
ignore the needs and merits which can be
regarded as the base of the equity
(Goodwin 2005, 56). It causes even a bias
in favor of the mathematical equality
because it ignores the capacity of some
members of society: " In times of battle
gold catastrophe, a triage officer exclusive
tea ill and wounded who most need, and
who are most likely to respond favorably"
would be inserted to prompt medical
attention. A physician is surely more
competent than a pair of dice to make such
decisions and to determine which patients
should be given access to limited medical
resources " (Wolfle 1970, 1201). In
addition, the drawing does that " hide "
on the one-sided decision. In effect, for its
detractors, it does not render the choice
impartial, but moves the time of bias, as
the stressed Brown (2005, 8) : " Casting
lots is deceptive because, although lotteries
purport to be random, they are frequently
preceded by by non-random decisions that
result in important distributional effects
that the lottery masks. ≪ As well, using
the example of the Italian Renaissance, it
may be noted that the prize draw will be
made on closed lists of notables of the city
excluding a priori the poorest.
43The term strategy proof
is predominantly employed by proponents
of the theory of public choice. For details,
see chapter 2, 4.2 , p. 107.
60
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
3.1.7 Rotation
" We do not consider less fort top talent to
know also obey and order ; and it is in this
double perfection of command and
obedience that we place ordinarily the
supreme virtue of the citizen. " On Aristotle
(Politics, III-2).
In the context of repeated prints on a same
population and for a same item, the draw
resulted in a rotation of items or lots which
may be regarded as a means of distributive
justice and to fight against the
monopolization of power. The rotation
caused by a draw repeat also has the
consequence of reducing the incentives to
the conspiracy (Engelstad 1989, 30) given
that the conspirators of today have a
chance to become the leaders of tomorrow.
The rotation gives as well body has the
Aristotelian ideal to govern and to be
governed in turn (cf. highlights). An
important consequence of this aspect is
that the rulers and the haves, more
generally the decision makers, are pushed
to take account of the position of their
fellow citizens because they themselves
will be subject to the decisions taken,
according to a principle of reciprocity
reflexive (Goodwin 2005, 124): " submit
to what you choose and choose only that to
which you yourself would willingly
submit ". Finally, when the leaders are
drawn at random, they cannot form a
political class and monopolize power,
recurring theme that we will address in
detail in chapter 3.
This potential of the draw in fact for some
procedure a reject because it causes
instability of the social and political
system. The people drawn at random will
feel less responsible to the company and if
they cannot be corrupted before their
accession to power, they are more likely to
be after since they were not of auditors has
make. In addition, a draw does not ensure
that the best would come to power:
" Every thing ought to be open; goal not
indifferently to every man. No rotation; no
appointment by lot; no mode of election
operating in the spirit of sortition gold
rotation, can be normalement bas good in a
government conversant in extensive
objects. Because they have no tendency',
direct or indirect, to select the man with a
view to the duty, or to accommodate the
one to the other. ≪ (Burke 1790, 92).
3.1.8 Constitution of a representative
sample
We have seen that a draw multiple allows
you to get a sample more or less
representative (cf. 2.3.3 ,p. 49). The
drawing is then think " as a means to
select, a sort of microcosm which can
nodding, evaluate, judge and possibly
decide on behalf of the community, 61
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
The or not all can take part in the
deliberation and or the social heterogeneity
forbidden to believe that all individuals are
interchangeable " (Sintomer 2007, 138).
The obtaining of such a sample is also has
the work when it comes to justify the
remedy has a draw for achieving an
opinion poll. This reason revet a modern
character in the direction or the possibility
of thinking the drawing as a tool for
creating a representative sample has been
able to develop that with the discovery of
the " geometry of chance " (Schwartz
1993, 18; cf. infra, 3.2.1 , p. 64)44.
Numbers of modern defenders of the draw
consider this justification - we will see in
the following chapters - as the heart of the
argument in favor of the use of such a
method of selection in politics.
The detractors of the prize draw were not
opposed to front has this justification for a
reason quite evident: with the current
mathematical, it is impossible to refute the
character more or less representative of a
sample drawn at sort45. It is rather, as we
shall see, on the meaning to be given to the
concept of representation that concentrates
the criticism.
3.1.9 Procedural Prevention
Under this term is hiding a reason quite
paradoxical: the use of a draw is
brandished in order that the potential
participants opt for another method of
choice. A good illustration is that of the
right of custody of children, livŕee by
Mnookin (1975, 290) : " The effect on
negotiation would depend on each parent's
risk preferences and on how much each
wanted the child. Because each parent
would face a 50 per cent chance of losing,
this might encourage private compromised
if both wanted the child and were very
risk-averse " on. A form particularly
radical for this reason plays a role in the
practice of the decimation46 : the soldiers
are forced to fight without restraint
because a defeat means the holding of a
decimation on which they have no control,
unlike the one they may have during a
fight. A final declination of the procedural
prevention is one in which the instigators
of the draw want to produce a spill-over
effects on other decisions. Goodwin
(2005, 210-211) reports as well the case of
the death-lottery organized by the
detainees in several Brazilian prisons in
1985. These der44Manin
(1996, 59) put forward the hypothesis that
the Greeks had suspected already of this
possibility.
45In the past this opposition at the draw
was able to be the desire to resort instead
to the " wise choice " on to constitute
samples. In 1925, the international
statistical institute still hinting the draw or
the wise choice as the two methods of
constitution of a sample (Schwartz 1993,
32). This last was in fact has a review
carried out by the persons responsible to
constitute the sample.
46The decimation was a practice of the
Roman army which consisted of a pull to
the fate, following a defeat, a legionnaire
on ten which was then set to death by his
companions.
62
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
Niers threatened to - and eventually - kill
several of their fellow inmates was the
result of a draw in order to protest against
their deplorable living conditions. The
choice of this instrument was designed
explicitly to show the injustice of the
situation, its irrationality. The employment
of a vote or a review based on the law of
the strongest would probably not had the
same effet47.
For his detractors this reason is another
form of the rationality of second order and
constitutes just as it an abdication of
reason before the random and its arbitrary.
She cannot argue further that in the case
where one presupposes the human beings
as having a significant aversion against
risk. In reality, it may well be a fact that
the parents of the previous example take
the risk of losing custody of their child
through a lottery, or even that while being
hostile to risk, they consider their chances
of success more high at a draw that
through another procedure (Duxbury 1999,
129-130) or want avoid a long and arduous
negotiation (Mnookin 1975, 291).
1.3.10 Heuristic Value
The drawing can also be justified in a very
simple manner by its heuristic value which
allows its instigator to discover his real
preference but unconscious (Duxbury
1999, 159). And when you do not know
spontaneously if the we should go at the
restaurant or at the cinema, we can achieve
a draw and to realize that the result is not
good for us. It was then able to tell the
actual preference which existed before but
was not articulated.
For critics of the draw, this argument is
rejected because it corresponds to a
selflessness of reason and of the capacity
of human beings to choose in knowledge
of causes and suite has a reflection su the
in-game options.
1.3.11 Value inclusive or exclusive
Because at a draw each of the sorteables
obtains a probability to be chosen, the
draw played a role inclusive symbolic and
real (Gohler 2010, 99). In Renaissance
Florence, the candidates to the offices were
chosen by drawing lots after a process of
nomination48. During this last some
names of candidates were eliminated of
lists by
47This assumption would be a check.
However, it is known that following these
events, the government took a series of
important measures and that he did on the
other hand virtually nothing after the
Carandiru massacre which provoked in
1992 the death of 111 prisoners, killed by
the police during the assault of the prison
(Hilbig 2006) and during which detainees
had expressed so " classic " (combat and
hostage).
48Elster (1987, 140). For a similar
argument, see Dowlen (2008a, 95).
63
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Nominateurs and were not included in the
bags to draw in a secret vote. The excluded
do not therefore knew not that they were
out-game and continued reasonably to
believe in their chance of getting a job,
which reinforced their symbolic inclusion
in the city. Those who were actually
chosen were included in fact.
The detractors of the prize draw consider
that not only this effect remains greatly
symbolic, but it means in reality that the
draw excluded in fact all non-selected
without apparent reason and therefore in
an arbitrary manner.
3.2The receipt, or the interpretations of the
draw
Of the same that the actors argue for or
against the draw, they interpret the latter
and the stowed in the broader framework
of their vision of the world. To understand
the procedure, it is therefore imperative to
discern in every job the place that the
respective corporation gives the concept of
random, often called random in this case,
which is the heart of the prize draw. If the
stain is beyond the scope of this work,
however, it seems possible to open a few
tracks of reflections. So very schematic, it
seems that the accident has been up to now
interpreted in three main directions:
manner of finalist, deterministic and
probabilistic (3.2.1 ) which can have
important implications on the existence
and the probability of the establishment of
schemes to draw in practice policy (3.2.2 ).
3.2 .1The modes of interpretation of the
random
" As Well if introduced necessarily in the
analysis the system of thought which is
ours and we have the problem of the
validity of our clipping: what we call
random appears-it itself as such in the
eyes of those whose we analyze the
practices and institutions? ≪ (Molino
1987, 137).
Molino rightly pointed out that interest has
of practices of drawing requires to take
into account " the meaning of chance " that
is to say the interpretative dimension of
subjective what is the random,
of " conceptual schemes " on helping to
understand " how the random is lived " on.
The literature tends to distinguish three
broad categories of interpretation. The first
could be characterized of finalist and
corresponds to cases in which the random
is inter64
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
Ready " as the revelation of the will of
God " on49. The actors do not conceive
simply not the existence of a lack of
causality, they see in a draw the intentional
decision of one or several Gods or
Destin50. This is an interpretation which
linked the chance has the purpose and
which excluded the blind estate. It is thus
that we can understand the character of the
Roman goddess Fortuna - Tyche in Greece
- which under the guise of the random fact
and defeated the human destiny (cf.
illustration 7, p. 65). In the second
scheme, qualified by Molino " scheme of
the causal imputation ≪, the actors are
trying to reassemble the causal chains of
any event. If dimension finalist, in the
center of the reception mode precedent, is
less present in this type of interpretation, it
remains that the shuffle is perceived of
deterministic way: one can understand the
coincidence and its result in dating the
causal series; everything is a question of
knowledge (Ekeland 1991, 14). Finally, a
third category of interpretation
corresponds to this that Moscovici (1991,
11) calls the " social representation of the
random based on the chaos " on that he
opposed has one based on the destiny
which we treat previously. It is a
reception " probabilistic
random ≪ (Bromberger & Ravis 1987,
129) which is based on the idea of a world
fundamentally undetermined which cannot
be apprehend only in terms of probability
and statistics, in which the chance has a
value in itself.
Most of the authors instruct the three
schemes argumentatifs on a time scale
which would begin with a vision strongly
religious of the random, based on an
interpretation finalist and deterministic.
Thus, Eckhoff (1989, 18) argues: " No
doubt, the official interpretation of
…lotteries in ancient Israel was that
decisions were left to god. This ≪
dominant vision began to crumble in the
18th century, time at which " two visions
of the world opposed …seem to separate "
on. There are still " on one side a world
full of meaning, or the random is never the
simple application of a principle of
probability but always a sign of a destiny,
that divination ... is given for stain to
read. However ≪, emerged from the other
side " a world full of
49Elster (1987, 117): " We should
consider, finally, a very different
interpretation of selection by lot as the
revelation of God's will. ≪
50 Elster (1987, 173): " To have it both
ways, we can tie our decision tb natural
causality in the hope that it will reflect
some underlying purpose or pattern in the
universe, such as fate, God's will, however
the natural interconnections among all
things. ≪ See also Aubert (1959) or
Bromberger & Ravis (1987, 130). 65
Illustration 7: The goddess Fortuna.
Source: Wikimedia.
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Science or the chance is that the likely, or
contingency, the accidental are only
illusions, demonstrations of oddly logical
which remain a discover ≪ (Bromberger
& Ravis 1987, 129). This new reception
was born with the invention of
the " geometry of chance ", that is to say
the statistics, by scientists such as Pascal51
but - even before these advanced
mathematics - in the course of
considerable controversy on the concepts
of luck, chance, fortune, of drawing
including a central step has been crossed
by Gataker who in his book of the Nature
and Uses of Lots proposed the division
follows: " God does not determines the
events that in the most general sense: the
fall of a of is not more providential that the
sunrise and the role of God is not greater in
the accidental events that in The events
constant and necessary. " On such a
design " neutralized well the coincidence,
which then becomes liable to a scientific
analysis: the track is open for the
calculation of probabilities " (Molino
1987, 138). The latter is indeed develop
little by little and the random receives a
definition of less and less finalist up has
eventually become the famous " meeting
of series independent causal ≪. However,
just as the interpretation previously
mentioned, the approach " not
consequentialist " is based on the idea of a
deterministic world and the goal then
becomes to reassemble the causal series. In
this approach, the chance is reduced has a
lack of knowledge which pushes Laplace
(1812, 177) has write: " We attribute the
phenomena which seem to us arrive and
will succeed without any order has of the
causes variables and hidden, whose action
has been designated by the word random,
word which is at the bottom as the
expression of our ignorance. ≪52 Such a
vision was spreading rapidly in the 19th
century and becomes a dominant mode of
reception of the aleatoire53. Which Mode
is however quickly criticized by scientists
such as Heisenberg and its principle of
indeterminacy before being supplanted in
the 20th century by an interpretation of the
random that we appoint probabiliste54
previously. This receipt seems to be
become the most widespread in the
western world (Buchstein 2009a, 230) and
is opposed strongly enough to the two
51On this development, see Schwartz
(1993, 17).
52Voltaire expressed the same idea when
he wrote: " We know that the accident is
nothing. We invented this word to express
the known effect of any unknown
cause " (Voltaire 1766, XIII).
53We found this time intuitions great. And
Godwin (1793) who note: " Strictly
speaking, we know of no such thing as
contingency. Purpose, so far as recounted
to the exercise of apprehension and
judgment on the perticular question to be
determined, all decision by lot is the
decision of contingency. ≪ While keeping
within a deterministic vision of the
random, it seems enter the indeterminate
character of the draw.
54Brown (2005, 24): " In modern times,
the general perception of the batch as a
method of discerning God's intentions has
been replaced by a more analytically
critical interpretation of casting lots and of
randomization as merely one of several
decision-making devices. ≪
66
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
Others, such as the note Ekeland (1991,
63): " It is therefore the probability model
that appears to be the antithesis of the
deterministic model. Two of them, they are
the poles between which oscillates our
understanding of the world: a measure that
the we are moving away from the one, we
are getting closer to the other. A world
strictly non-deterministic must be perfectly
probabilistic. ≪ It poses however a
particular problem, of " second-order " in
the direction or the statistics themselves
are subject has interpretation55.
This very fast sweep and succinct of the
reception and social epistemological of the
random does certainly not to understand or
to trace evolutions and complexities of the
perception of chance in human societies in
its complexity. It allows however to
advance the minimum assumption that
random chance can be interpreted very
varied ranging from a vision finalist has a
probabilistic vision in passing by a
deterministic vision which has
consequences for the use of the draw in
politics.
3.2 .2Consequences of the perception of
the chance on schemes of drawing
The taking into account of the subjective
vision (at the level of the individual and
societal) of chance plays an important role
not only on the design (engineering) of the
hardware operation but also on the
construction of the speech of justification
for the use of the draw. This is particularly
true when the deterministic interpretation
fits in conflict with the probabilistic
interpretation. So it goes to the possibility
even of resort has a draw at a procedure of
choice. It is only to remind the religious
controversies on the permitted uses or nonof the draw conducted by Thomas Aquinas
or Gataker for which there were legal
prints because they were not asking for the
intervention of God in human affairs and
other illegal because they would require,
under the guise of coincidence, a divine
intervention. This vision of the draw had
therefore directly influence its use. The
same when games of chance were banned
in a large number of countries at the turn
of the 19th century for reasons of morality
and negative interpretation of the drawing
(Goodwin 2005).
Many authors go further and hypothesize
that the reception is a factor explaining
even the appearance and disappearance of
schemes based on the drawing. And
Goodwin (2005, 170) note: " Religious
belief and the work ethic have united to
generate year opposition to lotteries which
can still, at times, be virulent ≪. Elster
(1987, 158) for its part
wrote: " Batch55For
Details on these differences, see the texts
of Stone (2010) and Wasserman (1996,
30).
67
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Batteries are more common when they can
be interpreted as the expression of God's
will. ... Thus understood, the outcome of a
lottery is not a random event goal the
result of year intentionnelle act. ≪ On a
more general level, Thomas (1971, 790)
also considers that one of the causes of the
decline of the practices of divination based
on the printout is a change in the
perception of chance in the form of greater
tolerance vis-a-vis the indetermination56.
These assumptions would require
additional research but seem intuitively
reasonable under two conditions. First, the
three types of interpretation (finalist,
deterministic, probabilistic) are not
exclusive. Very often in the reality a
reception is probabilistic mixture has a life
expectancy of type deterministic. So
trivial, the loto is often accompanied by
rituals designed to " force the
chance " (Ricciardone 1987, 330-334).
And more generally, fortuitous events but
notable are interpreted as signs of the
destiny or as a consequence of a own
action then even that they are the result of
a draw perfectly and officially aleatoire57.
It is also what could explain that a draw
mathematically equiprobable could not be
perceived as such (Tversky & Kahneman
1974, 1124).
Secondly, the different perceptions of the
prize draw are not strictly chronological. If
the " concept of the mathematical
probability " on was well abroad to the
Athenians, and that they could not think in
terms of " statistical probability " on58, it
remains that most analysts today to say
that they did not use the cleros as tool of
revelation of the will of the gods but rather
as a tool of secular political and that they
had developed an interpretation of the civil
hasard59. More generally, it is certainly
true that the current science is largely
based on a probabilistic interpretation of
the accident and that the divination in the
middle ages was based on a vision strongly
finalist and deiste of chance. But this last
category has not disappeared by the magic
of the
56Thomas (1971, 790): " One cause of the
decline of magic in the late is the editor of
seventeenth century was the increased
ability to tolerate ignorance, which has
been defined as an essential characteristic
of the scientific attitude. ≪
57On this point, see the articles by Lerner
& Miller (1978) and Rubin & Peplau
(1973) on the reactions of conscripts by
drawing which blame themselves the result
even though the latter was random it is-asay independent from them.
58Buchstein (2009a, 105) : " In unserem
heutigen mathematischen Verstandnis
wirkungsvoll begegnen wir dem 'Zufall of
Loses' mit einer statistischen
Wahrscheinlichkeitsannahme. Zufallig
kann nur etwas, das against Kausalitat
unterliegt …den damaligen Athenern war
sharps Konzept der mathematischen fremd
which it is concluded. ≪
59 On this point see the discussions among
non deviant subcultures (1927, 1462),
Staveley (1972, 56), Dowlen (2008a, 3334) or Buchstein (2009a, 87 and 104-108).
It is interesting to note that the discussion
on the reception of the draw by the former
has itself reflects several interpretations of
the random phenomenon. As well up to the
end of the 19th century, historians of
ancient Greece interpreted the drawing
greek before just as a religious
phenomenon before that other historians
argue an interpretation based on a random
civilian.
68
3. The draw in context: the intellectual
operation
Discovery of statistics and many schemes
of current draw are always interpreted
according to a religious line or at least
morale60.
3.3The existence of anything economically
exploitable frames
The previous developments have allowed
us to identify the part of the intellectual
operations of drawing of theoretical
manner. In reality, however, the reasons
for the draw just as its interpretation are
mixed in an infinite number of
constellations and it would be necessary, to
understand each employment, to trace the
debates and the reactions of the actors.
This approach has already been carried out
for some historical cases such as ancient
Greece or the Italian cities medieval61 but
the history of a large number of uses
concrete remains yet to be written. Beyond
these case studies, however, the question
arises whether it is possible to detect
regularities in the combination of some
arguments pro- or against-drawing which
would form the " figures anything
economically exploitable ≪ (Buchstein
2009a, 295), of anything economically
exploitable frames of justification and
interpretation. This task has been
undertaken regularly by a series of authors
who have proposed typologies of draw in
politics that we will focus now.
4. To prototypes of drawing
The previous developments have shown
that the drawing is a flexible object which
combines an intellectual operation and
hardware in a discursive framework and of
receipt given. This complexity seems to
render futile any attempt to create an
inductive typology of different types of
drawing. It seems more appropriate to take
the problem has upside down and begin by
addressing the existing typologies (4.1 )
before the combine between them and with
the previous analyzes in order to
build " prototypes " of drawing (4.2 ).
60 See the article by Olson et al. (2003)
which deals with the political debate
around the introduction of gambling in the
state of and which has mobilized
arguments based on an interpretation
finalist and moral of the draw: " Summary:
In this article we offer a history of the
religious aspects of the lottery debate in
South Carolina and an empirical look at
the relationships between religious factors
and support for the lottery among South
Carolina voters. ≪
61See the classic work of Headlam (1891)
on Athens and recent studies of Manin
(1997), Dowlen (2008a) or Buchstein
(2009a) which also deal well of Athens
that of Florence and Venice. 69
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
4.1Review of existing typologies
A review of the literature on the subject
allows you to identify 16 proposals
typological dividing into four groupes62.
The authors of the first group are
concentrated on the question of the nature
of the draw and attempt to delineate its
own characters, that is why these
typologies will be here characterized of
intrinsic. In counterpoint to this approach
have been presented typologies of
procedural, that is, if interesting to
different objects of the draw and has its
forms as hardware operation. In an
approach focusing more on the intellectual
operation, some authors have proposed
typologies functional. Finally, some
authors intermixed the approaches and
propose typologies combined.
4.1 .1typologies intrinsic
In this approach, the typology is intended
to identify the line of demarcation between
the drawing and the other types of
distribution process, focusing on the
question of the nature and specific
characteristics of the drawing. The authors
adopting this approach differentiate first
between procedures non-random (market,
vote, review) and random, then prints
between natural and artificial or between
prints has risk and uncertain (Stone 2009a,
see also point 1.4 , p. 43)63. They are
continuing with the identification of the
intrinsic properties of the draw, in
particular that of prints " fair " on. And
Sher (1980) he argued a series of criteria to
differentiate the drawings fair and unfair.
An approach followed also by Kornhauser
& Sager (1988) or Stone (2006). The
presentation the most systematic of this
type of categorization has been performed
by Goodwin (2005). However, by
focusing on the intrinsic nature of the
draw, these typologies are at risk to
minimize the fact that the latter is in large
part determined by extrinsic manner (by
the games engineering procedural,
justifications and interpretations) and that
the notion of justice is subject to
controversy.
4.1 .2typologies procedural
In this type of approach, the focus is on the
hardware part of the operation and the
drawings are classified according to
their " object " and according to
the " uses " on, it is-a-say depart of
ques62For
For bibliographic items more systematic,
cf. chapter 2. In addition, some authors use
a different typologies. In this case, they are
presented here according to the importance
they attach to one or the other approach.
63See also supra, p. 41 et seq.
70
4. To prototypes of drawing
TIONS of the " what " and the " how " on.
Bromberger & Ravis (1987, 130-135)
propose as well to separate the drawings in
two " major types of procedures " on : the
first " which fall within the jurisdiction of
the prints to the spells " on, it is-a-say in
which it is to distribute a well or a
position, and the second grouped under the
designation of " games of chance and of
hardworking ≪, category which is
understandable to itself. The difference
between the two residing mainly in the fact
that the " players " are voluntarily in a
draw, unlike the " actors " of the first
category who are returning because they
are members of a " group " on. Most of the
players are participating in the drawing by
a implementation of substance, agreed in
advance that the outcome of the game is
translated into inequality and have the
option to go out and get into the game at
any time. Elster as has him, begun in his
seminal article (1987), reprinted in a book
later (1989, p. 78 and s.) by will install two
general questions on the draw the first of
which concerned its usages64. It performs
has this title a first division between
drawing has individual use and has social
use. Further, it separates the prints has
social use depending on the item
distributed: stains, resources and expenses.
It distinguishes finally a pool of six cases
of uses in politics: to choose the
representatives, to choose the laws, to
choose who to sue, to choose the judges or
jurors, to choose the verdict and the
penalty and to choose which punish.
Dowlen (2008a, 215-232) in focusing on
the distribution of political posts, trace
several lines of hyphenation. The first,
temporal, between the practices of type
Athenians and those of commons medieval
and republicanismes post-medieval. The
second, systemic, between the political
entities that have used the draw in a
systematic manner and those having
employee on an occasional basis. Finally
the last located at a higher level
between " uses strong " in which the nature
arationelle the draw is a sine qua non and
positive and uses " weak " in which the
nature arationelle is secondary, it is-a-say
is not required or is in conflict with other
principles (Dowlen 2008a, 11), as this may
be the case at a draw to decide between
two candidates after an election. The
contribution of these typologies procedural
is central to a comprehensive
understanding of the circulation: they
isolate the hardware part of the operation
and to concentrate on the practices in
pulling clear lines depending on the item in
game, for example. Thus the division
between drawings concerning property,
posts and the decisions made by Elster
64 Elster (1987, 108): " First, when aer
lotteries actually used to make decisions
and to allocate tasks, resources, and
burdens? ... Second, under which
conditions would they seem to be
normatively allowed gold prescribed it
grounds of individual rationality or social
justice? ≪
71
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
(1989) and resumed at the beginning of
this chapter is particularly relevant by its
simplicity and its synthetic aspect.
However, in highlighting both the
emphasis on the procedure, they tend to
relativize the discursive section of the
draw.
4.1.3 The functional typologies
It is precisely to answer this question of
the speech that se are employees a series of
authors by adopting a functional approach
of the draw as well in its dimension
of "for what " on that of " why ". The
functional typology is interested therefore
has the purpose of the prize draw. And
Aubert (1959) does he propose four
functions of the circulation:
communication with the supernatural,
innovation and creativity, the
representativeness and the equality and
justice. On his side Wasserman (1996)
differentiates between a function of
distributive equality ex ante (division of
chances of receiving the batch) and a
prophylactic function, i.e. which avoids
that bad reasons fall into the decision
process. It also identifies a
function " expressive " which corresponds
to the fact that the drawing may, under
conditions, to express that the organizers
undertake to treat applicants equally. More
recently, Buchstein (2009a, 295-335)
presented a " typology mit sieben
Argumentationsfiguren, die sich einzeln
oder in Bundeln zu Gunsten of Loses
vorbringen lassen " on which he has faced
has a " Kaskade kritischer Einwande "
on65. These schemes which it has already
presented the elements in a dispersed
manner in the beginning of the chapter are
the following: " das Los ist ein neutraler
und verfahrensautonomer Mechanismus
(1), es ist unbedingt treffsicher (2), es ist
kostengunstig (3), es Entscheidungstrager
entlastet und Entscheidungsunterworfene
(4), es produces Kreativitat und produktive
Unsicherheiten (5), es schafft Märkte
gesellschaftliche Stabilitat (6) und es
verfugt uber eine Art Rationalitat zweiter
Ordnung, die in bestimmten Situation eine
Entscheidung erst uberhaupt moglich
macht (7) " on66. Without dwelling on the
discussion of the figures they-even, it will
be noted that this typology allows to
include combinations of arguments that
give meaning to the operation of
justification of the draw. It is in the
presence of
65" I arrived as well has a typology
comprising seven figures anything
economically exploitable which are - alone
or in groups - presented in favor of the
prize draw. Subsequently, these seven
schemes supporting documents are
confronted with has a cascade of critical
remarks ≪ (Buchstein 2009a, 295).
66" The draw is a neutral mechanism and
be procedurally autonomous (1), it is
without specific conditions (2), it is
economic (3), it partially discharging the
decision makers and the persons subject to
the decisions (4), it generates the creativity
and the insecurities productive (5), it
creates political stability (6) and it has a
rationality of second order, which - in
certain situations - is only one has even
make decision-making as possible
(7) ≪ (Buchstein 2009a, 296).
72
4. To prototypes of drawing
Actual anything economically exploitable
frames that we will resume later in the
formulation of prototype drawing. The
whole of these taxonomies has the great
advantage of allowing an understanding of
the speech on the printout, and in relation
to each other. But they have two
limitations which the first is logical: in is
interesting has the discursive dimension of
the operation, they leave physical handling
in the background. Very often, however,
these latter play a crucial role in the
procedural blocks based on the drawing. A
block based on a draw with possibility of
refusal of the result relativizes any
argument based on the character of
inclusion. In addition, it seems clear that
the prize draw has often been used in an
intuitive way. It is a procedure repeatedly
reinvented and happens often of articulated
speech. The second limit of functional
typologies has been put forward by Molino
(1987, 142) : " In other words, after you
have isolated the operations based on a
random regarded as immutable reality and
clear, it goes directly to the study of
functions, and we tried to explain the use
of the operation through its functions by
not giving the meanings experienced that a
role annex, secondary. But it is important
not to remain the and see what means the
chance for the men of a given
culture. ≪ In effect, it seems that the
attention given to the functions of the draw
tend to minimize the importance accorded
to the reception, it is-a-say has the
interpretation of the random phenomenon,
by the actors.
4.1.4 Typologies combined
The Treaty on the spells of Thomas
Aquinas (Of Sortibus) opens on a
announced a plan very clear: " We are
going to examine in what place are the
spells, what is their end, their mode, their
virtue, and finally if the Christian religion
allows you to use. ≪ Are thus crossed a
procedural approach (in what places and
depending on what mode), functional
(their end and their virtue)
and " interpretative " concerning the right
to use it. Be procedurally, Aquinas
distinguishes (chapter 3) the acts of
prophecy, of necromancy and " certain
experiences they (the people drawing lots]
attempt, as a certain proof of the event that
they are waiting " on67. Functionally, it
divided between " the sharing of terrestrial
objects, which then refers to the
fate divisoire ", " what must be done,
which depends on the
fate consultatoire " and " the preaching
67As an example of the first category
Aquinas cited the fact to be " lit in a
dream " by God. The second category
refers for example to the fact to base its
predictions " on the movements and the
cries of some animals or the manner in
which it sneezes " on. As an example of
the third category, Aquinas cited the fact
of putting " of tickets in a ballot box,
which each bear a registration and others
are in white, and that it is drawn at
random, to know what should happen ".
73
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
For the future, which, in this case, belongs
to the fate divining ≪ (chapter 4). While
noting earlier that the function and virtue
main spells is to reveal the " divine
providence " on. Finally Aquinas defines
two additional categories, that of spells
allowed and not allowed (Chapter V).
Four centuries later, Gataker has also
proposed a joint typology based
on " nature " and the " practice " on the
draw. Regarding the nature, it identifies
the drawing natural and artificial. When he
is interested in the uses, it divided - as
Aquinas - between " legal " and " nonlegal " on the " eyes of God ". It is to know
in what cases it is legitimate to use the
spells. Molino (1987, 140-141) has
proposed a typology has two dimensions.
The first, procedural, the led has
distinguish seven usages: distributing
goods, distribute the roles and social
functions, highlight the guilty, predict the
future, indicate what decision an individual
must take, play and bet. It complements
this list by an intellectual dimension
centered on the question of the receipt and
identifies five " schemes " on
conceptual to understand " how the
random is lived " on. Sintomer (2007, 135139) is limited to the distribution of loads
and functions and formula a grid of
analysis in terms of logical "policies " on,
five in number:
" The prize draw can be interpreted in a
religious perspective or supernatural, in
particular as a divine sign ... the random
selection can also be thought as an
impartial method to resolve a controversial
issue ... The draw can still be conceived as
a procedure favoring the self-government
of all by all, each being a tower of role
governing and governed ... in a slightly
different way, the prize draw can be seen
as ensuring that the power on all is
assumed by everyone, i.e. by individuals
interchangeable with other because having
recourse to the " common sense " on. (One
last logical think the prize] as a way to
select a representative sample of the
population, a sort of microcosm which can
nodding, evaluate, judge and possibly
decide on behalf of the community, or all
may not take part in the deliberation and or
heterogeneity social prohibited to believe
that all individuals are interchangeable "
on.
More recently, Delannoi (2010) presented
a typology combining " uses " and " use
values " on. The first are five in number:
the polls, the rotation, the neutralization of
a procedure, the allocation of resources,
the saving of time and means. The second,
the values of use, focus on five effects:
consultative, deliberative, impartiality,
participatory and as a response to the
scarcity. By crossing the two dimensions,
it puts forward what uses are combined
with what effects. The rotation is married
well with the participation and the
impartiality but less suitable to the
consultation and has the deliberation. 74
4. To prototypes of drawing
This review allows you to draw three
conclusions. First, the typologies
combined appear to be of the most has
same to account for the complexity of the
operations of drawing because they bring
into relationship its different dimensions in
a dynamic manner. Secondly, the analysis
has shown that each of these taxonomies is
concentrated (voluntarily or not) on an
aspect of the drawing by leaving aside a
part of the items, a part of the proceedings,
justifications or of the reception. It is
therefore, thirdly, based on existing
typologies and in supplementing them by
the results obtained in the first part of the
chapter concerning the material operations
of drawing and the question of justification
and of the interpretation that we will be
able to continue the typological work.
4.2A typology in terms of prototypes
The practice of drawing modern and old,
theoretical and have existing for common
point of insertion into procedural blocks
more or less complex which was presented
the main dimensions. In the course of this
work it became clear that the drawing is a
process that has no own nature. There is a
whole dynamic of justifications coupled
has a series of procedures and subject to
interpretation. These characteristics
prevent the construction of a standard
typology aimed has create categories
exclusive, necessary and sufficient. That is
why we have opted for an approach
inspired by the theory of prototypes in the
cognitive sciences, originally developed by
Rosch (1973 ; 1975). A prototype can be
defined as the best example of a lexical
category in a language community. It is " a
medium form, characterized by the
attributes the more typical ≪ (Girard 2006,
296). The sparrow will be as well in
Europe most often cited that the ostrich as
a prototype of the category bird. Such an
approach allows you to focus at the
representativeness of the categories and
leaves their borders open. This helps to
show a continuum in which each case is
special approach of the one or the other
prototype, or even of several. As the said
Rosch (1978, 36) :
" In the terms of the principles of
categorization previously proposed, the
cognitive economy imposes that the
categories tend to be seen as the most
distinct from each other and according to
the cuts the net more possible. One of the
ways to achieve this lies in the
establishment of criteria that are necessary
and sufficient for membership categorial (
... ). Another way to achieve a clear
separability between categories that are, in
fact, ongoing, is to design each category in
terms of its most obvious cases rather than
in the context of its borders " on.
75
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
It is therefore in search of the case
prototypiques of drawing that we will we
start now. It will not be possible to find the
illustrations for each intersection of
categories but this is precisely the interest
of the work with the prototypes.
4.3Proposal of typology
The construction of the typology
incorporates the elements of the whole of
the chapter for the combine according to a
series of large lines of division, the most
basic is the one between hardware
operation (4.3.1 ) and intellectual (4.3.2 )
of the prize draw.
4.3 .1The hardware operation
4.3.1 .1Prints natural and artificial
The analysis of the physical operation has
enabled us to formulate a succession of
divisions that will be repeated here and the
first of which is the one between prints
natural and artificial (cf. supra, point 1.4 ,
p. 43). Therefore, there is a side the
reading and interpretation of a
configuration produced by the random
(natural draft) and on the other the
establishment of a prize draw with options
(draw artificial).
4.3.1 .2Prints political and non-political
The second division is the one between
political practices and non-politiques68.
The first aim the distribution of limited
resources. The second include first of all
the whole of fun practices which have a
purpose of entertainment and specific
characteristics such as the fact of having to
build or to be of nature facultative69. The
drawings non policies also include the
cleros in the framework of scientific
experiments, including medical (Schwartz
1991). The drawings made in the
framework of polls are a problem. They
are not directly policies since they do not
aim that the obtaining of a representative
sample according to the scientific method.
But they can be included in a procedural
block highly political. We must therefore
make the difference by taking into account
the object of the survey in question.
68See Bromberger & Ravis (1987, 130135) or Elster (1987, 108).
69However, there is a relationship at least
has two levels between these two
categories. First, historically the games of
loto have their origin in the lottery policy
genoise (Bellhouse 1991) and secondly,
the draw in politics is often perceived and
criticized as a " game of chance " or a
lottery and this association probably has an
important influence on the reception of the
draw in these frameworks.
76
4. To prototypes of drawing
4.3.1 .3lotteries
The previous distinctions allow to focus
finally on the heart prints policies, those in
which it is to distribute the limited
resources. By combining the analysis made
at the beginning of the chapter (points 1 to
3) with the typologies outlined then (4.1 ),
we can identify three types of drawing by
differentiating according to the item they
concern. As well when it comes to
distribute batches of material and
immaterial, we will take the term lottery
that is intuitively and usually associated
with this type of procedures. A further
distinction can be made between the cases
in which it is necessary to distribute
the goods - organ transplants or the places
was the university for example - and those
in which it is necessary to distribute of
evils such as this may be the case when
the conscription. Sometimes, the lotteries
operate according to the principle of
the mors tua vita mea, that is, the
distribution of a well has a person is
automatically compensated by that of a
poorly has another (Cireze 1995).
4.3.1 .4The advisory prints
In the framework or the item submitted a
distribution is a decision between several
alternatives, the term of Thomas Aquinas
of advisory drawing seems appropriate.
The advisory prints seem to be able to
divide between two major categories
outlined by Elster: the
drawings individual and social . This
division is not the only possible but it
seems very relevant given the difference
between the two areas. The case of social
decision-making by drawing seem be
largely absent from the practice then that
individual decisions are much more
repandues70.
70The best known example of the drawing
social is probably that of the Swedish
parliament which had in the years 60
recourse to the draw to decide the adoption
or rejection of texts because of a perfect
equality of seats between two opposing
political parties.
77
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Hardware Operation: the types of drawing
Natural Draft - Cleromancie
Draw non-policy
Lots and Decisions
Posts
Draw policy
Lottery
Property
Headache
Advisory Drawing
Individual
Collective
Sortition and drawing elective
Legislative / constitutional
Executive
Judicial
Deliberative / advisory
Elective Post
Draw artificial - Cleros
Drawing not policy
Lots and Decisions
Posts
Draw policy
Lottery
Property
Headache
Advisory Drawing
Individual
Collective
Sortition and drawing elective
Legislative / constitutional
Executive
Judicial
Deliberative / advisory
Elective Post
Illustration 8: The types of hardware
operations, summary.
4.3.1 .5The drawings elective: Sortition
and drawing of Posts
The printout may finally be employee to
elect someone, i.e. choose among a group
of candidates a person in particular. We
can differentiate between two situations.
The first when the draw is used to
distribute political posts - loads or honors in which case there will be talk
of sortition71. The term is a neologism in
French but it is widespread in the literature
anglo-saxon and it will subsequently. The
sortition is the category which we more
interested in the result of the work and we
will have the opportunity to return to them
in detail. It brings together a wide range of
practices that can be decline in resuming
the classical separation mentioned above
(cf. 1.1 , p. 37). The second case
concerned
71Carson & Martin (1999, 1) : " Finally
there is the term "Sortition," which means
the act of casting lots, which can be used
to refer to choosing decision makers by
batch, lottery, or random selection. ≪
78
4. To prototypes of drawing
The election has functions of non-political,
that is commonly called the jobs
(the joblottery for example). We can also
place in this category the case of prints for
a post of " voluntary chosen to office ", for
a dangerous mission for example.
4.3 .2The intellectual operation
The intellectual dimension of a draw
returns just as much has the justification
(cf. 3.1 , p. 54) that has the reception (cf.
3.2 , p. 64) of the latter. By incorporating
the elements of analysis previously
proposed and grace at the crossing of
existing typologies, it is possible to
identify a series of " frames" on anything
economically exploitable72 which
correspond to the combination between a
series of arguments in favor of the draw
and a certain tendency in his interpretation
(finalist, deterministic, probabilistic). To
avoid repetition, we put his feet from now
the frames anything economically
exploitable with the physical operations in
order to introduce directly the final series
of prototypes of the draw in politics
(marked in bold in the following and
summarized in the illustrations 9, 10, and
11, p. 79 and p. 86-87).
Physical Dimension of the draw
Intellectual Dimension of the draw
Series of arguments for the draw + type of
receipt
= Frame was debate
=>
Hardware Operation
=>
Prototype
Illustration 9: The prototype as a result of
the cross between a hardware operation of
drawing and a way to justify and interpret
it.
4.3.2 .1The frame finalist
The first prototype of frame was debate
focuses on the cases in which the drawing
is seen in such a way as finalist, i.e. as a
result of the will exterior of a higher
power. This frame resumes for example
the first logic proposed by Sintomer (2007,
135-139). The reasons for resorting to the
prize draw are then based on the explicit
will to obtain the opinion of God(s) x).
Very often, the drawing employee is
natural, that is, it corresponds to the
interpretation of a given configuration by
the coincidence. The first pro72
" Schemes " for Molino (1987), " logical "
policies for Sintomer (2007), " figures
anything economically exploitable ≪ for
Buchstein (2008), dipped
between " values " and " use values "
on for Delanoi (2010).
79
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Totype in this frame, the ordeal, concerns
the distribution of evils: by immersing the
arm of the accused in boiling water and in
interpreting the status of the wound three
days later, we asked the opinion of God on
the guilt. The individual decision making
can correspond here to the practice of
drawing of Bible verses reported by
Niederer (1987, 336). The collective
decision-making could refer to the
prototype of the haruspice, allowing to
read the will of the Gods in the bowels of
animals. It is this type of practice that also
relates Aubert (1959, 2)73 and that is
found in the framework of the decisions
non-policies in the form of tarot (they let
counselor by fortune tellers who interprets
the cards). The sortition subject has this
frame was debate mainly takes the form
of the elected of God(s) who receives a
signed or whose destiny is written and is
revealed by some random phenomenon,
and this, as the drawing either natural or
artificiel74. Lastly, concerning lotteries,
one can take as a prototype the land of
Israel (distributed between the 12 tribes
was the result of a printout, Joshua 21.1 42).
4.3.2.2Mors tua vita mea : The frame of
tragic choice
The second frame was debate that we can
identify is encountered in the case
of " tragic choice ≪, that is to say in which
it is matter of life and death, when the
distribution will have fatal consequences
for certains75. The series of justifications
for resort to the prize draw is characterized
by a beam comprising the impartiality, the
externalities and the procedural equality.
In effect when such choices, candidates
have the same claims and one must ensure
that the distribution not hurt personne76.
There is also often in this frame the
arguments of heuristic value and of
procedural prevention: by using or
threatening to use a draw at a tragic choice,
it obliges the actors has revise their
strategy. That is precisely the case in the
first prototype, the one concerning the
decisions and that
73Aubert describes as well the hunting
practices of the Naskapi of
Labrador: " The magical practice consisted
of an examination of heating bones of
animals over hot coals, usually ... has bone
of the kind of animal which the Naskapi
are about to hunt. When heated, the bone
cracks. It is then fitted into a wooden
handle, and ... the cracks of the bone are
read so as to give directions for the hunt. ...
Tea practice reserves to increase the
likelihood of successful hunting under
conditions where game is scarce customer
servicecheck and where tea animals tends
to learn from previous experience with
hunters. The Naskapi are, however, quite
unaware of the randomness resulting from
thesis decisions. They believe that they are
seeking, and getting, guidance, from the
supernatural. ≪
74See for example the presentation made
by Cireze (1995, 99) of the legend of
Ulysses.
75Kilner says people (1981, 245) : " In
such boxes, a decision must be made as to
who may live and who must die. ≪
76For a more detailed analysis of this kind
of case, see Katz (1973), Kilner says
People (1981) and Mavrodes (1984). 80
4. To prototypes of drawing
The one could designate by the expression
of the judgment of Solomon 77. In the
framework of a lottery we can identify the
prototype of the organ transplant which
has widely been discussed in the years 70
and who returns to the problem of the
choice of a recipient when the number of
applicants far exceeds the number of lots
and that the lives of candidates is at stake.
A good illustration of this type of
argument is located among Rescher (1969,
183) :
" This introduction of the element of
chance-in what could be dramatized as a
"lottery of life and death" must be
justified. The fact is that such a procedure
would bring with it three substantiel
priviledges. First ... the introduction of the
element of chance prevents the results that
life-and-death selection are made by the
automatic application of an admittedly
imperfect selection method. Second, has
recourse to chance would doubtless make
matters easier for the rejected patient and
those who have a specific interest in him.
... The introduction of the element of
chance has insured like handling of like
boxes over the widest possible area that
msfss "reasonable in the circumstances.
Third (and peut least), notamment has
recourse to random selection does much to
relieve the administrators of tea selection
system of the awesome burden of ultimate
and absolute responsibility. Thesis three
considerations would seem to build up a
substantial case for introducing the
element of chance into the mechanism for
Exotic Medical Lifesaving Therapy
selection. ≪
Finally, equally as tragic is looming in the
framework of the drawings elective nonpolitical the prototype of the short
straw made famous by the popular nursery
rhyme that is-a-say that of the choice of a
person has sacrifice on a raft has the drift
and which are also found in proven cases
of shipwrecks that in countless historical
references and culturelles78.
4.3.2 .3The rationalist frame
This combination of arguments has been
mainly put forward by Neurath and Elster.
It is based on the central idea of the
existence of a rationality of second order
that it would be possible to achieve
through the draw. The justifications
advanced focus in addition on the
impartiality, the externalities and the
economy. The prototype the more clear of
this frame concerning the lots is the figure
of the stack or face. There is located the
face has a series of lots non-vital or
candidates who are judged equivalent and
a recourse to the draw to lift this situation
of indeterminacy (Elster 1989). Found this
prototype in the framework of individual
decisions. In the framework of social
decisions, it was rather a do has a remedy
in last ins77It
Resumes the expression " Solomonic
judgment " given in this kind of situations
by Elster (1989), particularly concerning
the decision of the custody of children who
has a tragic character even if it is not a
question of life or death of the child.
Duxbury (1999) speaks of decisions " in
the shadow of a lottery " on.
78The case of sinking the most discussed
is that of Holmes vs United States (1842).
For a reference more old but which has
occupied many commentators such as
Thomas Aquinas or Gataker, see the
opinion of Augustine on the drawing of
lots in the case of persecution (the example
is cited in Elster 1987, 118). 81
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
Importance because the other decision
procedures were not successful and that we
find ourselves faced has a blocking
decision making. We can talk about the
prototype of the Swedish parliament in
reference to the latter which took several
decisions by drawing due to a perfect
equality between two political parties (cf.
note 69, p. 76). Concerning the sortition,
the prototype is rather that of the tiebreaker, very widely used in politics in
ultimate instance, during an equality of
votes for example, and this, whatever the
type of workstation (Buchstein 2009a).
4.3.2 .4The utilitarian frame
The frame utilitarian prolongs the
rationalist frame while having a focal
length more important on the issue of the
economy. In summary: " Allocation by lot
will commend itself to the utilitarian if and
only if the costs of allocation by a more
conventional mechanism exceeds its
utility-seeking advantages, resulting in a
lower social utility net of allowances costs
than the expected yield of a
lottery " (Kornhauser & Sager 1988, 484485). Often this economy is coupled has
other justifications considered secondary
but necessary as the procedural equality or
neutrality. In the field of lotteries, the US's
green card seems to constitute a
satisfactory prototype. The administration
of migration wants in this case recruit a
number of workers by ensuring a
procedural justice but without wishing to
employ means judges too substantial and
unnecessary (for the purpose) in order to
differentiate the candidates. The case of
elective prints seems to be able to be
summed up under the prototype previously
mentioned of the stack or face when the
issue at stake is lesser, i.e. in the drawings
of all days: the cost of the decision is then
low and a solution is quickly found. In the
area of the sortition, two prototypes from
theoretical propositions could be
mobilized: the Wählerspezialisierung of
Horn (1980) and the modest proposal for
election reform of Abrams & Settle. In the
first case, it is a question of forming small
groups to vote the laws in order to save the
cost of national referenda (legislative post)
and in the second to choose
a representative pool of
constituents responsible to vote to ensure
that the electoral process is faster and less
expensive (elected office). Finally, if the
justification " representativeness " is
included in the frame, we can raise the
survey to the rank of prototype of
utilitarian uses the draw, in the sense that it
is more economical but equally effective to
work on a representative sample that of
questioning the whole population
(Delannoi 2010). 82
4. To prototypes of drawing
In a perspective totally utilitarian and
highly controversial we can also think of
the prototype of the survival lottery in the
framework of loteries79.
4.3.2 .5The democratic frame
In a optical profoundly different and far
from the utilitarian theories, is located a
series of three frames that are interested in
the political system as a whole. The first
can be described as democratic and relies
on a system of justification center on the
idea of equality in its components
procedural and substantial. It is also call
has the idea of rotation and inclusion80.
This frame is mainly present during the
sortition and the classical Athens seems
from this point of view present the major
prototype and this all the more if to
remember the characteristics of the
physical operations in game then (rotation,
no accumulation of mandates, pool of
sorteables very wide). Thus, with regard
to the posts and deliberative legislative one
could talk about the ball (in a modern
version we could talk of Citizen
Legislature has the Callenbach & Phillips
1985), concerning the executive posts of
judges ; the dicastes would thus the
prototype of posts judiciaires81. For the
drawings elective posts of non-political,
the democratic frame returns
the joblottery proposed by Goodwin
(2005). In the framework of lotteries, the
prototype is the one of the
conscription when it is an evil. All citizens
are equal before the rights and duties
imposed on them by their membership in
the body politic. And we can move
forward the image of
the inheritance when the batch is a well:
all children should receive an equal share
of the inheritance.
4.3.2 .6The republican frame
The frame republican - in its direction
of res publica - is based just as the
democratic frame on the idea of equality
and of rotation, but it emphasizes
especially in before the justifications of
impartiality, externalities, of neutrality and
unpredictability. It is to protect the public
thing against the factions. This frame can
shimmer in shades rather aristocratic when
equality is seen as the property of a few
and not to all. We found this frame of
prototypical manner in the sortition of the
republics Florentine and Venetian.
79See chapter 2, 4.1 , p. 105.
80Is found here the third logic of Sintomer
(2007) or the second combination of
Delannoi (2010).
81On the trackball as a prototype of
democratic institution end of the drawing,
cf. Manin (1997).
83
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
The florentine drawing allowed to keep
the political balance fragile of the cite82.
In a judicial framework can we talk of
the jury as a prototype: a random selection
of individuals which ensures impartiality
but in which there are citizens with a
minimum of competence83. Concerning
the sortition elective, the lottery voting of
Amar is adapted: it begins with a vote
based on the electoral competition before
proceed to draw. Concerning the lotteries,
the republican frame could also apply to
the lottery school, that is to say the
distribution of places of education by
drawing if the latter includes a weighting
through a review on criteria of academic
competence.
4.3.2 .7The frame " aleatorienne "
This frame was debate is based mainly on
the idea of justice, representativeness and
inclusion. It is also call has justifications as
the externalities and impartiality. The
drawing is seen as an instrument of first
resort, a necessary condition and is
differentiated in this of the previous frames
which consider the draw tool as " lack of
better ". She also has the particularity to be
deductive, i.e. not from existing examples
as the other frames but to build on the
contrary its elevator pitch from the theory:
its proponents offer them-even prototypes
of what could be the tools based on the
printout. We will detail the foundations
and the arguments of the frame
aleatorienne in chapter 3 and the
prototypes that accrue in the chapters 2, 3
and 4. We can however, already deliver a
succinct overview. Regarding the lotteries,
an example in which the frame
aleatorienne is preponderant is the school
lottery (Boyle 2010): all citizens should
have a chance to access the best possible
education regardless of their original
environment (chapter 4, 1.1.1 , p. 182).
Concerning the sortition for statutory
items, it is the citizens assembly (chapter
3, 4.3.5 , p. 112). The mini-public
seems the prototypical example of
distribution of advisory positions based on
reasons aleatoriennes (chapter 3, point
4.3.4 , p. 111 et seq. and chapter 4, 4.3.5 ,
p. 112 et seq. ). The judicial positions
refer to the deliberative lottery (Bunting
2006, chapter 2, 4.3.1 , p. 109) and the
executive posts has the anticouncil (Schnapp & Vi82Dowlen
(2008A, 94) : " The aim was not to
produce random individuals, goal to obtain
an unpredictable mix such as would keep
all parties interested in maintaining the
system. ≪
83This vision of the jury is partly outdated
in the facts, but the prototype seems
however take. And this all the more if one
is interested in the hardware operation
which is often a procedural block with an
examination not only ex ante but also ex
post .
84
4. To prototypes of drawing
DAL-Naquet 1969, chapter 2, 4.3.3 , p.
110). The drawings elective policies could
be illustrated by the proposal of riding
random (Rehfeld 2005, chapter 2, 4.3.2 ,
p. 110) and the elective posts non-political
as has them are at best described by
the joblottery (Goodwin 2005, chapter 2,
4.1 , p. 105). We also find in this frame a
prototype for collective decision by draw,
the probability voting, presented by Frey
(1969; 2010, chapter 2, 4.2 p. 107). In an
extreme version, this frame could refer to
the prototype of the lottery in Babylon,
portrayed in the work of Borges (1944) ; a
world in which the company is based on a
regular rotation of the whole of social
positions, of the king to the prisoner. 85
Illustration 10: The procedure of choice as
the result of a hardware operation and of
an intellectual operation.
Hardware Operation:
The types of drawing
Intellectual Operation: The frames
anything economically exploitable
Rather finalist
Rather non-finalist (deterministic or not)
Tragic Choice
Rationalist
Utilitarian
Democratic
Republican
Aleatorienne
Natural Draft - Cleromancie
Draw non-policy
The tarot
?
Draw policy
Lottery
Property
?
?
Headache
Ordeal
Draw
Advisory
Individual
Biblical Verse
Collective
Haruspice
Sortition and drawing elective
Elected
Draw artificial - Cleros
Drawing not policy
Lots and Decisions
?
Games and scientific prints
Posts
The Elected
Short straw
?
?
Joblottery
?
Joblottery
Draw policy
Lotteries
Property
Land of Israel
Organ Transplant
Stack or face
Green card
Inheritance
School Lottery
School Lottery
Headache
Survival Lottery
Conscription
?
Organ Transplant
Draw
Advisory
Individual
?
Judgment of Solomon
Stack or face
Stack or face
?
?
?
Collective
Swedish Parliament
Poll
?
?
Probability voting
Sortition
And drawing elective
Legislative /
Constitutional
The Elected
?
Tie-Breaker
Wahlerspezialisierung
Trackball
Florentine Drawing
Citizen Assembly
Executive
?
Magistrates
Doge
Anti-council
Judicial
?
Dicastes
Jury
Deliberative Lottery
Advisory
?
Trackball
Florentine Drawing
Mini-public
Elective Post
Pool of voters
?
Lottery Voting
Random Riding
Illustration 11: Summary of prototypes.
The question marks correspond to the
crossovers either unlikely either for which
it has not yet found a prototype.
Chapter 1: a typology of the prize draw
5. Conclusions
The whole of the discussions conducted
throughout this chapter has allowed us to
better grasp the complexity which is
hidden behind the intuitive simplicity of
the drawing. Four points appear essential.
First, the drawing (cleros and cleromancie)
is a procedure of choice whose specificity
is to be based on a moment of
indeterminacy irreducible - the random
moment - on the contrary of its rivals that
allocative efficiency are the vote, the
market and the examination. Secondly, this
time - the palos - is framed by a series of
technical measures prior and subsequent to
control the degree of random. Thirdly, the
drawing is inseparable from its discursive
context (reasons for and against) and of the
reception that are the actors (how they
interpret the principle random). Fourthly,
the drawing is in practice included in a
procedural block, a logical articulation of
procedures (for example a review followed
by a draw or a market and then a draw). It
follows from these four elements that the
draw was not of intrinsic nature. It has
been seen that its specificity, the
indeterminacy, may be severely limited or
challenged. Thus, there is no
indeterminacy for a person who believes
that the result of the drawing corresponds
to the divine will. In the same way, at a
draw weighted in a pool very restricted to
sorteables or one of the candidates receives
90% of chances of winning, the random is
located he reduced to the minimum. The
cleros may therefore bear all the
characteristics that he ready, or no
depending on the manner in which the
procedural block comprising the draw is
built.
Based on this flexible design, it has been
possible to formulate - in referring to the
typologies already existing - a series of
frames anything economically exploitable
and of categories of hardware operations
concerning the draw. The crossing of the
two dimensions has enabled us to propose
a typology based on the idea that there are
prototypes of draw, i.e. combinations of
intuitive frames anything economically
exploitable and hardware operations. This
work of exploratory nature was the
establishment of a framework for
comprehensive analysis of the problematic
of the prize draw in politics. This markup
will now allow to be of particular concern
was a series of authors who have designed
and proposed the use of patterns to draw in
politics since a quarantine of years.
88
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
In the same way as the draw in policy has
been widely used and repeatedly
reinvented, it has regularly been proposed
as a solution to one or the other problem
encountered in politics. It is located as well
- if we resumed the schema of the first
chapter - in the presence of proposals of
hardware operations coupled has frames
anything economically exploitable. It is
has the identification, classification and a
quantitative analysis of these proposals
that the present chapter is dedicated. It is
organized to do this along four stages, the
first is the delineation and characterization
of the corpus of texts in which the draw is
studied, whether it is employment policies
or not (1). This presentation allows you to
be interested then in detail the texts
describing the schemes of draw (2) or the
analysing of exploratory manner (3) and
those in which are formulated concrete
proposals for introduction of political
processes based on a cleros (4). An
analysis scientometrics of the whole
corpus (5) allows finally to raise the
question of its coherence around the
hypothesis of the emergence of a new
current within the philosophy politique1.
The entire work is based on a quantitative
approach, supplemented in chapter 3 by a
qualitative analysis.
1This chapter is published partially in
Delannoi & Dowlen (2010). In addition,
due to the nature of the research, the
bibliographic references are given in
chronological order and non-alphabetical.
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
1. Methodology
1.1Delimitation of the corpus
The corpus of texts taken into account in
the work aims to include all the writings
dealing with the prize draw by taking into
account four limits. The first is of a
linguistic nature and research has the se
limit has five languages: English, French,
German, Spanish and Italian. Some texts
are translations which have enabled as well
to include references not available d2"
Panel. The second limit is of a thematic
nature since the texts in which the drawing
is only mentioned that superficially have
summers left out. This limitation applies
mainly for the writings dealing with the
concept of chance and statistics or many of
the drawings in the context of the games.
However, some references have been
retained because they are needed as
references for other auteurs3. The third
limit is chronological: the texts concerning
the draw in politics have indeed been
published since the remotest antiquity and
up to the time of writing, making an
exhaustive work impossible. That is why
the window of quotation (Havemann 2009,
21) has been reduced to the period 19452010, a choice based on the finding ex
post that the vast majority of writings have
summers published since a quarantine of
year. The texts of the pre-war included in
the study are those who have remained as
references in the subsequent legislation,
i.e. which have had a significance beyond
their time. For 2010, the deadline is a
juillet4. The fourth criterion of
classification of texts has taken the form of
a division of references between a database
and a corpus. The first is more widely
defined and includes texts of gray
literature and/or non-published, of
references to translations, reprints of books
or reissues of articles as well as the earlier
references has 1945. The corpus in contrast
includes only the first publication of the
texts of after-war in their original
language. Thus, whereas the database
includes three texts of Goodwin
2For example the texts in latin of Bruni,
translated into English.
3See for example Bennett (1998).
4Between April 2010 and the finalization
of the manuscript it has identified a dozen
additional texts including six font
proposals for introduction of the draw in
politics. These texts are embedded in the
presentation (Paragraphs 2 to 4) but they
could not be included in the calculations of
the analysis scientometrics. It is of
Harcourt (2007), Peonidis (2009),
Delannoi & Dowlen (2010), Boyle (2010),
Saunders (2010), Buchstein (2010),
Sintomer (2010), Zakaras (2010), Dryzek
& al. (2011), Pluchino & al. (2011).
92
1. Methodology
(1984 ; 1992 ; 2005), the corpus there are
only two, the rerelease of the book Justice
by Lottery of 2005 not falling into
consideration. Same for the first text of
Crosby which dates back to 1976 but in the
form of a manuscript whose first official
publication date of 1986. It is therefore this
last date which is retained in the corpus.
Taking into account the whole of these
limits is to obtain a corpus of 205 texts
within a database that account 318
references5.
1.2Thematic distribution of texts
The underlying trend that seems to be
emerging is that of a division between four
types of texts. In the first case, the author
focuses on the description of a specific use
of the drawing which can be past, present
or imagined. Thus Gudian (1971) book is
there a detailed study of the operation of
the distribution of lands when of legacies
in antiquity and Catani (1987) undertakes
he the same study in the framework of the
Italy of the contemporary south. These
studies are of history type and/or
ethnological. There is also in this category
the literary descriptions of uses imaginary
as the famous " solar lottery " of Dick
(1955). Often, however, the authors do not
simply describe the process but add a level
interpretive and analytical has their
descriptive study. They compare different
uses, weigh the for and against of the
procedure, have the theoretical
characteristics. They explore the area of
the drawing in itself, that is why they will
receive here the name of exploratory texts.
Some authors are a further step as they
propose to (re)introduce schemes to draw
in the political systems and contemporary
design of the corresponding tools. This
proactive attitude could be described as a
partisan in the direction or the authors
defend and support the establishment of
instruments based on the tirage6. In the
same optical partisan but with other means,
a series of authors have done militants of
the prize draw. They often adopt a satirical
view of the policy prior to propose the
drawing as cure miracle7. These texts have
a place questionable in a work of census
because they tend to lack of analytical
depth. However, they play an important
role
5See the synthetic table, infra p. 95. The
complete list of references is available and
downloadable at the following address:
http://www.zotero.org/groups/sortition/ite
ms (visit the August 28 2011).
6Elster (1987, 136) proposes this
distinction in employing the
word advocative that will result here by the
term supporter: " Even today the proposal
of random selection of candidates is often
discussed, and sometimes advocated. ≪
7The activists are also the people who are
creating the circles of thoughts,
movements " clerocrates " or " stochocrate
s ≪. For more details, see chapter 6, 4.1.3 ,
p. 351.
93
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
Because they show that the idea is
disseminated and that it exceeds the circles
intellectuals and scholars. That is why
some of them are contained in the corpus
of study, particularly those who are taxed
as references among the other sponsors of
the corpus8. The others are present in the
database. This splitting into three groups
of texts can be crossed with the distinction
made in the previous chapter between the
different types of hardware operations to
draw. In effect, the writings are often
concentrated on one type of drawing,
sortition and posts, lottery or decisionmaking.
1.3Analysis scientometrics of the corpus
The corpus and the database and put in
place have been subject to an analysis
scientometrics whose it should be quickly
present the conduct and the interest.
However it should be noted that some
additional restrictions have been made to
the number of texts from the corpus. He
has in effect seems to be relevant to collect
certain publications and to integrate some
additional. As well, the book of Peter
Dienel, Die Planungszelle, has
experienced five editions cited
indifferently by the authors post and has
therefore received only one entry during
the study scientometrics. Conversely, the
book A Theory of Justice Rawls, cited by
numerous publications, has been integrated
well that it deals only little of the matter of
the draw. The same logic has pushed a
integrate certain texts of pre-war included
in the database. Once these patches
applied, the matrix scientometrics includes
318 texts in the database and 254 of the
corpus (cf. illustration 12, p. 95).
8This is the case of Burnheim (1985) or of
Callenbach & Phillips (1985).
94
1. Methodology
Text Type
Database
Corpus
Texts on the coincidence, the statistics or
the games.
Texts published before 1945.
64
0
Descriptive texts or literary
50
42
Exploratory Texts
80
66
Texts supporters
Lotteries
24
23
Advisory Drawing
24
23
Sortition and elective
80
58
Under total supporters9
124
97
Under total exploratory and supporters
204
163
Total
318
205
Total with correction for the analysis
scientometrics
318
254
Illustration 12: thematic distribution of the
texts of the corpus.
1.3 .1Tools employees
We can define the scientometrie as " the
measure of scientific activity " in a
particular domain (Gingras 2008, 3). In
the present context, two sets of tools have
seems appropriate. The first is a
bibliometric analysis it is-a-say centered
on the production of scientific publications
and is based on the calculation of four
indicators:
1.Evolution of the number of publications
on the period, classified according to the
diagram presented above. It is here of
descriptive statistics.
2.Analysis of citations. This traditional
tool of the bibliometrics is has done an
analysis matrix of citations that a
text " given " and then " receives "
on subsequently in order to highlight the
degree of intertextuality, of a corpus in the
form of its density and of the evolution of
the latter (see illustration 13, p. 96).
3.Analysis of centrality of texts and
authors. More than a text receives of
citations, more it is central. It is here to
make the sum of citations received by each
text/author in order to identify the
works/authors headlights.
4.Analysis of intercitation. This indicator
allows you to measure the degree of
integration of a set of texts. It is calculated
by establishing for each text the ratio
between the total of its references and the
number of references that are part of the
matrix. Thus,
9The sub-total is less than the sum of the
proposals, a difference which comes from
the fact that the texts including proposals
in different areas have been counted only
once to avoid a distortion.
95
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
If a text includes 100 references 50 of
which are in the matrix, its rate of
intercitation will be 50 %. We can
formulate the hypothesis that a rate of
intercitation high is a sign of a significant
integration of a network of texts / authors.
The density D measure the number N of
cross-citations between X texts, reported to
the Y number of citations possible between
these texts. To calculate Y it is necessary
to multiply X by itself and then divide the
result by 2. In effect, it is assumed in
bibliometrics publication as a first quote
(so each text is quoted at least itself, of or
the square of the number of texts) but no
text can quote texts later (therefore it is
necessary to divide the final result by two).
The formula is therefore:
D = N / Y = N / (X2/2)
For the database (DBD) and the corpus
(DC) the density is therefore has calculate:
DBD = N / (3182/2)
DC = N / (2542/2)
N is obtained as the sum of references of
each text to previous texts of the matrix.
Illustration 13: Calculation of the density
of the matrix of citations.
The second series of indicators concerning
the interactions within the group of authors
in the form of three additional elements. In
the first place, it has carried out an analysis
of accompaniers thanks certain texts and
referring directly to other authors of the
corpus which can provide valuable
indications on the interactions within it. In
the second place it has carried out an
analysis of the co-editors. It is here to see
what authors of the database have written
together. It can be assumed that a large
number of co-editors is the sign of an
important integration of the network of
authors (Havemann 2009). In the third
place, it has identified the places of
discussion, such as the scientific symposia
or the discussion forums the authors of the
corpus were taken and take part. 96
1. Methodology
1.3 .2interest of the approach
THE bibliometric analysis is a scientific
method often controversial and it seems
important to emphasize here the limits and
the inputs before continuing. The most
important criticism is quite logically that
of the aspect too in the quantitative
approach which tends to neglect the
qualitative depth of scientific output. A
limit to which the qualitative analysis in
chapter three should answer. The second
weakness of the bibliometrics, as of any
statistical approach, is that it is subject to
distortion effects that should make us
consider the figures with a certain critical
distance. Among these distortions, we
found:
1.The effect of exponential growth in the
literature (Havemann 2009, 23) which
tends to relativize the impression given
that a scientific field " exploded " when the
number of publication grows
exponentially.
2." The Matthew effect " on. In a whole
bibliographic, the authors most cited tend
to be increasingly cites (Havemann 2009,
43)10.
3.The effect of network. If one is interested
only in the literature on the printout, we
leave aside the other search fields and it is
not possible to make comparisons of the
evolution of other areas of interest of the
political philosophy. It therefore becomes
difficult to judge the real impact of the
corpus on the whole of the discipline.
4.The impossibility of completeness. The
criteria for the construction of the corpus
presented in beginning of chapter have
already made this limit visible.
5.It is also certain that the subsequent
classification is partly arbitrary. It may be
as well that a first edition of a text is not
the one who had a scientific impact or that
conversely a year is fruitful in texts but
that none of them do is really necessary.
The whole of these limits should not
however make us forget the interest of the
approach and the direction that may bear a
quantitative analysis in this area when it is
coupled to other outils11. The calculations
are used to assess the internal growth of
the corpus, of its phases of
10Name given by Merton has this
phenomenon which returns has the gospel
according to Matthew: " We will give to
the one which has, and it will be in the
abundance, but was the one who was not
hath even what he has. ≪
11As the said Havemann (2009, 10) : " Es
ist deshalb zu fragen, wie
Publikationsstatistiken uberhaupt sinnvoll
interpretiert werden konnen. Als wie
verschieden sich auch die Bedeutung eines
Forschungsresultats herausstellt - sie steht
keineswegs von Anfang year und fur
immer fest - so Ã-sterreich zeigt die
Publikation year doch, dass Verfasser,
Gutachter und Herausgeber hmi ein
notwendiges Minimum year Bedeutung
zugemessen haben. Davon kann bei der
Interpretation statistischer Verteilungen
von Publikationszahlen Voraussetzungen
werden, ganz so wie bei der Interpretation
von Bevolkerungsstatistiken, bei denen
auch unterschiedliche NC: Hoechst ?
[demands 97
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
Stagnation or recession. It is possible to
identify cycles, trends. It is also possible to
measure the degree of coherence of a set of
texts and to put in before the evolution of
its integration within a coherent whole.
2. The descriptive texts and historical
The set of descriptive texts, which
represents 20.8 per cent of the database of
20.5% of the corpus), is thematically very
varies. For the sake of clarity we will begin
by presenting the bibliographic field wide
around a few important works concerning
the accident as well as the publications
resulting from the literature, which are the
most cited by the authors working on the
draw (2.1 ), before then present the books
mostly descriptive of chronological
manner around five major historical
blocks/thematic (2.2 ). Some historical
texts contain proposals for introduction of
schemes of prints, but because of the limits
set out above, they will be treated here.
2.1The wide-field: Random, statistical and
literature
We have seen previously that the prize
draw is based on a time aleatoire12. It is
therefore not surprising that most of the
authors is interesting has one also looks on
the other. In this framework, two books
font figure of reference13: on one side, the
article of Chaitin on the random defined in
terms of mathematical algorithms (1975)
and on the other the book of Bennett
(1998) on the notion of hasard14. In a
optical more concentrated on the history of
the understanding of the concept of chance
and that of the development of statistics,
we found the books of Hacking (1975 ;
1990) and Bellhouse (1988) as well as the
monograph of Thomas (1971) on the
history of divination in Europe as a prism
of the evolution of the reception of the
concept of chance. Beyond these academic
books, most authors is interesting the draw
by policy cite and take as a basis was
debate of literary works. The most often
cited is without a doubt the new of Borges
(1944) on the lottery
Gone als Einwohner einer Stadt, z. B. ,
gezahlt werden. Und wie eine
Bevolkerungsstruktur nach Geschlecht,
Alter, Einkommen usw. ' ' ERHOBEN ' '
werden kann, so haben auch
Journalaufsatze Merkmale, die es lohnt, in
die Analysis einzubeziehen. ≪
12See chapter 1, 1.3 , p. 41.
13The term " reference " refers here to the
authors of the corpus, it is not question of
general reference.
14Chaitin has pursued this idea in two
other texts, Chaitin (1988) and (2001).
98
2. The descriptive texts and historical
Has Babylon which is the basis of
innumerable comments and marks the
starting point for many reflections. The
news of Jackson (1949), Dick (1955) and
Greene (1985) just as the novel of
Rhinehart (1972) are also often cites15.
There are still a few texts which deal with
the circulation of literary manner without
being of references to the authors of the
corpus: it is so with Wells (1903), Klein
(1968) or Clarke (1986)16.
2.2Historical texts and descriptive studies
The draw was used in very many historical
frameworks; it has therefore been
introduced and commented on not only by
subsequent authors but also contemporary.
We found as well in each of the historic
blocks and/or thematic sources of primary
and secondary sources.
2.2 .1Athens or the golden age of the draw
The Athenian democracy classic is not
only the first case widely documented for
the use of the draw in politics; it is also the
most studied of all. Almost all the authors
of the corpus font reference has the citystate in one form or the other.17 indeed.
The primary sources concerning major
circulation has Athens are located in the
texts of Aristotle, Herodotus, Plato,
Xenophon and in the Pseudo-Xenophon
18. The most valuable of all these texts for
the current knowledge of the mechanisms
of prints employees then, it is certainly the
constitution of Athens, or constitution of
the Athenians, found 1879 and assigned to
Aristotle. In an interesting way, the first
book modern secondary dedicated has the
study of the prize draw policy has Athens
(Headlam 1891) is published the same year
that the first publication of the
Constitution.19 when doing so it. What is
more, the ancient text confirms the
hypothesis
15Rhinehart is a pseudonym. The
adventures of Luke Rhinehart in The Dice
Man is continuing in three other novels in
1993 and 2000. The first novel had caused
numerous reactions when its publication
and quickly became a best-seller . It is
cited nine times in the corpus, which the
range in place 20 of the texts the most
quoted.
16It should be noted in this respect that
they are the authors of science-fiction
which most often have the developed the
idea.
17It is i.e. either by citing the primary
sources or secondary. The policy of
Aristotle is mentioned 36 times in the
database which in fact the 3e text the most
cited. The constitution of Athens arrives it
at the 8th rank and Plato's Republic to the
12e.
18However, it is true that some of the
classic authors grant a central importance
in the draw while other do that the
mention. Aristotle (politics, books IV, 15
and VI, 2; rhetoric, 1393b3 ; constitution
of Athens, 43-55 and 63-65), Herodotus
(Histories, book III, § 80-84), and Plato
(republic, 557a-558 and 562a-564e; Laws,
740a, 741b, 745e, 759b-c) are part of the
first category. The Pseudo-Xenophon (I. 2,
10-12 and I. 3, 1-3) and Xenophon
(memorable, I. 2.9 and III. 9.10 ) belong
rather to the second.
19Headlam was working on his book for
several years it is-a-say before having
taken knowledge of the contents of the
constitution.
99
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
Developed by Headlam that the drawing
Athenian was largely independent of any
religious motivation, an opinion then
particularly minoritaire20. The discovery
of the function of the kleroteria by Dow
(1940), complemented by the work of
Bishop (1970) fortified this vision in the
following decades and the majority of
current studies presents the Athenian
sortition as a central pillar of democratic
practice ancient. Bleicken (1995, 313)
characterizes and of " Sicherung der
demokratischen Idea " (securing the
democratic idea) and Hansen (1991, 51)
judge the assumption of a drawing based
on a religious motivation as a
theory " attractive but weakly founded "
on. We can quote a few more secondary
sources important dedicated has the
technical details of the use of the draw in
Athens, particularly in the context of the
ball as the work of Lang (1959), Alford
(1985), Kroll (1972) or even Rhodes
(1985) and Blackwell (2003).
In comparison to this profusion of work, it
is that very little research concerning other
ancient custom of the drawing, which is in
part of the lack of sources. The two major
exceptions are the texts judeo-christians
based on the bible and the studies on the
Roman Empire which also did a wide use
of tirage21.
2.2 .2The Middle Ages and the
Renaissance
The documentation and the discussion on
the uses of the draw during the middle age
European are based mainly on the case of
italian communes, Florence and Venice in
particular. This situation is not only due to
the good condition and has the quantity of
their municipal archives but is just as the
consequence of the fact that actors
remained famous took direct part in the
debate then. This is for example the case of
Bruni or Guicciardini who have left of
accounts-rendered very dynamic the lively
debates which waved then Florence22,
debates analyzed in detail by the
subsequent work of Manin (1996) and
Dowlen
20See Glotz (1907) or Ehrenberg was
inspired (1927). A remarkable exception
is Heistebergk (1896), which followed
Headlam in its conclusions from the
beginning.
21On the bible, see Lindblom (1962) and
Boursin (1990). On the Roman empire see
Meier (1956), Staveley (1982), Manin
(1997), Rosenstein (1995) and Williams
(1998). One of the sources the most
comprehensive regarding both the bible
that Rome remains - despite his age - the
book of Gataker (1619).
22Bruni (1421, Book V ; 1439),
Guicciardini (1513, 1515). Machiavelli
(1525) also mentioned the sortition in his
writings - for example, the Bank plays a
central role in its proposal for a
constitution for Florence - but he does not
discuss really the subject. Also note that
the few authors cited here represent only
the tip of the iceberg. There are a large
number of writings of the period referring
to the topic that would deserve to be
studied closely.
100
2. The descriptive texts and historical
(2008A) on the basis of historical studies
conducted by Najemy (1982) concerning
Florence and Lane (1973) and Finlay
(1980) in the case of Venice.
The kingdom of Aragon, who represents
the other example of wide use of the
drawing during the period of the European
renaissance is on the other hand virtually
ignored, even though theinsaculacion (put
in bags) has played a major role and
constantly growing has all political levels
from 1446. The use of the draw persisted
in addition well after the end of the reign
of Ferdinand II (in 1515) which had little
has little imposed by the system. The the
most extensive reviews are found among
Bisson (1988), Nels (1972), Sesma Munoz
(1978) and Vicens (1980). The subject has
recently found a new interest (Weller
2010)23. Other studies still are interested
has cases more scattered and less central
for the use of the drawing in the Middle
Ages and during the Renaissance, for
example concerning the cases of land
distribution (Gretton 1912) or that the
elections has administrative positions and
policies, including in Switzerland
(Rambert 1889).
2.2 .3The gradual disappearance
Starting in the second half of the 17th
century and until the end of the 19th, the
draw has not only gradually disappeared
from the political practice but it has also
been the subject of a decreasing interest in
the theory, which is reflected in a literature
always less abundant, the judicial jury
being a case has hand (cf. infra). While
authors like Harrington (1661),
Montesquieu (1742) or Rousseau (1762)
still saw the drawing as a political
procedure standard in their ouvrages24,
thinkers and actors of liberal revolutions
does the thought more as a serious
alternative to other methods of selection, in
particular in comparison with the vote
(Manin 1997). The main exceptions are to
be found in certain North American
colonies25 and in the elective process in
Great Britain (Kishlansky 1986). There is
also a series of proposals made during the
French Revolution (Lanthenas 1792 ;
Condorcet 1793) that have been studied in
detail by Dowlen (2008a).
23There are for the Aragon, just as for the
Italian republics, a significant potential for
a detailed search given the magnitude of
the archives and sources.
24 See in particular the proposal of
Rousseau in the framework of his draft
constitution for Poland: " Therefore as
soon after the death of the King, that is-asay in the slightest interval that it will be
possible and that will be fixed by the law,
the Diet of election will be solemnly
convened; the names of all the palatal
obturators will be placed in competition
and it will be fired three lots with all
possible precautions for that no fraud
corrupted this operation. These three
names will be a high voice declared in the
assembly, which, in the same meeting and
has the plurality of voices, will choose the
one she prefers, and it will be proclaimed
King of the same day " (Rousseau,
" Considerations on the Government of
Poland ", Chapter 14).
25See for example the Fundamental
Constitution for the Province of East New
Jersey in America in 1683.
101
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
2.2 .4The case of the judicial jury
As previously noted, the jury judicial is a
remarkable exception was the gradual
disappearance of the draw in politics at the
turn of the 19th century. The juries have
been used, defended, criticisms and
reforms many times since their creation,
but the principle of the prize draw, applied
for the first time in the 18th century, no
longer has been abolished and has even
been gradually expanded and deepened.
The democratic potential of juries has been
identified quickly and many theorists of
democracy there are interested under the
aspects of participation and citizenship,
including Jacobsohn (1977), Levine
(1984), Constable (1994), Hans & Vidmar
(2001) or Abramson (2000) who are the
main references of the authors working on
the tirage26. In contrast, there are few
studies that focus on the principle of
drawing. A notable exception to this is a
series of articles on the problem of the
(non) representativeness of juries who are
rather of nature partisane27.
2.2 .5Uses transhistoriques
One of the main features of the drawing is,
as we have seen, that he has
been " invented " on many times and in a
variety of settings in order to reply to the
concrete problems of distribution and
selection and it seems everything has been
likely that the vast majority of these uses
has not been documented, in particular in
the oral cultures but also because the draw
was often a function " daily " on who is
not worthy of special attention. An
exception concerns some texts nature of
anthropological and ethnological. In this
context it may be noted the study of
Bromberger & Ravis (1987) relating to
European usages as well as several studies
on the distribution of land by draw,
especially in the course of the history of
the United States of American contexts.28.
26The book of Abramson is the 13th most
cited in the database. The case of the
judicial panels is treated in greater detail in
chapter 6 (cf. 3.1.1.1 , p. 340).
27See infra, p. 109 and following. See also
Kairys & al. (1977) and Fukurai & al.
(1991).
28See Bohanon & Coelho (1998) for the
United States . Other examples of
distribution of land have been studied by
Levy (1956) in the case of Greece and by
Lobe & Berkes (2004) in the framework of
the distribution of human sins in India. For
an inventory very comprehensive of the
distribution practices of lots by draw, see
the work of Boyle (2005) or the shorter of
Silverman & Chamlers (2001).
102
3. Explore the potential of the draw
3. Explore the potential of the draw
A number of authors have made a not
important analytical in wondering about
the potential of the draw as a policy
instrument. These texts represent 32.2 per
cent of the corpus (31% of the database)
and therefore have a central place in the
whole of the publications on the draw.
Before detailing the development of the
period which we are interested, it seems
appropriate to mention two exploratory
texts veterans which contain an analysis
particularly precise and today still relevant
in many respects of the potential of
drawing. These two books, which are part
of the basic references of the contemporary
authors, are, on the one hand, the Of
sortibus of Thomas Aquinas and on the
other hand the of the Nature and Use of
Lots of Gataker (1619)29.
The first author of after-war which has
presented a theoretical approach of the
draw seems to have been Aubert in a text
entitled " Luck in Social Affairs " in which
he defines the drawing as a chance device,
that is to say a " type of institutionalized
decision in which the chance is a clear
feature " (Aubert 1959, 2). It is interesting
to note that this text is probably the prime
as treating the exploratory drawing since
the publication of the book of Gataker in
the direction or a real attention is scope has
in defining the nature, characteristics and
has the pros and the contre30. This seminal
article is remains for a long time the only
one to deliver such an exploratory
panorama of the draw and of its uses until
appear in 1984 two important articles, a
prime of Broome (1984) which focused on
the justifications for the use of the draw
and the second of Goodwin (1984). In his
text " Justice by Lottery " on, the latter
develops and supports the hypothesis that
the drawing is an instrument of social
justice which should be " a necessary part
of any mechanism of distribution and any
theory of justice " (Goodwin 1984, 1). A
recovery position and presented
extensively in the volume published in
1992 which is the first book devoted
entirely to draw exploratoire31 manner.
This book was part of a dis29See
Also the second edition (Gataker 1627)
which contains many add-ins, and
integrated responses has the criticisms
made following the publication of the first
edition. See also the edition modernized
conducted by Boyle (Gataker 2008) that
will be infra in the bibliometric analysis.
30 We find this type of reflections under
the pen of Montesquieu or Rousseau (or
other) but in a manner extremely fast and
without any real desire for discussion. The
texts such as those of Headlam (1891) or
Heisterbergk (1896) certainly leave an
important part in the discussion on the
printout, but always reported has the
example of Athens and without real
abstraction or theorising. It is also noted
that the article remains long ignored the
other sponsors. Of the 16 citations of the
text, 50% dating from the last ten years.
31See Goodwin (1992), reprinted in 2005.
If one takes into account the two editions,
the book is the 5th most cited in the
database and the 3e of the corpus.
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Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
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Myan increasingly wide conducted within
the political theory on the themes of the
limits of rationality and social justice
launched between other by Elster in a
series of conferences and work from
198732. In another registry, but also
resolutely exploratory, seems in 1996 the
first edition of the book of Manin on the
principles of representative government
which marks the beginning of a discussion
on the sortition or any of the less that
treaty for the first time since the books of
Headlam of the question of the complex
relationship between election, pulling,
democracy and aristocratie33. These works
have been recently widely supplemented
by two major monographs in the English
language (Dowlen 2008a) and German
(Buchstein 2009a)34. In a more global
perspective, a series of authors have
explored the relationship between drawing
and fairness, posing including the question
of the conditions of a draw juste35.
Finally, other texts have approach the
subject of reflexively in is interesting to
publications on the draw and especially to
those in which are located the proposals
for introduction of the pull and
indicators36.
4. The texts containing proposals
As noted previously, this analysis
concentrates on the texts of after-war by
ignoring the proposals more old, despite
their interest certain37. The texts
containing proposals represent half of the
corpus treaty and come mainly in the form
of articles (65.4 % )38, less often in the
form of pounds (28.8 %) and even less in
the form of chapters of books (5.8 % ). In
most cases, a proposal is made for a type
of use of the draw, that is-a-say concerning
a batch (lottery), a decision (draw
advisory) or a workstation (sortition and
drawing elective). That is why they will
be presented
32 See Elster (1987, 1989). See also the
series of articles in the Social Science
Review which deals with different specific
aspects of the topic: Kornhauser & Sager
(1988), Eckhoff (1989), Engelstad (1989)
and D'Hofstee (1990). These texts are all
taxed as references by the suite.
33See Manin (1996). In reality it seems
that a first version of the book of Manin
either published in 1992 under the title the
la tercera deputies dei moderniza tion. But
he was - according to the author - not as
comprehensive as the french and english
issues of 1996 and 1997. That is why I
have decided to skip this first publication
in the corpus. On the relationship between
election and drawing, see also Delannoi
(2003).
34For other exploratory approaches on the
draw of the legislative power, see
Engelstadt (1989) or Dowlen (2008a).
35See in particular article of Sher (1980)
and the more recent studies of Stone
(2009a).
36See Snider (2007) or Vergne (2009b).
37See for example the texts of
Guicciardini or Bruni or the texts as those
of Leroux (1848).
38The articles of Encyclopedia (2,4 %)
and newspapers (0.5 %) are in this
category.
104
4. The texts containing proposals
In this way. More rarely, proposals are
made in several areas, in which case the
texts containing the will appear several
times.
4.1The lotteries: distribute goods and evils
by drawing
The proposals concerning the lots
represent 11.2 per cent of the corpus (25.7
per cent of the proposals) and their number
has known of large variations during the
period under review, mainly due to the
emergence of academic discussions on
issues of distribution of social goods. We
can identify three clusters of texts.
Chronologically speaking, the first
proposals of after-war have arisen in the
context of medical ethics, in order to
respond to the problem of the distribution
of the goods rare who became an important
subject at the same time that were
developing the possibilities of organ
transplants and treatment of deadly
diseases through the technique. The
discussion seems to have begun with the
proposal made by Rescher (1969, 183) to
introduce the scheme next to the
distribution of " exotic lifesaving medical
therapies (ELT) ≪ :
" The detailed procedure I would propose not of race as optimal (for reasons we have
seen), aim as eminently acceptable - would
handset tea scoring procedure just
discussed with an element of chance. The
resulting selection system would function
as follows: First the criteria of inclusion ...
would be applied to constitute a first phase
selection group - which (we shall suppose)
is substantially larger than the number n of
persons who can actually be
accommodated with ELT. Next the criteria
of selection ... are brought to bear through
a scoring procedure ( … ). On this basis a
second phase selection group is constituted
which is only somewhat larger - say by a
third or a half - than the critical number n
at outcome. If this second phases election
group is's periodical homogeneous hast
eyes rating by tea scoring procedure - that
is, if there are no really major disparities
within this group (as would be likely if the
initial group was significantly larger than
n) - then the final selection is made by
random selection " on39.
This proposal has led to many reactions
direct40 before you fall into a forgotten
certain and then to be widely discussed
again from the end of the years 90 in the
exploratory texts. Harris (1975) has
formulated a proposal much more radical
and theoretical ranging from in the same
direction, to which he gave the name
of Survival Lottery which has launched
39The text of Rescher is mentioned 12
times in the corpus, which makes it the
17th most cited.
40An anonymous author (Due Process in
the Allocation, 1975) as well as Bassoon
(1979), Mavrodes (1984) and Hirose
(2007) have criticized the proposal.
Childress (1970), Katz (1973) and Kilner
says People (1981) as well as more
recently Waring (1995) have defended and
developed.
105
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
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A major controversy in the field of the
ethique41. A short presentation of this
lottery for the survival is made by Hanink
(1976, 223) :
" Harris asks us to suppose that organ
transplant procedures have been perfected.
Having this Navigation pack - screen
shots, we are urged to put ourselves in the
place of Y and Z. They will die without,
respectively, heart and lung transplants.
Purpose we have no spare organs in stock.
So Harris proposed a no-nonsense reform.
We ought not to let Y and Z die; rather we
ought to take A's heart and lungs, thus
killing has, to save Y and Z. And never
mind A's right to bodily integrity. Two for
one, after all, is a bargain not to be missed.
Moreover, we can quiet most of our moral
scruples about this proposal by
scientifically selecting A through a
national lottery. ≪
The second cluster of texts is that which
concerns not more of the scarce but the
distribution of headache. The recurring
theme in this area is the question of
conscription, which has given rise to
proposals for introduction of the draw
which the most famous is contained in the
short text on the Draft signed by a
collective of authors belonging to
a Harvard Study Group in 1967, in
reaction to the procedure in force alors42.
The writing is not only interesting for its
content but also by its creation process
when it is known that John Rawls, Samuel
Huttington or even Michael Walzer were
members of the group. It also seems to
have had an impact on the subsequent
legislation concerning the procedure of
conscription from 1970 (Buchstein & Hein
2009) which has itself been the subject of
debates and proposals of reforme43.
Proposals for distribution of other social
ills - whether taxes or the distribution of a
sentence by drawing after a judgment -
have also been regularly formulated
without provoking a debate of such a
intensite44.
The last cluster of texts concerned of new
goods but non-vital, as the scientific
funding (Abert 1972), the operating
licenses (Haspel 1985), the spaces for the
boarding school of medicine (Murphy
2001) or the nationalite45. Recently, the
debate the more keen has concerned the
admission school and university, which
can be explained by the introduction since
a few years of schemes of prints in this
area in several countries in Eu41Among
The authors who have taken part in the
controversy, see Glover (1977), Singer
(1977), Harris (1978), Green (1979) and
Leiman (1983). The text of Harris is cited
17 times (12e more cited).
42There was a possibility of escape
recruitment by studying and having good
notes, which on the one hand gave - in the
light of the costs of the studies - a benefit
to the children of the affluent and was
putting on the other hand the fate of
students between the hands of the rating of
the part of their teachers.
43See in particular Fienberg (1971) and
Scheirer & Fienberg (1971). The
conscription by drawing and its modalities,
including that of the financial relief, has
also been the subject of lively debates in
the 19th century who have summers
studied and presented by Bohigas (1968).
44On the taxes see Stiglitz (1982) and on
the distribution of sentences by drawing,
see Lewis (1989).
45Grotzinger (1998) proposed to create a
second nationality which would be pulled
to the fate has the birth. Each human being
thus have a dual nationality and by the
same occasion some of the related rights
and obligations. Thus for example the duty
to return 3% of his wages to the country of
second nationality.
106
4. The texts containing proposals
Rope46. The magazine the most
comprehensive of the distribution of
batches per draw and the discussions that
result was made by Boyle (1998 ; 2005)47.
4.2The drawing as a method of rational
decision and fair
Despite the fact that the decision-making
seems to be the use the more commonly
prevalent of the drawing, it is precisely this
type of employment which seems to have
the least attracted the attention academic,
in all cases if one is interested not to
descriptive works but well to the proposals
for the introduction of schemes based on
the tirage48. There is however an
important exception which is articulated
around the development of public choice
theory in political economy. The year 1969
has seen the release of the first two
proposals of this type (Frey 1969;
Zeckhauser 1969) who have put forward
the need to introduce the drawing as a
method of decision-making in order to
better take into account the preferences of
actors in specific cases. The example of
Zeckhauser is the following (1969, 697) :
" The 101 Club must choose a single form
of entertainment for all club members. The
membership rolls contain fifty football
fanatics, Fiddy ballet aficionados, and a
single lover of musical comedy. For the
footballers who go to the musical is almost
as bad as the ballet. For the ballet
enthusiasts the musical is little better than
football. By majority rule, using pairwise
comparisons without lotteries, the musical
will be chosen. If lotteries were permitted,
a fifty-fifty football-ballet lottery would
defeat the musical by any required
plurality," up to 100 out of 101 ≪.
Zeckhauser note however in his text that
the proposal has more disadvantages than
advantages and ends by the reject in recital
that the drawing will not impose ex ante as
procedure of choice precisely because of
the preferences of actors for other types of
procedures not probabilistic. The draw will
be losing at the time of the decision on the
procedure for decision49. The short article
of Zeckhauser has had a significant
resonance in the discussion on the methods
of rational choice and the corpus account
and not less than nine direct reactions
46For of ancient texts, see Simpson (1972)
and D'Hofstee (1983). On the recent
debate see Goudappel (1999), O'Hear
(2007), Saunders (2008) Stone (2008d) or
Boyle (2010).
47See also the articles of Greely (1977)
and Szaniawski (1991).
48The texts containing proposals for the
introduction of decision by drawing
represent 11.2 per cent of the corpus and
9.5 per cent of the database.
49" Unfortunately, difficulties arise. No
lottery can be chosen that will meet the
standards which we usually require of
those certain alternatives that are chosen in
conventional majority procedures. In
pairwise majority contests, no lottery can
win a majority over every certain
alternative and over every lottery there are
certain alternatives " (Zeckhauser 1969,
697).
107
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
His proposal. The most immediate are
those of Shepsle (1970) and Fishburn
(1972a) who criticize certain premises of
Zeckhauser and introduce a probabilistic
analysis of the preferences of the actors.
Most of these reactions lead to the same
conclusion of the rejection of the drawing
as credible alternative has the rule of
majorite50. Three important exceptions are
noted: the first from Nitzan (1975)51 who
pleaded for the introduction of such a
decision-making method while remaining
skeptical about its feasibility, the second
coming from Holler (1985) who proposed
to draw lots to the method of counting the
votes (simple majority, absolute majority,
qualified majority, etc. ) before each vote
in the parliament with the aim to prevent
the strategic behavior on the part of the
members but also in order to get on the
long-term a " proportional representation
strict " on52. The third is to Frey himself
who in his 1969 article argues in his
conclusion that this mode of decision
would be beneficial and that it would be
good to put in place and which has
reiterated its proposal in 2010 in the
appointing probability voting ( Frey 2010).
The other texts of the group are interested
rather to the theoretical models of
calculations of the social choices in the
presence of a draw more that has proposals
concretes53. Outside of the discussion on
the theory of rational choice, the proposals
for the introduction of schemes of
decision-making is concentrated around
the more general question of equity. The
first text in this field is that of Taurek
(1977) which addresses the problem of the
number in the following form:
" I can hear the incredulous tones: "Would
you flip a corner were it a question of
saving fifty persons or saving one? Surely
in situations where the numbers are this
alternatives you must admit that one ought
to save the many rather than the few or the
one." I would flip a corner even in such a
case, special considerations apart. I cannot
see how or why the mother addition of
numbers should change anything. It seems
to me that those who, in situations of the
kind in question, would have me count the
relative numbers of people involved as
something in pesticidal of Significanceâ,
would have me attach importance to
human beings and what happens to them in
merely the way I would to objects which I
valued. ≪
50 The argument in this case rests on the
fact that the cost of a procedural block
resistant strategies of actors - that is to say
including a draw - is too high relative to
the benefits that such a resistance
provided.
51Nitzan (1975, 100) : " At present, it
seems unlikely that any society would
adopt tea suggested Reasonning decision
rule " on.
52See Holler (1985) and Berg & Holler
(1986).
53See Fishburn (1972b), Fishburn &
Gehrlein (1977), Intriligator (1973),
Gibbard (1977), Pattanaik & Peleg (1986),
Ledyard & Palfrey (1994). A good
indication of the strong interaction
between these texts is delivered by
Fishburn (1978, 133) : " Thanks in part to
the paper by Zeckhauser ( … ), interest in
the analysis of social choice lotteries has
increased in the past few years " or by
Gibbard (1977, 668): " It was Zeckhauser
who broached the study of voting with
lotteries as alternatives. Fishburn studies
the subject further. ≪
108
4. The texts containing proposals
This proposal has caused an important
debate and many critical positions on the
validity of a printout in the case or the
alternatives represent different sizes,
accompanied by counter-proposals centerd
on the idea of prints weighted by
exemple54.
Finally, without reference to the problems
of ethics, the recourse to the decisionmaking by drawing has also been proposed
in a utilitarian perspective, i.e. in cases in
which the cost of meeting an adequate
information exceeds the gain of a decisionmaking not aleatoire55.
4.3Distribute the power by drawing: The
proposals of sortition
While the distribution of political posts by
drawing has interested many of the authors
of after-war, the proposals concerning the
jobs non-policies remained rares56, a
propensity which comes in part from the
fact that the latter have often summers
considered as lots. That is why they will
not be discussed here and we will
concentrate on the political posts following
the distinction made in the chapter 1.
4.3 .1extend the principle of the judicial
jury
The judicial sphere is the area where the
draw is the most widespread and the
proposals most rares57. The first voice that
amounted have concerned the reform of
the jury itself within the framework of the
controversies of 1970 on the
representativeness of juries northAmericans: there is thus a series of articles
proposing to improve this last by using
cross-lists or by taking explicitly into
account the ethnic dimension during the
draw through quotas58. More recently and
in a optical more radical, Bunting (2006)
has proposed to extend the system of juries
in such a way that the " state-court judges
should be selected by a process similar to
that currently used to select trial juries,
where tea
54See between other Parfit (1978), Kavka
(1979), Sanders (1988) and Lawlor (2006).
55See for example Wolff (1969 ; 1970),
Sunstein & Ullmann-Margalit (1999) or
Schmidt (2000). The texts of Wolff had a
great resonance in the United States . The
book of 1970 is quoted 13 times in the
corpus.
56The most notable exception is the work
of Boyle. See in particular article of 1998.
See also the joblottery of Goodwin (2005).
57This raises the question of the
correlation: the proposals are they rare
because the draw is already present (the
work is already done) or despite the fact
that it is present (justice would be the area
where the threshold of resistance is the
lowest) ?
58This controversy was conducted mainly
in the fields of Civil Rights and will not
developed here. For an example of these
articles, see Alker & al. (1976).
109
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
Set of possible candidates is now roughly
defined as all members of the state bar "
on. Lichtman (1996) has proposed to fit
the number of jurors has 24 persons
present during the whole trial before draw
lots 12 of them for the final deliberation.
4.3 .2 "a modest proposal for reform" and
"election-prints"
The corpus account four proposals
concerning either of the elected positions
either voting procedures themselves. The
oldest is the Modest Proposal for Election
Reform of Abrams & Settle (1976, 45)
who suggest to choose a pool of voters by
drawing within the whole of the electorate
in order to " substantially reduce election
costs without appreciably altering the
election outcome. ≪59 An idea which has
remained isolated, in contrast to the
proposal made in 1984 by Amar to
introduce a system of Lottery Voting, i.e. a
weighted draw between the candidates in
the elections in order to decide the final
winner. More recently, two proposals for
reform of the system of elections north
american have met a certain echo. The first
(Gangale 2004 ; Tolbert, Redlawsk &
Bowen 2009) focuses on the idea that it
would be a good idea to pull the State in
which should be held the first primary in
the presidential. The second sees the
establishment of electoral districts random
or more exactly the allocation of voters has
constituencies non-territorial randomly
(Rehfeld 2005)60.
4.3 .3An executive fired the Fate
The corpus enables identification of six
authors who have defended the draw for
executive posts. The first proposal seems
to be coming of 1969 of Vidal-Naquet
(Schnapp & Vidal-Naquet 1969, 40) in the
form of an " anti-administrative council "
on the draw for the School practice of
High Studies of Paris61. Subsequent
proposals came from Emery (1976b) for
the total posts in the Government Service ;
by Barber (1984) for the mayors and
municipal officials; by Mulgan (1984, 555)
to the executive within the associations
and unions; by Burnheim (1985) for the
whole of executive posts ; by Knag (1998)
to determine which of the two best
candidates for the presidential elections
north american should ultimately govern.
In a register near, Frey & Stut59In
The same direction see Horn (1980) who
speaks of Wahlerspezialisierung.
60 The proposal of Rehfeld has given rise
to a sustained debate, in particular in the
form of a complete number of the
magazine Polity with articles from Canon
(2008), James (2008), Rehfeld (2008),
Stone (2008b) and Williams (2008).
61This in fact apparently the first proposal
for the introduction of the draw of posts
after the war.
110
4. The texts containing proposals
Zer (2005) have proposed to give has a
group of citizens drawn on power to
control and allocate the executive powers
of the international organizations.
4.3 .4mini-public in theory and in practice
It is in 1970 that Dahl has made the first
proposal of introduction of deliberative
body drawn by lot from among the
population: " I propose that we seriously
consider restoring that ancient democratic
device and use it for selecting advisory
councils to every elected official of the
giant polyarchy - mayors of large cities,
state governors, members of the US House
and Senate, and even the President " (Dahl
1970, 149). A thought clarified, specified
and slightly amended in two subsequent
texts: " I would propose the creation of
what might be called a mini-populus. Its
members would be a group of randomly
selected citizens who would serve for a
limited period " (Dahl 1987, 207 and Dahl
1989). If the idea was not immediately
met with an echo important, it has
achieved little by little the status of
reference in the matiere62. Many of the
other proposals subsequent theoretical
elsewhere make reference to the minipublic as a source of inspiration while
ranging from the more often beyond,
including providing for legislative
prerogatives to the body in question63.
The fact remains that the idea of minipublic has constituted the most fertile
recruiting ground of the interaction
between theory and practice. In fact, the
development of the theoretical proposals is
carried out in parallel to that of practical
experiences. It is thus that Dienel and
Crosby propose and then put in place 1973
of Planungszellen and from 1976
of Citizens Juries. As these practical
developments are at the center of chapter
4, here we will just mention the
publications in which these practitioners
have presented their innovations for the
first time, in 1969 for Dienel and in 1976
for Crosby64. In the same vein, we also
find Fishkin (1991, 1995) and its model
of Deliberative Poll, inspired according to
him in part of the proposal of Dahl, unlike
the two previous authors. If we now return
to the theoretical realm, the proposal to
introduce a new branch of the power that it
is for62The study
Bibliometric certainly shows that the first
reference of the corpus to the text of Dahl
is from 1972. However more than half of
the 24 citations are dated after 2004.
63See infra, p. 112 et seq.
64See Dienel (1969). The publication of
classic Dienel in which the template is
presented in a manner developed is 1978
(Dienel 1978 ; reissues in 1991, 1992,1997
and 2002). Crosby introduced his model
for the first time in 1976 but in a document
not published officially, and then in detail
in 1986 and especially 2003 (Crosby et al.
1986; Crosby 2003).
111
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
Could appoint " deliberative " has recently
been made by Carson & Martin (1999)65,
by Gastil (2000) in the form
of Deliberative Elections and by O'Leary
(2006) and its People's House .It will be
noted that these proposals are late, which
reflects the growing interaction between
theory and practice that we will discuss
ulterieurement66. Also, it should be noted
that some publications on the subject are
simply an exploratory approach as this
may be the case of Rocke (2005) or
Warren & Pearse (2008).
4.3 .5draw lots to the legislative power:
the "legislature random" to " Loskammer "
in passing by "the Athenian option "67
The proposals in this area are by far the
most numerous and the most diverse, both
in the models presented in the argument
which underlies, as will be seen in the next
chapter. Chronologically speaking, the first
of the 15 proposals identified in the corpus
is coming - just as in the case of decisionmaking - of authors close to school of
choice public68. The article published by
Muller, Tollison & Willet in 1972 put
forward the following idea: " We would
like to propose for consideration the
selecting of a national legislature at
random from the voting populace " (Muller
& al. 1972, 50). Such a system would
allow the authors to combine " tea
priviledges of collecting decentralized
information through polling with the
efficiency of representation " on.
ARTICLE, several times reissued and
widely quoted by the suite thus constitutes
the starting point for an important series of
proposals that we would confine himself to
summarise (see figure 14, p. 113) in the
accompanying two remarks. First it was
integrated in the table the proposals
subsequent to April 2010, secondly and as
pointed out at the beginning of this
chapter, some of the texts proposing the
draw of the legislative body are based on
an argument particularly militant. It is thus
the case of the second text published after
war, in 1976, by Becker, who proposed
a Half Random House in order to
65In their book Carson & Martin are
supporters of the introduction of the draw
in many other areas, but as regards the
sortition, they favor a deliberative
function.
66It is also for this reason that the vast
literature on participatory democracy has
been excluded from the corpus but also of
the data base. A further reason is that the
majority of this literature is not interested
in the prize draw as such as we the
concepts in introduction. The exceptions
have been made for the founding texts or
for those who are focusing on the drawing
in the participatory democracy, for
example Coote & Lenaghan (1997).
67Muller et al. (1972), Buchstein & Hein
(2009), Barnett & Carty (1998).
68The database includes 40 texts and the
corpus 17. This significant difference is
explained by the number of editions and
reprints as well as the exclusion of texts
activists.
112
4. The texts containing proposals
Counter the faults of the elective system
and to obtain a " true " representation of
the people against its " elites " (Becker
1976b, 183-185). This is also the case of
more recent texts such as that of Weyh
(2007) who wants to exile the political
representatives on a deserted island before
putting in place a parliament drawn by lot,
or Amanrich (1999, 2006) which
announced " the death of democracy " on.
These texts are not taken into account in
the corpus and are therefore not presented
here.
Reference
Name of the Proposal
Type of legislative body drawn by lot
Muller & al. 1972
Random Legislature
Lower House of parliament
Horn 1980
Wahlerspezialisierung
National legislative body
Cannac 1983
The just power
French National Assembly
Barber 1984
Strong Democracy
Legislative Body local and regional
Burnheim 1985
Demarchy
Legislative Committees local
Callenbach & Phillips 1985
A Citizen Legislature
House of Representatives of the EUA
Martin 1990
Democracy without Elections
All the legislative bodies
Long 1996
All the legislative bodies
Bailey 1997
National legislative bodies
Barnett & Carty 1998
The Athenian Option
House of Lords
Schmidt 2001
Statistical Democracy
National legislative body
Schmitter & al. 2004A
Citizens Assembly
Legislative body at European level
Sutherland 2004
Deliberative National Legislative
Assembly
House of Commons - United Kingdom
Mc Cormick 2006
Législatif e Assembly
National législatif the USA
Sintomer 2007
Senate
French Senate
Buchstein & Hein 2009
Loskammer
Second chamber of the European
Parliament
Peonidis 2009
The Case of alloted Mps
Part of Parliament
Aguileo Cancio 2010
Camaras sorteadas
Spanish Parliament
Zakaras 2010
Modest Proposal
Parliaments of the federated States the
USA
Dryzek et al. 2011
Global Deliberative Citizens' Assembly
World Assembly citizen
Pluchino et al. 2011
PWO's damge
Parliament
Illustration 14: Summary of proposals
concerning the sortition of legislative
items.
113
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
5. The emergence of a new paradigm
within the political philosophy?
5.1Hypothesis
The presentation of all of the texts of the
corpus has shown that there are
interactions and discussions between the
authors describing, exploring and
proposing the draw in politics. Can we go
further, however, and see in this movement
the emergence of a current of thought or
even a theory consistent within the
political philosophy?
Three authors at least have characterized
the evolution of the field of publication in
this sense. The first seems to have been
Snider (2007, 1) who has proposed the
designation of Yale School of Democratic
Reform in so doing mainly refers to the
work of Dahl and then of Fishkin, Leib
and O'Leary, all four having taught and/or
studied in this university and being authors
- as we have seen - proposals for reforms
based on the employment of the draw.
Buchstein (2009a, 390) has for its part
offers the term aleatorische
Demokratietheorie it is-a-say theory of
democracy aleatoire69. These two
designations have, however, been confined
to the field of the selection in the context
of posts, mainly deliberative processes.
Stone (2009, 375) is the third author who
has offered an interpretation of the corpus
in global terms without giving him the
name of theorie70. Now we will test this
hypothesis by analysing the results of the
study scientometrics of the corpus
presented in beginning of chapter (cf. p. 94
et seq. ).
69Buchstein (2009a, 390) : " Angesichts
dieser Konstellation lassen sich die call
Varianten von zufallsgenerierten Gremien
gleichsam als polling Bausteinen eines
Demokratiemodells verstehen, das
zwischen dem partizipativen Impuls of
voluntaristischen Modells und dem
rationalen Anspruchsniveau of
epistemischen Modells eine Brucke
ressective. Angesicht der in technischer
Hinsicht vom Zentralen Busbahnhof Rolle of Faktors Zufall in diesem
Bruckenschlag Biergarten bietet alles sich
dafur die Bezeichnung "aleatorische
Demokratietheorie" year. ≪
70Stone (2009a, 375-376) : " Within the
past twenty-five years, there has been a
surge of interest in the use of random
selection techniques, gold lotteries, in
decision making. Some authors have
suggested that distributive justice may
mandate the use of lotteries to allocate
scarce customer servicecheck benefits and
burdens. Others have advocated the
incorporation of lotteries into democratic
decision-making processes ... A handful of
authors have attempted to survey the entire
field of potential worn for lotteries
…Scholars in a variety of disciplines including political science, philosophy,
economics, and law - thus now approved
that lotteries may be more important than
conventional wisdom suggests. ≪
114
5. The emergence of a new paradigm
within the political philosophy?
5.2Of bibliometric indicators that confirm
the hypothesis
5.2 .1an academic interest for the draw
clearly in progress
The results presented in the following
illustrations (cf. illustrations 15 and 16, p.
115) are used to make three observations.
First, since the first text of after-War
published in 1956, at least 318 texts have
tackled the subject of the prize draw in
politics. Among these texts can be
regarded as a group of 254 form a corpus
more united and center around the
problems. Secondly, half of the texts of
this corpus was published between 1956
and 1990 either in 47 years and the second
half in the past 20 years ; not less than a
third of them has even appeared in the last
10 years which is the clear sign of an
acceleration of the number of publications
on the printout. Thirdly, regardless of this
evolution, there are cycles of
approximately five to eight years which
the peaks are located in 1976, 1984, 1991,
1998, and 2006 to 2009. This last year is
also by far the most productive of the
period (14 texts in the corpus). Some of
the cycles are explained, as we have seen
previously, by the existence of academic
discussions by articles interposed. This is
the case for example of 1976 which
corresponds to the development of a
debate in response to the proposal
of Survival Lottery made by Harris in
1975, torque has a debate within the
rational choice on the proposal of
Zeckhauser of 1969.
1944
1946
1948
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1952
1954
1956
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1964
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2010
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Database
CorpusIllustration 15: Evolution of the
number of annual publications.
115
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
1944
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Database
CorpusIllustration 16: cumulation of
annual publications.
5.2 .2a growing intertextuality,
The analysis of citations gives three major
results. First, as shown in the illustrations
1 and 18 (cf. infra, p. 117), 50% of crosscitations are on the last decile of time and
75% on the last third of the period, a sign
of strong acceleration of the number of
cross-citations. Then, it is noted that this
acceleration is maintained in relative
terms, when we reported the number of
citations to the number of books (see
illustrations 19 and 20, p. 117). In the
period 1966-1986, the number of
publications is proportionately larger than
these cross-citations. Has the reverse on
the end of the period, the number of cross-
citations exceed in proportion the number
of book which means that the authors are
turning to the inside of the network of
citations; they rely more and more on the
other authors. Finally, the rate of
intercitation71, knows of the peaks in
1970, 1978 1984, 1996 and 2009
explicable by sets of texts very
interconnected because part of academic
discussions. The overall evolution allows
you to point out that the average rate
increased steadily over the period: the
authors refer therefore proportionately
more and more to the publications on the
printout.
71For reminder, this indicator is calculated
by doing for each text the ratio between
the total of its references and the number
of references that are part of the matrix.
116
5. The emergence of a new paradigm
within the political philosophy?
1944
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Illustration 17: The annual number of
cross-citations.
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croiseeillustration 18 : Accumulation of
cross-citations.
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Cross-Citations in %
Publications in %
Illustration 19: annual share in % of
written quotations and cross-sell.
117
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
1944
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-20
-15
-10
-5
0
5Illustration 20: Relation between the
share of writings and share of crosscitations. A negative number indicates that
the number of cross-citations is
proportionately larger than that of
publications.
1944
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50
Rate of intercitation
MoyenneIllustration 21: Rate of
intercitation and annual average %.
5.2 .3a density increasing overall with
peaks
The calculations for the density of the
matrix provide the following results. In the
first place, the overall density of the matrix
of citations on the period 1945-2010 is
0.05 . This value seems to be able to be
interpreted as consistent with the averages
for this type of network of citations (see
Havemann 2009). In the second place, the
average density of the annual network of
citations increases in a near-linear fashion
over the period (0.1 to 0.3 ) then even that
the gross number of publications
increased: the authors cite proportionately
more and more. In the third place, there are
peaks of density, i.e. the years during
which the texts are more strongly related to
each other by their references (cf.
illustration 21, p. 118). The three years the
most dense are 2009 ( 0.22 ), 1992 ( 0.19 )
and 118
5. The emergence of a new paradigm
within the political philosophy?
1999 ( 0.16 ). The top decile72 includes 5
years of the last decade and 8 of the 10
years the most dense are located between
1989 and 2010. There is therefore a real
densification has the work for twenty
years.
Illustration 22: Density of the matrix of
citations.
5.2 .4centrality of texts and authors
The analysis of centrality will be limited
here to the first ten texts and authors the
most cited of the database and of the
corpus, presented in summary form.
Database
Corpus
Publication
Quotations
Rank
Publication
Quotations
Rank
Rawls 1970
44
1
Burnheim 1985
36
1
Rousseau 1762
38
2
Barber 1984
35
2
Burnheim 1985
36
3
Elster 1989
31
3
Aristotle - The policy
36
3
Manin 1996
29
4
Barber 1984
35
4
Hansen 1991
29
4
Elster 1989
31
5
Fishkin 1995
26
5
Montesquieu - Spirit of Laws
31
5
Broome 1984
25
6
Manin 1996
29
6
Dahl 1970
23
7
Hansen 1991
29
6
Fishkin 1991
22
8
Arrow 1951
29
6
Carson & Martin 1999
21
9
Illustration 23: centrality of publications.
72That is, the ten years the more dense.
119
1944
1946
1948
1950
1952
1954
1956
1958
1960
1962
1964
1966
1968
1970
1972
1974
1976
1978
1980
1982
1984
1986
1988
1990
1992
1994
1996
1998
2000
2002
2004
2006
2008
2010
0
0.05
0.1
0.15
0.2
0.25
Annual Density
Average Density
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
Database
Corpus
Author
Quotations
Rank
Author
Quotations
Rank
Aristotle
61
1
Fishkin
59
1
Dahl
59
2
Dahl
59
1
Fishkin
59
2
Elster
50
2
Elster
50
3
Broome
45
3
Rawls
46
4
Goodwin
39
4
Rousseau
46
4
Burnheim
36
5
Broome
45
5
Dienel
35
5
Goodwin
39
6
Barber
35
5
Burnheim
36
7
Stone
34
6
Barber
35
8
Hansen
34
7
Dienel
35
8
Illustration 24: centrality of the authors.
These results call six notes:
1.Five of the flagship publications of the
database are without surprise classics of
political philosophy, even though they do
not deal exclusively from the draw. A
classification which is confirmed in part at
the level of the perpetrators with Aristotle
in first place and Rawls and Rousseau in
fourth. This result is consistent with the
bibliometric regularities and the Matthew
effect (cf. supra, p. 97) is found here as
elsewhere: few authors accumulate a lot of
quotes and many authors are little cites
(see illustration 25, p. 120).
Illustration 25: The Matthew effect:
number of citations received by the
authors of the matrix.
2.Six of the texts the most cited of the
corpus are supporters and the book of
Burnheim which is the most quoted is a
text particularly radical in its proposals. A
trend which 120
Fishkin
Goodwin
Stone
Ackerman
Pitkin
Mueller, Tollison & Willet
Taurek
Hacking
Fienberg
Coote and Lenaghan
Scarce Customer Servicecheck Medical
Resource Allocation
Abramson
Kornhauser & Sager
Glover
Brown
Eckhoff
Frey & Stutzer
Rhodes
Emery
Pope
Bleicken
Nilsen
Between Herzberg
Boyce
Prat
Warren
Mavrodes
Ginsburgh & Michel
Carson
Sizif
Martin
Grozinger
Vicens
Stasz & Stolk
Pattanaik & Peleg
Lichtenstein & Rabinowirt
Gudian
Cireze
Bohanon & Coelho
Urfalino & Dalgalarrondo
Schweinsberg
Rice
Litvak-Poulin
King
Williams
Decocq & Roumier
Berger
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
Quotations
5. The emergence of a new paradigm
within the political philosophy?
Is reflected at the level of the authors with
the presence of Burnheim, Goodwin and
Barber all three particularly critical of
liberal thought and supporters of the draw
in politics. The group of authors is
therefore turned resolutely toward a
perspective of proposal and partisan of the
draw.
3.The intuition that the books of Hansen
(1991), Manin (1996) and Elster (1989) are
central in the field is confirmed in these
figures (cf. supra, p. 103 et seq. ), even
when the three publications are tardives73.
The first case is explained because the
book is the current reference on ancient
Athens in a perspective of political science
and that democracy ancient interested all
the authors of the corpus by its role of
example. The presence of Elster is
explained because it is the first publication
quasi-monographic centered on the draw in
policy as a decision tool. The book of
Manin is the oldest monograph on the
draw in treaty policy in a comparative
way.
4.The presence of two publications of
Fishkin is explained by the fact that most
of the other authors cite in blocks the two
publications. There is here an effect of
separating cut which is found in the
prominent place of Fishkin among the
authors of the corpus.
5.Fishkin and Dienel are both among the
authors most cited. This result is
particularly interesting when one considers
that it is the inventors of practical models
of mini-publics74. It confirms the
hypothesis that these models are adapted to
test the relationship between the theory
and the practice of drawing. We note also
that the book of Dahl of 1970 containing
the idea of mini-public is at the seventh
place, which demonstrates the centrality of
this proposal.
6.The set of results highlights the
importance of two major topics around
which revolve the discussions on the draw.
Firstly the rational choice and its limits
with Arrow, Elster, Goodwin and Rawls.
Secondly the one on democracy with
publications of - and authors such as Aristotle, Barber, Burnheim, Dahl,
Hansen, Manin or Montesquieu.
73In effect, more a publication is late, the
more the probability to be central at the
time of the census is low.
74The fact that Crosby, the inventor
of Citizens Juries arrives in position 9 of
the authors of the corpus, further
strengthens this aspect, and this all the
more if one takes into account the fact that
there is little published.
121
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
5.2.5 An increase in exploratory texts and
supporters
The analysis of the details of the different
types of publications and of the subjects
provided an additional result,
Namely that the share of publications
descriptive tends to decrease while that of
texts
Exploratory and supporters increases (see
26, 122). 30% Of the texts supporters and
45% of the
Exploratory texts have summers products
in the past 10 years.
Illustration 26: relative share of types of
texts in the corpus.
This structure of publications confirms the
hypothesis that the interest for the draw in
policy
Is done more and more normative. The
number of texts advocating for the
introduction/reintroduction
The draw takes importance not only in
gross terms but also proportionately
The number of publications. This remark is
all the more true if one is interested
The exploratory texts which have
experienced a real boom.
5.3 The development of a network of
actors
Beyond these figures, the study of the
dynamics of the network of the authors of
the corpus gives of
Elements allowing to test the assumption
by the channels more qualitative.
5.3.1 Coredactions and acknowledgments
A traditional tool of the bibliometrics is to
identify the written texts in common by
actors
The network of citations with the purpose
of detecting networks of people. In effect,
write
122
1956
1957
1958
1959
1960
1961
1962
1963
1964
1965
1966
1967
1968
1969
1970
1971
1972
1973
1974
1975
1976
1977
1978
1979
1980
1981
1982
1983
1984
1985
1986
1987
1988
1989
1990
1991
1992
1993
1994
1995
1996
1997
1998
1999
2000
2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
0%
10%
20%
30%
40%
50%
60%
70%
80%
90%
100%
Part of exploratory texts Share of texts
supporters Part of descriptive texts
5. The emergence of a new paradigm
within the political philosophy?
A text in collaboration presupposes a
certain degree of confidence, and
knowledge within a network. In the
context of the texts of the corpus
bibliometric we can identify 43
coredactions (16.2% of the texts) whose 19
7.1 %) are made with another author of the
matrix. These figures are relatively low
and may suggest that the authors do not
work together that little between them.
However, 25% of collaborations have
taken place in the last decile of time (either
2003-2010) and more than half of the
coredactions intra-network have been
produced in the last 15 years. This trend
could be interpreted as the beginning of a
networking of the authors working on the
drawing. The analysis of the appreciation
nourishes this hypothesis: 27 texts contain
acknowledgments concerning the authors
of the matrix. 50% OF them are
subsequent to 2002 which confirms the
phenomenon of approximation of the
actors who take on more and more support
on each other. The acknowledgments made
by Elster (1987, 107) at the beginning of
one of its texts and in which are present
seven of the authors of the matrix illustrate
this point:
" Among the participants in the seminar, I
am especially indebted to Fredrik
Engelstad and Aanund Hylland for their
constructive and critical contributions.
Thanks are also due Torstein Eckhoff, Karl
O. Moene, and Kirsten Sandberg. I
received many useful comments when
presenting earlier versions of thesis
readings at seminars at the University of
California at Davis, the University of
Pittsburgh, Yale University, and the
University of Miami. Earlier drafts have
also been read by Akhil Amar, Robert
Bartlett, John Broome, G. A. Cohen, J.
Gregory Dees, Gerald Dworkin, Ed Green,
Stephen Holmes, Mark Kishlansky,
William Kruskal, Isaac Levi, Stephen
Stigler, Cass Sunstein. I am grateful to
them all for their comments and
suggestions. I aussi merci King K. Tsao
for competent research assistance " on.
5.3 .2scientific events and platforms of
communication
The academic activity is however not has
publications and a live network of direct
relations maintained between its members.
For this reason, it was taken into account
in this study scientometrics three
additional elements. First, a quick review
revealed that 5 of 6 scientific symposia (or
panels within symposia) on the subject
were held during the last 5 years. However
this figure is to be taken with caution
because of the limited visibility of
symposia in comparison with that of the
publications. It is therefore quite probable
that some of them had escaped the census.
The fact remains that the organization of
panels devoted entirely to the draw in
politics is a novelty. And this all the more
if one is interested in their participants: the
vast majority 123
Chapter 2: Prize Draw and political
philosophy, a study scientometrics
Stakeholders for the last three symposia in
date are also present in the matrix of the
authors.
Another index which suggests has a
growing integration is the structure of
channels of publications. In effect for the
past ten years an increasing number of
texts supporters or exploratory summers
have edited in the form of collections or of
whole numbers of journals. An example is
the series of articles published in the Social
Science Review in 1989 or the one most
prominent feature of the Sortition
collection in Public Policy of the
publisher Imprint Academic who is the real
bearer of the texts on the draw, not only
because it has published the majority of
recent monographs, but also by his activity
of re-publishing of books more anciens75.
In Parallel emerges from a dynamic of
discussion and direct communication in the
form of an electronic mailing list coupled
has a site of type blog. The first, created in
2003, has seen its number of members go
from 9 in 2004 to 34 in 2010 14 of which
are of the authors of the corpus76. The
blog Equality by batch created in 2010 is
animated by one of the authors the most
central of the corpus and shows an
important activity of direct discussions
between the authors working on the
tirage77.
75 In particular the classic On The Use of
Lots of Gataker, the book of Callenbach &
Phillips or that of Goodwin.
76A list created by Boyle, one of the
authors also present in the corpus.
77Http://equalitybylot.wordpress.com/
(visit the 08.28.2011 ). The blog includes
inputs and comments to authors of the
central network as Burnheim, Stone or
even Sutherland.
124
6. Conclusions
6. Conclusions
The presentation of the publications on the
drawing as a method of selection /
distribution in politics has put in before the
diversity and interdisciplinary interest
which he has been subjected since the end
of the Second World War. The analysis of
this evolution by the employment of
methods scientometriques allows in
addition to confirm the hypothesis of the
quantitative development of a new center
of thematic interest within the political
philosophy since the end of 1960. The
authors and publications on the draw
moves closer, whether between-cite,
increasingly rely on each other in their
arguments, are and discuss: a real network
is in training. The study does not prove
however that it was not matter has the
appearance of a " theory prize draw "
on even if it reinforces the intuition that it
exists. To confirm or refute the hypothesis
definitively it is going to be detailed in the
following chapter the discursive content of
texts which have been shown the
proximity and analyze frames anything
economically exploitable employed by the
authors is interesting in the draw in politics
in order to see if the dynamic quantitative
se double of a proximity qualitative
leading to the emergence of a theory of
democracy random.
125
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of
democracy random
This chapter is intended to confirm or deny
the existence of a " theory of democracy "
on random, by analyzing the speech of
authors supporters of the cleros in
politique1. We begin by defining and
structuring the search field (1). We will be
interested then the analyzes made by the
authors of the systems current policies (2)
before to itemize their common
expectations concerning the employment
of the draw in policy (3), continued what
we will put forward the differences and the
diversity of arguments (4). This work will
enable us to respond in the affirmative to
the question of the birth of a theory of the
draw in politics - here qualified to theory
of democracy random - which we can then
draw the contours through a development
in historical perspective and analytical
(5)2.
1This chapter does not include critical
analysis of proposals and expectations
formulated in the texts of the corpus. The
latter will be made in chapter 6.
2It is for this reason that we will talk
about " authors aleatoriens " or " theory of
democracy ≪ random throughout this
chapter when the reference is made to the
authors of the corpus.
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
1. Definition of the field of investigation
1.1Corpus
The study was debate carried out here is
based on the part of the corpus of chapter 2
including the exploratory texts and the
texts supporters regarding the sortition3.
Three reasons for this choice: first of all,
the proposals of sortition are the more
close to the real in the sense that they are
for existing part, as we will see in the next
chapter: there are hundreds of
implementation of the proposal of minipublic (cf. chapter 4, p. 200 et seq. ) but
any realization of the distribution of
custodial sentence by drawing (Lichtmann
1996). Then, a discursive study of the
entire corpus would exceed the framework
of this work. Finally, the inclusion of
exploratory texts allows you to retrieve a
large part of the argument of the whole of
the authors working on the drawing. Such
a limitation reduces the number of texts
taken into account here has 67. In
agreement with the results of the previous
chapter, include as a priority the authors
the most central of the corpus4. In order to
facilitate the reading, however, would be
limited references has two or three for each
argument.
1.2Structuring was debate of the study
The first characteristic that struck during
the course of the observation is that the
vast majority of texts considered follows a
structure binary was debate, albeit often
presented in a different order: either the
author is interested primarily has one (or
several) use past or present of the drawing
before drawing any conclusions on its
potential for the existing democracies,
either he begins by identifying what seems
to him to be the crises of the present
political system before resorting to the
draw as a solution, drawing on the
historical examples and/or current use. In a
minority of cases, the authors are a
proposal ex nihilo, that is to say directly
with arguments a-historical. The rest of the
chapter will resume this binary structure in
the following form: we will begin by
presenting the criticism made by the
current political system (2.1 to 2.4 ) before
looking quickly at the bottom joint
3It is therefore in the context of the
sortition, as defined in chapter 1, point
4.3.1.5 , p. 78 et seq.
4As a reminder, the five authors the most
central are Burnheim, Barber, Elster,
Manin and Fishkin.
128
1. Definition of the field of investigation
For examples of uses of the draw
mobilized by the authors (2.5 ). We will
detail then the expectations they formulate
regarding his employment in politics (3.1
to 3.5 ).
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
The authors took into account in the study
discursive5 have a first common basis to
criticize the representative system practice
in democracies occidentales6. They focus
their thoughts on the different aspects,
causes and effects of what they call the
crisis of representative democracy that we
can study in four thematic clusters: the
crisis of representation (2.1 ), that of the
participation (2.2 ), the deconstruction of
liberal notions of election and of
competence (2.3 ) and transverse manner
the crisis of legitimacy (2.4 ).
2.1" A crisis of representation that never
ends not "7
2.1 .1a criticism on the form
All of the attacks of the authors studied
here against the political systems Western
liberals must not allow them to believe that
it is the same principle of representation
they implicate but well its current form. In
fact, in the vast majority of texts, direct
democracy is certainly presented as an
ideal but is rejected for its impraticabilite8.
The authors of the corpus consider the
representation as necessary to the proper
functioning policy (Mueller, Tollison &
Willett 1972, 57) :
" It has been generally accepted in political
science literature that no matter the
priviledges of full participatory (town
meeting) democracy, for a wide polity,
such as almost any country, this form of
government is not feasible. Hence, it is
purely technical grounds the closest that a
country like the United States could come
to a pure democracy would be
representative government of some
form. ≪9
5We present here the arguments common
to the vast majority of authors. The points
on which they are divided as well as the
diverging opinions isolated are presented
infra (cf. p. 162 et seq. ).
6By linguistic facility we will employ
interchangeably the terms liberal
democracy, representative democracy,
western political system liberal and their
combinations and components because
they are used by the authors to designate
the political systems of most western
countries, while remaining aware of the
problem posed by these designations (Sen
2005). For an example of these
designations, see Burnheim (1985, 188)
: " Dahl has tea seems useful term
"polyarchy" tb désigner tea regimes we
usually call democratic in Western
countries ".
7Sintomer (2007, 15).
8See for example Burnheim (1985, 91),
Carson & Martin (1999, 28-30) or Horn
(1980, 20 and 58).
129
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
What then is the purpose of criticism, are
the form and content of the representation
politically involved.10. Most of the
supporters of the draw deal with this
problem based on the traditional division
performed by Piktin (1967) between
formal representation (standing for) and
substantial (acting for) and adopt a broad
approach to what should be the democratic
representation.
2.1 .2a formal representation overdriven
The first catchment area of the
representation concerned as well
the " representationfiguration ≪ representatives, i.e. their
ability to reflect in a passive way the
society in the form of
the Stellvertretung11. In this context,
a " representation representative " should
be a statistical reflection of the population
as a whole. However, for the authors of the
corpus, the western democracies are far
from fulfilling this ideal. The first reason
for the distortion comes to them the fact
that the representation is constructed on a
geographical basis - it is the principle of
the constituencies - which encourages all
kinds of manipulations, including the most
well known is the gerrymandering (cutting
of constituencies) and as a result high
distortions in the representation of
structural minorities. Added to this is the
problem of localism which prevents the
emergence of a general willingness at the
national level or even international12.
Beyond the geographic component,
the Stellvertretung also suffers from
through socio-economic which font that
the representatives are not a true reflection
of the society. Figures has the support, the
authors compare the profile sociological,
economic, cultural and ethnic background
of elected13 has that of the whole of the
citizens, and arrive at the conclusion that
representatives and re9See
Also the calculations presented by Dahl
(1970, 144-145) or Carson & Martin
(1999, 1). The formulation of Burnheim
(1985, 91) applies also to be cited: " There
is no possibility of reaching reasonable
conclusions about matters in which a
diversity of interests and opinions are
involved by voting or by the direct
involvement of all those affected by the
decisions. Most decisions have to be left to
negotiators (Stockholm who enjoy a very
wide margin of discretion about what to
concede and what tb refuses to other
parties. Realistically, then, the problem of
democracy is that of selecting and
controlling the representative who are to
negotiate the various decisions that have to
be made about matters of public policy and
administration. ≪
10In the same sense, the authors of the
corpus do not criticize the principle of
democracy, but its present form. Cf. for
example Sutherland (2008, 32). See also
the remarks of Barber (1984, XIX).
11Cf. Rosanvallon (2008, 140) for details
on this concept.
12The first analysis of the phenomenon is
located among Mueller & al. (1972, 59)
: " Tying representation tb lease gives rise
to the much discussed incentives to logroll
for the home district, forcing the polity
into negative-sum games. Purely national
issues presumably have no representative
except tea President and Vice-President ".
For an analysis largely updated and
thorough, cf. Refehld (2005, 13) or the
discussion of the latter with other authors
published in the magazine Polity (cf.
chapter 2, note 60, p. 110). For an analysis
regarding the European Union, see
Buchstein & Hein (2009).
13In the texts studied, the term elected is
understood in a very broad sense and often
designated in a comprehensive manner the
elected national and local, legislative,
executive and judicial and sometimes even
the elected direct and indirect. We will
keep this broad meaning. 130
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
Presented have not large thing in
commun14. For some this state of fact is a
given intrinsic regimes of representative,
rooted in their past the more lointain15.
For others, it is rather a drift of the ideal of
representative democracy:
" Americans are worried about Congress,
and they are right to worry. The founding
fathers intended Congress to be
representative of all Americans "a portrait
of the people in miniature". Purpose today
95% of its members are still white male
property-owners, almost half of them
lawyers. ≪ (Callenbach & Phillips 1985,
1)16.
Such figures, taken up by each of the
authors in its national context, emphasize
the existing imbalance
between " people " and " elite " on17,
between circles popular and affluent
minorities, between political class and
citizens. This gap would, however, not an
inevitability, say the authors, if the elect
were at least the incarnation of the
symbolic dimension of the representation,
that is, if they were considered to be
representative by their constituents, as is
the case of charismatic leaders.
Unfortunately, the texts of the corpus the
stress polls has the appui18, the citizens do
not feel represented by their political class
and the conclusion is without appeal: the
symbolic representation is in crisis and
beyond the social and economic
differences, it is the link between
representatives and represented which is
broken.
2.1.3 The limits of the substantial
representation
" There are two fundamental problems in
American politics. The first is that most
Americans do not believe that elected
officials represent their interests. The
second is that they are correct. ≪ (Gastil
2000, 1).
In its analysis, Pitkin noted that
the Stellvertretung, for central that it can
be, is that a catchment area of
representation since a representative ideal,
in the liberal sense, must also be capable of
acting on behalf of its constituents. The
substantial representation or
represented14See
Amar (1984, 1284) : " The plight of
discrete and insular minorities paradigmatically, the poor and the blacks -
who are systematically denied free access
to the bazaar of pluralist politics posed a
vexing problem in American democratic
and constitutional theory " on. See also
Mulgan (1984, 555).
15See for example the analysis of Manin
(1996) or that of Mc Cormick (2006, 1).
16A next on the texts activists is
illuminating here. More than the writings
are polemics, more than they focus on this
aspect current socio-economic without
genuine historical hindsight. Cf. Sizif
(1998) or Weyh (2007). There are also
analyzes which consider the nonrepresentativity as sociological fact,
without positive or negative value. Dienel
(1971b, 155) offers a good example of this
type of presentation: " Auf
Verbandskongressen oder EIB
Protestaktionen sind die Coming Up unter
sich, im Supervisory die Fachleute, im
Parlamentsausschuss die von den
Karrieremechanismen der Parteien
Selektierten. ≪
17Callenbach & Phillips (1985,
3): " About half of the electorate, which
does not vote, cannot readily be considered
to be represented at all, and this group, of
course, includes a Ontatio mass of's
periodical disadvantaged people
(something like a sixth of our population)
who bear the brunt of our poverty and
unemployment " on. See also Sintomer
(2007, 26).
18See for example Gastil (2000, 41-50),
Manin (1996, 248-250) or Sintomer (2007,
16).
131
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
TION-delegation (Reprasentation in
german) will materialize according to
Pitkin (1967, 124-127) on a scale ranging
from the agent - an agent with little or no
autonomy - the fake, that is to say on the
person acting in complete autonomy in
name and place of someone else in passing
by the delegate, the commissionaire and
the trustee. But regardless of its powers,
the representative must act in the interest
of his authorised representative19 which
must have a power of control. If the
authors of the corpus differ on the ideal
form that should take the substantial
representation, they are in contrast to agree
to say that it cannot be found that very
superficially performed in political reality.
First of all, concerning the defense of the
interests of the agents, i.e. the voters, the
authors argue the idea that the
representatives have developed own
interests who take their source in the
professionalization of the policy and in its
paradigmatic form, the system partisan20.
Although any two are analyzed as
deviations from the ideal representative,
the political parties are the figure the more
hated of authors of the corpus which
characterized archaic, of oligarchic and
inefficaces21. They are the channel quasimonopoly of selection of candidates for
elections. They decide who will be able to
submit or. Given that the policy is
professionalized, say the authors of the
corpus, the selection of candidates is then
for the party has choose internally the
people who will serve the better its
interests independently of those of
citoyens22. The latter are reluctant to
launch into the adventure, strewn with
pitfalls: for count in politics, it is necessary
to make a career in a party, fit the echelons
of power, be capable of plotting and
trahir23. All of these practices are in fact,
noted most of the authors, a recurring
event of the " iron law of oligarchy "
on which is often mobilized as a category
of analyse24. The combination of these
factors - professionalization and monopoly
party19See
For example the definition of Burnheim
(1985, 107-108): " My representative
should have at least as strong an interest in
advancing my interests as I have, should
be in a position to devote more time and
effort to the task and bring to it superior
knowledge and skill. ≪
20See Aguileo Cancio (2010, 12), Carson
& Martin (1999, 3) or O'Leary (2006, 3454).
21See for example Martin (1995, 20) or
Sutherland (2008, 11 and 45) : " So
political parties are not just useless, their
role is actually counterproductive. ≪
22See Buchstein & Hein (2009, 365),
Burnheim (1985, 103) or Snider (2006, 1).
23Burnheim (1985, 101) : " The reason
many abler and better people give for not
going into politics is that they are not well
equipped to deal with the continual
jockeying for influence and position in
party life, the toadying to those already in
positions of power, the necessity of
discrediting others rather than co-operating
with them, the subordination of issues to
tactics and so on. ≪
24 See Barber (1984, 205 and 291),
Sintomer (2007, 29) or Sutherland (2008,
33). The law in question has been
formulated by Michels (1911, 38)
: " Zwischen der Monarchy und der
Demokratie, die beide ihre Wurzel im
Vertretersystem haben, bestehe hochstens
bedeutungsloser ein Unterschied im
Tempo, against aber in der 132
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
SAN on the nominations and the policy fact that the representatives have
developed a set of individual interests do
not reflect those of the society in general.
Three elements characterize these interests.
In the first place, they take before any
account of the desires own politicians as a
social group - the famous political class and those of the support their having
helped to achieve their position, the not
less famous vested interests:
" Congress members receive over
$300,000,000 , or at in campaign
contributions and their votes follow the
demands of the popular form sources that
provide thesis funds. As one observed in
Washington puts it, we now live in has
special interest state. ≪ (Callenbach &
Phillips 1985, 94)25.
In the second place, the interests of the
representatives are limited in temporal
terms and geographical. In effect, the
politicians are not doing that little - they
have no interest in doing so in their
electoral optical short-term - of problems
that are beyond the horizon national or
local generational and then even that a
growing number of problems are
resolvable difficulties that at the
international level or even global and
taking into account the generations
futures26. Finally, in the third place, and
paradoxically, the current representatives
have the ability of being able to influence
(and even legislate on) the whole of the
policy under the fiction that gives them the
sovereignty. Thus, they can formulate laws
to which they are not submitted, and which
they will not suffer the consequences or on
the contrary to make laws for themselves,
for example on their wages, without no
controle27.
That is precisely the second problem that
see the authors of the corpus in the
representation-current delegation: the
mechanism of surrenders of accounts
supposed to allow the control of citizens
on their representatives does not work or
more. The realization the most significant
of this deficit is the fact that the
representatives can give themselves some
rules for itself and thus have the impunity
making them vulnerable to the
corruption28. A second figure of the lack
of control on the representatives is the
possibility for the latter to be extended at
the
Substanz. Das Volk souverane wahle sich
statt eines Konigs met eine Kategorie von
kleinen Konigen, und unfahig, seine
Herrschaft uber das Staatswesen frei und
selbstandig auszuuben, lasse es sich willig
within Grundrecht konfiszieren. ≪
25Crosby (1976, 5) : " A selection between
a representative democracy and a
democracy by lot depends on two factors:
how competent are the citizens and how
likely are the representative to serve the
people as a whole rather than special
interests? There is now a fairly average
emerge among both hidden faceâ and the
general public about the ability or interest
of elected representative to serve the
interests of all. ≪
26See Dienel (1978), Schmitter &
Trechsel (2004, 18-22) or Snider (2006, 3).
27For more details, cf. infra, p. 166.
28See for example Becker (1976b, 183) or
Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 45): " Since
Congress votes its own wages, establishes
an its own budget, and has no known
structural existance there have been no
internal budgetary reforms in the course of
its history, purpose public resentment of
recent pay rasies has been intense. ≪ 133
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Power without the agreement, or in
contradiction with the wishes of the
citizens and to be able to carry out policies
contrary to the promises made during
campaigns electorales29. And the
traditional tool, even unique, for the
control of representatives provided by the
liberal regimes - it is the elective vote - do
filled more than its function, for little than
it had ever done (cf infra, p. 137 et seq. ).
Taken as a whole, the arguments of the
authors of the corpus thus seeking has
demonstrate that there is a significant
distortion of the representationdelegation30.
2.2The (non) -participation
The second area of analysis of the authors
of the corpus concerning the political
participation which constitutes a basis for
democratic regimes but is doubling in
crisis: the traditional channels of
participation are drying up while the
emerging channels provide only short-term
responses and/or insufficient has a
substantial problem of distribution of
powers within the representative regimesliberals.
2.2 .1a crisis of traditional channels of
participation without real alternatives
Beyond the crisis of representation, the
proponents of the theory of democracy
random therefore see to draw a crisis of
participation: the citizens to withdraw from
political life " classic " on31: the rate of
participation in elections tend to fall on the
long-term, the trade unions and parties are
losing members, the citizens seem to
become more and more apathetic. The
authors of the corpus however, consider
that the cause of this evolution is rather a
look from the side of the operation of
parties and elections that has a lack of
intrinsic interest of citizens for the policy
(cf. supra p. 127 and infra p. 137 et seq. ).
Indeed, in the whole of the texts, the
authors argue that citizens would be ready
to participate if they had the means and if
this was interesting in terms of calculation
of costs-avan29See
Gastil (2000, 32 et seq. ), Aguileo Cancio
(2010, 20) or Sintomer (2007, 27): " even
more than the wine and cheese, the
cumulation of mandates is the sector in
which the France can claim the excellence.
It is also located in the platoon of head for
the longevity of political leaders, who,
despite the electoral defeats, will represent
again and again in the elections. ≪
30In substance (Burnheim 1985, 7), " The
system is corrupt and corrupting. We do
not realize how badly it functions only
because the existing alternatives are
worse. ≪
31On the notion of conventional channels,
see Norris (2002, 3-19) or Barber (2003,
XI). On the inadequacy of existing
channels, cf. Dienel (1971a, 152), Carson
& Martin (1999) or Schmitter et al. (2004,
23-44).
134
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
Vantages, which is not the cas32. On the
contrary, the policy area is reduced and the
interest that the citizens there are decreases
proportionally. A large part of the
population tended to be apathetic, is no
longer interested in politics except to
criticize and
the Politikverdrossenheit reign in
maitre33.
This crisis could however be the sign of a
renewal, a change of modes of
participation, and, the weakness of the
traditional channels could quite be
alleviated by the emergence and the
development of new forms, more adapted
to the global transformations of the
society. This is a problem that the
proponents of democracy random deal in is
interesting more particularly has three
thematic: the democracy of opinion, the
semi-direct democracy and the socialist
alternative. The first, analyzed as the
product of the development of a
democracy of earth based on the polls and
the media coverage of the policy, has
deeply influenced the functioning, or even
the nature of the schemes and
representative has given birth of the major
problems in making the system more
direct, immediate and much less
deliberatif34. The policy becomes a matter
of opinion, it is conducted on a day by day,
appreciate the results of polls, given the
primacy to the emotions, to the short-term,
the views not illuminated in a logic of
speech and not of discussion35. Such a
development does not therefore seem to be
an adequate response to the crisis of the
participation classic, it represents even an
additional problem.
May be should we then turn to the semidirect democracy? Not meet most of the
authors. The referendums, legislative or
popular initiative, are useful but not
32Sintomer (2007, 17), Burnheim (1985,
78): " There is a great interest in public
affairs and, I believe, great 'willingness' to
participate in them if only it were more
possible to do so in some limited purpose
effective way. ≪
33Barber (1984, 221) : " Constituents of
thin democracies are normally stirred into
action only by constitutional crises and
governmental write-offs; otherwise, they
are content to leave the governing to others
and to reserve their energies for the
boundless private sphere. Aside from the
occasional election, tea were infrequent
letter to a congressperson, gold the
biennial media event of a political scandal,
citizenship reduces tb sourt year exercise
in customer relations gold has political
insurance policy. ≪
34Fishkin (1995, 62): " Just as in ancient
Athens, where the lottery was used so
frequently that each citizen had a good
chance of occupying a position of
responsibility at some point in his lifetime,
each American citizen now has a good
chance of being consulted (people who
provide input on several occasions by
opinion polls. The difference, however, is
that the Athenian lottery put citizens in
councils, juries, and legislative
committees, where they had to become
immersed in the competing arguments
before they where asked to make a
decision. Phone sondages consult you in
you living room, without warning or
preparation, in order to find out your views
- when you may well have had no reason
to develop any opinions convention on the
subject being asked. " See also the
assumptions of Manin (1996, 279 et seq. ).
35Barber (1984, 175) : " The aim in
adversarial proceedings is to prevail - tb
verbal score points and to overcome one's
interlocutors. In fact, speech in adversary
systems is a form of aggression, simply
one more variety of power. ≪ See also
O'Leary (2006, 22-26) or Sintomer (2007,
32). 135
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Sufficient because they are based on the
same assumptions that the traditional
instruments of representation, and in
particular on the vote, thus suffering the
same missed36 :
" Social scientists and political elites have
all too often indulged themselves in this
form of hypocrisy" not "high-pocrisy.
They throw referenda at the people without
providing adequate information, full
debate, however careful insulation from
money and media pressures and then
pillory them for their lack of judgment.
They overwhelm the people with the least
tractable problems of mass society busing, inflation, tax structures, nuclear
safety, right-to-work legislation, industrial
waste disposal, environmental protection
(all of which the representative elites
themselves have utterly failed to deal with)
- and then carp at their uncertainty or
indecisiveness. ≪ (Barber 1984, 154).
The most ancient texts also address the
issue of the alternative
Socialist/Communist and of the revolution
as a means of resolving the crisis the better
to quickly reject as the setbacks of a same
medal, the power of elites and non of the
peuple37. And it is precisely this that take
a stress the authors of the corpus: the low
participation and the lack of real
alternatives is that the visible part of a
failure more deep of representative
regimes.
2.2 .2An unequal distribution of powers
" Polyarchy has an irreparable flaw - the
remoteness of the government (I have in
mind chiefly the national government)
from the citizen. For the ordinary citizen
ed. by little or not at all in many decisions
that have crucial import for his
life. ≪ (Dahl 1970, 142).
As the emphasized Dahl, this structural
lack is the following: in the liberal
democracies, the citizens have in reality
that a tiny real power of decision38. This
fact is analyzed in part as a result of
cyclical uptake of powers by the political
parties, as we have seen. It is also the
consequence of the vote elective: in a large
electorate, each voting has only a tiny
chance to find themselves in a position to
be the decisive voter what fact of the vote a point of view utilitarian - an act which
will cost more than it reported. In reality,
this tool which is virtually the only lever of
influence of citizens on the policy, is
barely more than an act symbolique39. A
distribution so uneven of powers is also
view by number of authors as a structural
element of representative governments,
36See for example Callenbach & Phillips
(1985, 41), Martin ( 1995,40 ) or
Sutherland ( 2008,94 -100).
37See for example Burnheim (1985, 49) or
Dienel (1969).
38Burnheim (1985, 48) : " The most
common complaint against contemporary
liberal democracies is the remoteness of
the decision-makers from those affected by
decisions. Those affected have little say in
those decisions unless they happen to be in
a position to bring organized pressure on
the decision-makers, and the ability to
bring such pressure is very unequally
distributed, usually in favor of groups that
are already highly advantaged in their
socio-economic power. Purpose the
present complaint is more fundamental. It
concerns not only the existence of great
inequalities in the distribution of power,
aim the incapacity of most people to do
anything toward righting them. ≪
136
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
Designed as schemes requiring high
passivity on the part of citoyens40. The
presentation and the criticism of such a
vision of Schumpeterian democracy
represents in fact the entrance door of a
remission in more fundamental issue of
foundations even of liberal thought, that
the authors will employ a deconstruct.
2.3Deconstruct the foundations of liberal
regimes
In their search for the real causes of the
crises of liberal democracies, the authors
of the corpus are focusing their attention
on what they identify as the two pillars of
liberal regimes and shall endeavor to make
a systematic critique.
2.3 .1a discount in question of the elective
vote
" Our primary electoral act, voting, is
rather like using a public toilet: we wait in
line with a crowd in order to close
ourselves up in a small compartment
where we can relieve ourselves in solitude
and in privacy of our burden, pull a-level,
and then, yielding to the next in line, go
silently home. ≪ (Barber 1984, 188).
The vote elective - analysis in its aspects
cyclical but also structural41 - is the prime
focal point identified by the set of authors
as center around which revolve the crises
of the regimes actuels42 representative.
The current elections, note-they, are
legacies of the past that no longer has a
sens43. The vote is not profitable in terms
cost-benefit, it is more a symbolic act fort
(highlights) and " the outcome of general
elections depends more on the weather on
polling day however the fate of the
national football team than it does on the
coherence of the policies presented " on44.
Beyond that, it is in reality the sys39See
Elster (1987, 149) : " Under a deterministic
voting system there is little point in voting
for a candidate whose victory is
confidently expected in any box, whence
the traditionally low participation rates in
the American South. Similarly, there is no
point in voting for a candidate who has
virtually no chance of being elected,
whence the difficulties of new parties in
attracting votes " on. See also Mueller &
al. (1972, 57): " Another problem with the
present representative forms is that in a
large number setting the individual voters
may feel powerless to affect outcomes and
may "rationally" decided to be translated
locally using thesis grounds. ≪
40See Manin (1997), Mc Cormick (2006)
or Barber (1984, 198) : " Indeed
aggressively, the thin design of democracy
depends so much it was passive and
inarticulate citizenry that Bernard Berelson
and his colleagues have asked, "How could
a mass democracy work if all the people
were deeply involved in politics?" ≪.
41On this distinction, see Horn (1980, 13).
42This is of course linked to the fact that
the vote is regarded as a central element of
this which defined the representative
regime: " Of all the institutions that we
associate with democratic government in
the West, none msfss so central as
voting. ≪ Barber (1984, 198).
43Cf. for example Sutherland (2008, 11)
who spoke of " rusty Victorian ballot box "
on.
44Sutherland (2008, 141). In the same
direction see Carson & Martin (1999). 137
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Electoral system taken as a whole which is
in crisis. Each election, support the
perpetrators supporters of the drawing is a
further evidence that the electoral process
is monopolized by the political parties and
dominated by money and private interests.
The logic is simple: politicians live on the
policy that is their business, their interest is
therefore to maintain has their position, i.e.
to be re-elected. To do this, it must meet a
number of sufficient votes which cost a
considerable sum of money. It must
therefore be " sell his policy " to the
highest bidder in order to recover the funds
required for the re-election and has the
maintenance of the machine partisane45.
In this same logic of maximization of
votes, the candidates would be pushed to
make vague promises for little that they are
broad, without worrying about their
feasibility46 which would leave the voters
that the choice of the least worst
solution47 and would initiate a vicious
circle of increasing incompetence:
" When one's personal choice (vote) has
relatively small impact, then the principle
of economy diktats that it is irrational to
spend that much time on the choice.
Candidates know this and realize that they
are more likely to be elected if they can
extend wave promised to all than if they
adopted specific stands on issues. This
makes it even harder for the idealistic vote
who still persists in being well informed.
The result is a system which reinforces
citizen incompetence. ≪ (Crosby 1976, 5).
For most of the authors, these faults are
however that the tip of the iceberg and the
real problem is the voting procedure
elective in itself which is attacked on at
least four components: it is manipulatable
and non-resistant to strategic calculations,
it does not allow to reveal the preferences
of voters, it does not allow the voters to
really give a mandate and it is a procedure
aristocratic by nature. The first criticism is
that the vote is not a procedure strategy
proof, that most of the authors of the
corpus stress based on the work achieved
in the years fifty and soixante48. A vote
may be manipulated by the creation of
temporary majorities and of strategic
coalitions: it is to achieve the best deal in
a game of bargaining and static
agregatif49.
45The politicians have as well an
economic approach to democracy, in the
direction of Downs (1957, 137) : " Year
contractor selling policies for votes instead
of products for money. ≪ On this point see
Becker (1976b, 127-139), Callenbach &
Phillips (1985, 35) or Aguileo Cancio
(2010).
46See Burnheim (1985, 97) or Manin
(1996, 248-249).
47Amar (1984, 1297) : " Individuals are
often forced to vote for the lesser of two
major-party evils' ,. ≪
48That is the reason why so many authors
cite Arrow (cf. chapter 2, illustration 24,
120).
49Barber (1984, 136-137): " Where voting
is a static act of expressing one's
preference, participation is a dynamic act
of imagination that requires participants to
change how they see the world. Voting
suggests a group of men in a cafeteria
bargaining about what they can buy as a
group that will follows their individual
tastes. Strong democratic politics suggests
a group of men in a cafeteria contriving
new menus, inventing new recipes, and
experimenting with new number in the
effort to create a public taste that they can
all share and that will supersede the
conflicting private tastes about which they
once tried to strike bargains. ≪
138
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
The authors of the corpus also consider
that the vote elective such as designed in
the liberal democracies commits the
mistake to confuse the voting procedure
with the expression of a preference
qualitative50. Added to this is the fact that
a single vote is in the inability to reflect the
whole spectrum of opinions put in debate
during a vote, which becomes especially
bothersome during general elections. In
addition, it is often a impose to the electors
to formulate a preference that they have
perhaps not even:
" In practice people do not have definite
preferences over the whole range of
alternatives that affect them. They have
neither the information nor the analytical
skill nor the imagination to construct the
sort of stable schedules that the
economists' calculations require. They
simply do not have the fate of preferences
that economists want them to
"reveal". ≪ (Burnheim 1985, 83-84)51.
The third criticism concerning the
substantive vote elected is that it
strengthens the imbalance of power
between citizens and elus52. By putting
their power in the hands of representatives,
citizens are depriving themselves of their
sovereignty and to enable the political
class to monopolize the legitimate political
action. By the game of a vicious circle, the
citizens will eventually lose their
competence to transform little has little in
an earth apathique53. The last criticism
against the vote concerns its supposed
nature or even aristocratic oligarchy. The
vote, even in its form the more egalitarian
of universal suffrage, creates an equality
which is fictitious and which largely
ignored the socio-economic conditions of
its realisation54. The principle of one man
one vote does not take the test of reality. In
reality, the vote favors the social strata that
have the necessary resources, symbolic
and economic, to participate in the
competition. It is a procedure which asked
the voters to choose non- " the first
venus " but " the best " on55. Those end up
elsewhere by believing that they
50Burnheim (1985, 83-84): " My voting
for rather than against does not say how
strongly I am in favor of a proposal. It
cannot express anything like a price I am
willing to pay. A majority with slight
preferences one way may outvote almost
as many strong preferences the other
way. ≪
51Cf. also Barber (1984, 199; 203-205)
which qualified the vote of " unresponsive
to intensity and commitment " and deals
with the problem or Gastil (2000, 32-67)
which deals in detail with the problem of
information.
52Martin (1995, 25): " It should be a
truism that elections empower tea PWO's
and not the voters. ≪
53This problem had been raised by
Rousseau, but found an echo important
among the authors of the corpus which
often comment the negative logic of the
monopolization of political power. See for
example among Sutherland (2008, 35 et
seq. ) or among Gastil (2000, 40 et seq. ).
54Barber (1984, 146) : " Equality,
undertakings makes it exclusively in terms
of abstract personhood gold of legal and
electoral equity, omits the crucial
economic and social determinants that
shape its real-life incarnation. ≪ Amar
(1984, 1291) : " Yet the reality of
Reynolds is that when representative are
selected by majority rule, the votes of
those in the minority do not truly count ...
In a real way, the current system has
wasted their votes instead of counting
them equally, and the "one person, one
vote" promised ... passã breached
image. ≪
55See Manin (1996) or McCormick (2006,
1) : " Put simply, election is a magistrate
selection method that directly and meaning
work- favors tea popular form and keeps
political offices from being distributed
widely among citizens of all
socioeconomic backgrounds. ≪
139
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Are actually higher than the common
mortal and the vote ends by convert into a
procedure which enhances the
reproduction of the elite56. The
deconstruction theoretical carried out by
the authors is double in the vast majority
of texts in a historical context to
understand how and why the vote was able
supplant the draw as instrument of
democracy has such a point to become the
synonym then even that he had been
chosen in knowledge of cause by the
founders of liberal regimes to create
elitaires57 regimes.
Despite this load very offensive against the
principle of the election, the authors of the
corpus him recognize two advantages. The
first is without a doubt that the
election " make it possible peacefully to
eject a government and replace it with a
government that is at least less
disagreeable to the largest cohesive group
of voters " on58. The second element
which attracts the attention of the sponsors
is the symbolic potential of the act of
voting that they say they want to take into
account at the time of rebuild of new
institutions, including to compensate for its
perte59.
2.3 .2against the Liberal definition of the
jurisdiction
" The typical citizen drops down to a lower
level of mental performance as soon as he
enters the political field. Hey allegedly
infringing and analyzes in a way which he
would readily recognize as infant within
the sphere of his real interests. He
becomes a primitive again. His thinking
become associative and
affective. ≪ (Schumpeter 1942, 262).
Parallel to the developments on the vote
elective, the authors of the corpus have in
common to be interested in the concept of
political jurisdiction in a critical optical
and are instead deconstructing in three
steps the concept prevail in liberal
democracies. They focus first of all to
show that the staff policy elected is in
reality not more competent than
56This is the idea of the distinction (Manin
1996, 125 et seq. ). See also Emerey
(1976b, 200) : " The behavior of thesis
token representative is likely to re-
reinforce thesis trends. They will tend to
regard themselves as cut above their
electorate by the mother inv of being
elected tb notamment auspicious bodies. ≪
57Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 2)
: " When they thought of "the whole
society" they tended to mean propertied
dialog box white males, and much of
Federalist doctrine speaks to the
desirability of a government's reflecting
the stabilizing role of "influential
persons". ≪ Cf. also Dowlen (2008a) or
Mulgan (1984, 540).
58However, even in these cases, most of
the authors relativize their remarks. Thus
Burnheim (1985, 85) he continues: " But
this gain is a gain only when compared
with other systems of tenure of office that
rest on heredity gold co-option gold
military force. It probably has few
disadvantages that are not shared by those
other systems, goal equally it shares most
of their disadvantages " on. See also
(Sutherland 2008, 23): " The best you can
say is that a mechanism to "throw the
rascals out" every few years is at least
some form of protection against
complacency, corruption or tyranny. ≪
59See Mulgan (1984) and more generally
Schmitter & Trechsel (2004, 92-96).
140
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
The average voter but yet that this last is or could be - far more competent than his
representative ; said out (Sutherland 2008,
84) : " Grandma, not the gentleman from
Whitehall, knows best. ≪. By analyzing
the concrete framework of contemporary
elections, the authors note an interesting
paradox:
" Election process hast practised in our
media age rewards candidates who have
congenial TV images, have a convincing
verbal delivery, and are adept tools at
sensing transient public emotional moods.
Thesis quality do not necessarily correlate
with either intelligence or responsible
political leadership. ≪ (Callenbach &
Phillips 1985, 22).
In such conditions - which are greatly due
to the transformations of the liberal
democracies in democracies of earth and
of opinion - the elections are therefore not,
or more than, a way to choose the
candidates with the best skills policies. To
the contrary, what is put in front and
allows to triumph, this are of media skills
and communicationnelles60. This ominous
trend is exacerbated by the phenomenon
supporter that fact that the candidacy has a
political position is a function of the ability
to impose inside his party and not that of
defending the interests of constituants61.
The authors of the corpus does not stop yet
not has these aspects cyclical; they are
wondering about the notion of political
jurisdiction and trying to identify the
liberal concept. The latter - analyze-they is characterized by a skeptical posture visa-vis the people and its ability to
participate in power. It is a low concept of
citizenship which is then drawn and which
pushed the Liberals to justify the limitation
on the participation of citizens in the
election of the representatives, capable,
them to carry out in agreement with the
experts the politiques62 affairs. This is the
same type of design that pushes a reject the
most direct forms of democracy, even if
the principle of participation is acquired in
theorie63. This vision of the com60In
This meaning, Sutherland (2008, 19) notes
that studies of anthropology seem to
confirm that the victories in elections
depend on more of the shape of the face
that the political program (Little & al.
2007).
61See supra (p. 131), the critical toward
the political parties. Barber (1984, 152)
adds: " Liberal and representative modes
of democracy make politics year activity
of specialists and experts whose only
distinctive qualification, however, turns
out to be simply that they engaged in
politics. ≪
62We find the opinion of Schumpeter or
the oldest of Montesquieu (The Spirit of
Laws, book XI, Chapter VI): " The great
advantage of representatives, is that they
are able to discuss business. The people
there is point of any own ; which form one
of the great disadvantages of democracy ...
] There had been a large vice in most of
the former republics: it is that the people
had a right to take the active resolutions,
and which require some running,
something which it is entirely incapable. It
must enter in the government that to
choose its representatives, which is very
has its scope. Because, if there is little
people who know the precise degree of the
ability of men, each is yet capable of
knowing, in general, if the person he
chooses is more enlightened than most of
the other. ≪
63Delannoi (2003, 12): " However, the
reluctance to the procedures the more
democratic has deeper roots, often close to
the reluctance platoniciennes. The idea of
Protagoras, according to which the
political competence and the competence
moral, unlike other skills, are also
distributed 141
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Policy floundering, in general principle
and limited in practice would represent as
well the heart of the Liberal argument, but
would not faithful to the reality of a
jurisdiction much more multidimensional
than the authors attach then was present.
The starting point of this work is shown by
querying the Dahl:
" Is the ordinary man incompetent? No
judgment is more decisive for one's
political philosophy. It was peut the single
most important difference in judgment
between Plato and Aristotle. If you
believe, as I do, that on the whole the
ordinary man is more qualified than
anyone else to decide when and how hey
alternaitve Agent will coax it decisions he
feels are important to him, then you will
surely opt for political equality and
democracy. ≪ (Dahl 1970, 35)
If you look at the level of individuals and
of the decisions that affect them directly,
say the authors of the corpus, we can
advance the idea that citizens are
competent enough to know what draws
and what the gene. They seem to be able to
recognize the famous pragmatist definition
of Dewey (1927, 207) : " The man who
new added locations from the shoe knows
best that it pinches HBTX and where it
pinches HBTX, even if tea expert
shoemaker is the best judge of how the
disorder is to be remedied. ≪64 However,
even this vision seems too reductive has
most of the authors who consider that in
reality it is the average citizen who could
well find also be the best judge of how to
solve the problem if it were put in a proper
situation:
" Political scientists have shown beyond
doubt that within the current political
system the average citizen is not a very
competent vote. Purpose no one has taken
the time to see how competent citizens
might be under circumstances designed to
promote their competency. ≪ (Crosby
1976, 2)65
Such a vision puts forward a competence
of use, special, in contrast with the
supposed reflexive competence and
general representatives of liberal thought
which is for the authors of the corpus a
fiction: there is no skill objective and
complete but only skills subjective and
partial. And this all the more, they point
out, if we take into account that our
societies have become complex societies
and crossed by the idea of the risk66: an
increasing number of areas are
characterized pat the absence of
solution " objectively better " on whether it
is of biotechnology, the environment, or
other areas yet and modern societies are at
this point complex that it is impossible to
be
Between all hits too many minds. This idea
is both admitted and denied by the DOXA
Documentary film contemporary
democratic, therefore recognized in
principle but watered down by the
procedures. ≪
64 In the words of Becker (1976,
184): " We believe ... that you don't have
to be an expert to know what you want. ≪
65The authors of the corpus often insist on
this argument of non-jurisdiction of the
voters, but interpret it as a sign of a
problem in the voting procedure that
would not allow the citizens to be
competent. Cf. Gastil (2000, 30 et seq. ) or
Sutherland (2008, 20 et seq. ).
66On the risk, see Sintomer (2007, 22-23).
On the relativity see Barber (1984, 120).
142
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
Perfectly competent, would that in one
area only. The idea of a political
jurisdiction objective and monolithic is
then obsolete and there is jurisdiction that
multidimensional and subjective. The
consequence of such an assertion is that
the concept must be understood in terms of
mainly procedural: firstly, it is by
participating as the one becomes
competent and the more we participated
the longer it will be competent67.
Secondly, it is important not to try
the " true " or the " best solution " but it
must concentrate efforts on the design of
procedures to formulate common
compromise.
2.4A legitimacy crisis widespread
2.4 .1The liberal democracies
contradictions between structural and
cyclical transformations
" Most people attribute problems with
representative government tb PWO's
individual and specific policies. A
standard assumption is that if only the
right people could be elected and the
correct policies implemented, then
everything would be okay. Purpose the
problems go much deeper. ≪ (Carson &
Martin 1999, 1)
All the analyzes concerning the
representation and participation, coupled
with the deconstruction of the founding
concepts of the liberal democracies
prompted the authors of the corpus has
portray a situation of generalized crisis of
their legitimacy, which does not seem at
first sight find no viable alternative. The
phenomena as the professionalization of
the political, partisan politics, society from
the risk and other factors, such as
globalization are today highlighted the
deep contradictions of representative
regimes. The initial tension between
people and elite, who had been able be a
time exceeded by the democratic potential
of the elective vote spring with more force
still as before and the liberal democracies
have become - or reverted of " oligarchies has democratic
legitimacy " on68. The same forces of
these regimes - the distance between
reflection and action, between agents and
67Dienel (1971b, 155) : " Informierheit
lasst sich wie eine Funktion von
Teilnahme behandeln. " On This idea is
that of empowerment that we'll go into
later (cf. p. 152 et seq. ).
68Delannoi (2003, 9). See also for
example the qualification given by
Burnheim (1985, 1) of the first sentence of
his book: " Democracy does not exist in
practice. At best we have what the ancients
would have called elective oligarchies with
strong monarchical elements. ≪
143
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Constituents, the media coverage - have
become its weaknesses. And the
transformations added that made the
regimes of the earth have yet more
fragilises69.
2.4 .2of the reform proposals insufficient
Taken together, the crises of the
representative regime constitute liberal as
well for the authors supporters of drawing
a particularly worrying situation to which
he must respond by a structural solution
and not by the cyclical adjustments. In
fact, most of the authors do not ignore that
many proposals for reform are regularly
made to improve the representation and/or
participation in liberal democracies, but
they consider the latter inadequate. The
reforms concerning the vote elected their
seem thus be at the level of the fight
against the symptoms and not against the
cause of the evil: to limit the expenditure
of campaigns, fund the elections by public
money, change the mode of voting, are as
much of noble ideas but inutiles70. The
same goes for the proposals concerning
new forms of participation and, in
particular, the semi-direct democracy, as
we have seen precedemment71. What is
needed is a more radical solution, but
however realistic, that most of the
perpetrators are working to seek in the
history of political practices.
2.5The best practices, from Athens to the
mini-public
Throughout their attacks in rule against the
regimes contemporary representative, or
on the contrary before turning to the issue
of the relevance of the topic, the authors of
the corpus slurp in the history and the
political practice of many examples that
provide according to them tracks allowing
to formulate solutions to the current crises.
This pool of practice constitutes a real
anchor point common. The historical
reference most cited, commented on and
analyzed is without no doubt the ancient
Athens. Of the 67 texts present in the
corpus,
69Fishkin (1995, 62) : " The most striking
vulnerability of mass democracy is that it
neglects one of the values emphasized by
the founders - deliberation " on.
70See for example Barber (1984, 206),
Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 39) or Dienel
(1971b, 152-154). See also the critical
scope by Martin (1995, 22) has the idea
that the development of new radical
political parties could be a solution to the
crisis of the parties of the masses.
71See Martin (1995, 30 et seq. ), O'Leary
(2006, 28) who spoke of " trap of direct
democracy " or Sutherland (2008, 56). It
should be noted that the authors supporters
of the draw offer them-even a new form of
participation and that they often criticize
the semi-direct democracy for better put in
before the supposed advantages of their
models. 144
2. The "crises" of the political system
liberal
47 OR 71% also refer to it, in particular in
detailing its two major institutions, the ball
and the dicastes72. For most authors,
Florence and Venice are also exciting
examples of republican systems which we
could learn a lot.
These historical references are not,
however the only horizon practice theorists
of the prize draw which, for some twenty
years, can refer to a growing number of
jobs of the pull and policy in the
framework of participatory democracy.
The practice the most analyzed is that of
mini-public that we will be considering
later and which we will see the importance
for the interaction between theory and
practice later. The third exemplary practice
mobilized by the authors of the corpus is
located in the judicial sphere ; this are well
on juries. These latter are often taken as a
point of departure for reflections on the
competence of the citoyens73. Beyond
these examples, the authors cite and are
interested has an infinite number of
examples in order to base their
demonstrations and to formulate
expectations face has the use of the draw
in policy but that it would be too long to
detail here.
3. A new democratic era
The table particularly black of faults of
political systems contemporary compiled
by the authors of the corpus is however for
them no way an inevitability. It is in fact
the way the more on to present what seems
to them constitute the most viable
alternative has such a situation: the
introduction of the prize draw by
politique74. All of the texts of the corpus
is in reality a collection of expectations
expressed toward this method of selection
which constitute the " new normativity of
draw ≪ (Buchstein 2009a). What would
happen, they ask the authors, if we
employed more widely the draw in policy?
Their response is structured around five
thematic blocks: the draw would result in a
new form of representation (3.1 ), a better
participation (3.2 ), would lead to a change
in the policy (3.3 ) and the company (3.4 )
; the all well on, without introducing any
major faults (3.5 ).
72See in particular Delannoi (2003),
Dowlen (2008a) or Manin (1996).
73See Amar (1984, 1286), Buchstein &
Hein (2009, 35) or Sintomer (2007).
74Or rather its introduction and/or
reintroduction and/or the enlargement of
his employment.
145
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
3.1Represented by the drawing
3.1 .1a Stellvertretung more faithful
" The fact that voters are randomly
assigned into a constituency for life means
that the membership of each electoral
constituency remains extremely stable, and
always reflects the demographic diversity
of the U.S. adult population. ≪ (Rehfeld
2005, 240).
The establishment of assemblies,
committees, councils, etc. learned in whole
or in part to the fate would allow for the
authors of the corpus to reach a
representation-availa more faithful of
citizens, because of the statistical
properties of the draw. In effect, the latter
allows, as we have already seen in detail,
to obtain a representative sample of the
population. And this property is the
necessary and sufficient condition for
achieving a Stellvertretung faithful, a
focused of the nation by miniature75. This
expectation is well illustrated by the
conclusion that Rehfeld derives from his
proposal to assign by lot the citizens has
constituencies non-territorial during their
birth (cf. highlights)76. Through such a
representativeness, the minorities and the
disadvantaged social sectors would have a
more important place within the
institutions in which some authors shall
designate as the realization of a " real
proportional representation
system " (Mueller & al. 1972, 60). Many
authors also describe in lengthy paragraphs
the hypothetical representative assembly in
terms more lyrical which can detail an
example:
" A Representative House would be them
astonishingly tremendous different from its
predecessors. Upon entering the House
chamber you would EDC at work a body
whose members included more than 50%
women and some 12% blacks, 6%
Hispanics, and 1% persons of other races.
Because of their dress and manner, your
overwhelming impression would be of
middle- and working-class people. Gone
would be notamment arch, gentlemen's agreement phrases as, "Will the honorable
member yield?" In their place would be the
direct, homely idioms of the American
people. "The learned member from
Nebraska msfss to have forgotten the
morning's testimony" would give way to
"What's the matter, you asleep this
morning?" ... There would also be several
dozen managers and administrators
dressed in upper-middle-class style.
Purpose no air of privilege would prevail
here. Looking around at the faces, you
would see hundreds of ordinary working
people, the "average Americans" who
mainly make up this country. You would
not, most years, find more than one or two
lawyers, and most of the members would
have quite modest incomes. Less than 5%
of the members would be as rich as the
average present Congress
member. ≪ (Callenbach & Phillips 1985,
14).
75 The proponents of the printout does not
agree however not on the concrete
modalities of the draw (cf. infra, p. 174).
76Amar (1984, transducers 1293) or
Mueller & al. (1972, 60) : " The incentive
for pork barrel activities in order to secure
votes would no longer be present since
random selection would be independent of
geographic basis, and for the same reason
minorities would be represented in correct
proportion to their numbers in the
society. ≪
146
3. A new democratic era
With regard to the symbolic
representation, it should for the authors of
the corpus also improve, as the reported
Emery (1976a, 202) in its proposal to draw
lots advice in the industry: " The Council
will be more likely to be seen by
Parliament and people as being their own
selves'. Their advice may be judged to be
erratic, ill informed etc. , purpose there
will be less of the suspicion that hidden
hands have drafted the advice. " On For
most of the authors, a symbolic
identification would be easier to attain by
the very fact of the likeness between
constituents and representatives but also
because the representatives would be of
figures more copies that the representatives
actuels77.
3.1 .2a new form of Repräsentation
3.1.2 .1The decentration of the
representative mandate
It has been seen that the authors of the
corpus criticize the idea of liberal
representation through the election but
does not call into question the principle of
representation. What form would then this
new representation-delegation by the
draw? What should we expect from these
new " sorpresentants ≪78 ? The hopes of
the authors in this field may apprehend in
many aspects but on the basis of a
common principle, the decentration of the
mandate which would
save " representation from pesticidal, by
"permitting some citizens to act on behalf
of others (thus dealing with the problems
of scale) while making their service has
function of batch (thus preserving the
democratic nature of public service) "
on79. The draw net cut off not only the
link between election (in the direction of
choice) and authorization to represent but
also the one between election and
legitimacy. This principle is available
under the following aspects: the draw
would lead a defense more faithful of the
interests of the constituents for
mathematical reasons, psychological and
political. It would also result in the birth of
a new and better form of accountability.
77Emery (1976b, 201) : " They could
command the respect of Australian
Parliament and the people because of their
collective experience, knowledge and
representation of the major interests
directly involved in the industry and they
could command the trust of des Parlements
and the people because they were leaves
out villain-proof. ≪
78The expression is resumption of
Goodwin (2005) and its " lotreps ≪.
79Barber (1984, 290). See also Amar
(1984, 1286).
147
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
3.1.2 .2a mathematical defense of interests
A whole series of authors simply prolong
the statistical approach of the
representation-figuration and consider that
the likelihood that representatives learned
the fate act on behalf of all the represented
is stronger than that of elected
representatives through a
representativeness " automatic and
inevitable " on80. We could have in some
way a acting for statistics, by the set of
probabilities: the set of representatives acts
for the whole of the people, even if
everyone is for him-meme81. There would
be no more room for positions centrist
tendency, but a body being the living
reflection of diverging interests present in
the societe82. To paraphrase the
provocation of Tillier: those who make the
law the font for them, but as all are
represented, they the font for tous83.
3.1.2 .3a defense of interests by the game
of reciprocity reflexive
A large part of the authors considers that
the drawing would lead to a psychological
transformation of the activity of
representative with the advent of the
principle of " reciprocity " reflexive - also
called altruism selfish - based on the adage
that jettisoned the " submit to what you
choose and only choose what you would
Madagascar makes freely submit
tb " (Goodwin 2005, 114).
Representatives learned the fate would
have a chance almost zero re-election and
once their mandate ends, they selves once
normal subjects of law. This perspective
the yelling has take decisions such that
they cannot hurt them subsequently. This
mechanism has selfish view first be
transformed into altruistic principle in
fine : The citizens would have permanently
has the spirit that they could them-even to
find a day in the situation the less
comfortable (or go back if they were there
already) and would act in such a way that
the latter is the least perceptible as
possible. We would have to each decision
a sort
80Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 15). See
also Engelstad (1989, 29) : " Aim in year
assembly of between 400 and 700
members, the deviations from a suitable
interpretation of "popular will" furthered
by elections will probably be much more
important than those created by the chance
mechanism. ≪
81Note here that this expectation may have
a connotation very individualistic since it
does request itself not that the
representatives are in a process of
discussion.
82See also Burnheim (1985, 114) : " If the
group making a decision is statistically
representative of the group on whose
behalf it is made then it is very likely that
the decision will be in agreement with the
result of some reasonable decision
procedure for that group. The statistical
selection procedure controls the
distribution of the interests represented and
so controls the decisions that are likely to
emerge by rational negotiations among
those representative. Granted a sound
statistical procedure the people
automatically control the broad outlines of
the result simply by being what they
are. ≪
83The original is cited in Rosanvallon
(2008, 55): " Those who make the law, the
font for them. " On It is particularly
interesting to note that this note was at the
time (1841) advanced to defend the
extension of suffrage, and was part of a
criticism of the non-representativeness of
the parliament.
148
3. A new democratic era
A repetition of the situation rawlsienne
distribution behind the veil of ignorance. A
logic that strong contrast with the current
of the elected representatives and
professionals of the policy, or that they are
taking advantage of immunities, either
because they are rarely the most
disadvantaged or most affected by the
policies toward the more defavorises84.
3.1.2 .4The reconvergence of political
interests
The decentration of the mandate would
also result in the disappearance of the vote
elected as monopolistic instrument of
recruitment of representatives which
sharply limit, for the authors of the corpus,
the adverse effects of the
professionalization of the policy which the
most important is the divergence of
interests between representatives and
representes85. If there is no more of
election, there is no longer need for
financing or promises, more competition
for the votes of electors or of struggle for
the re-election. Because of this, the
representatives would be in initial position
of independence complete86, significantly
reducing the opportunities for
corruption ex ante and would make the
work of pressure groups more dangerous,
costly and uncertain. In addition, as the
representatives would no longer
systematically pushed has organize
themselves within parties and fractions,
each new question or proposal would
become an opportunity to come to an
opinion by yourself without being bound
by the Fraktionszwang. Certainly, the
factions could form, but would be of
nature passagere87. A policy made in the
collegiate bodies learned the fate would
represent the advent of a democracy built
project after project allowing greater
flexibility of the political agenda in order
to integrate more quickly of the new issues
was the order of the day. This expectation
is particularly strong with regard to the
taking into account of the interests and
supranational intergenerational: the draw
would break the logic of short-term
included in the electoral systems88 and
will reverse the trend has the opposition of
prin84See
Litvak-Poulin (2009, 19), Martin (1989, 3)
or Mulgan (1984, 555).
85Cf. Delannoi (2003, 8), Elster (1987,
143) or Martin (1989, 3).
86Burnheim (1985, 116), Emery (1976a,
202) : " The selected representative know
that ... a random selection procedure got
them there so they ... are beholden to no
one their appointment gold potential reappointment. They have no boss; no party
debt to pay off. He or she may not be the
brightest person in the strata aim at least
they can participate in the work of the
Council without having to follow outside
instructions. ≪
87Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 28)
: " Members do not seem to be identified
so much by party as by interests in specific
issues ... gold factions caucuses would
probably develop on various ad hoc
databases, reflecting as it would the great
tides of political perception and priorities
of the general populace. Thus a women's
caucus, black caucus, yet unemployed
caucus might be opportunity play as
important a role as the traditional
parties. ≪
88See Amar (1984, 1298-1299) or
Burnheim (1985, 137) : " They would try
to director-generalor not the unreflecting
desired of people aim their long-term
interests and those of generations to
come. ≪
149
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
CIPE, packaged today by the membership
or non-has the political majority, in the
sense of a spirit more fort of cooperation
and not of competition89.
Overall, the texts are particularly
enthusiastic about the potential
reconvergence of interests between
representatives and represented that would
result in the employment of the draw. They
do not want and do not expect however not
that the representatives are limited to
exercise an imperative mandate. They take
into account the fact that the participation
changed the participants and expect is
Burnheim (1985, 114) which the pointed
out, that " the decisions that the
representative will arrive at will differ
from the actual wishes of those they
represent because better information and
the results of negotiations will make a
difference. However ≪ " this is precisely
the difference from one's actual views that
a rational person is normally willing to
accept in the actions of a delegate. ≪
3.1.2 .5a new form of accountability
Concerning now the issue of
accountability, the authors of the corpus
begin by recognizing that the latter is not
possible under the current form of the reelection but argue that this absence of ex
post control is not in fact a probleme90.
The draw would replace advantageously
by means of ex ante control when
selecting the sample representatif91. This
method would be even " has more subtle):
a method of articulating vote preferences
on national issues " (Mueller & al. 1972,
60)92. Accountability could also to some
authors move of the act elected to the field
of decisions and opinions (Burnheim
(1985, 137): " Their accountability to a
constituency would be entirely a matter of
the strength of opinions and informal
sanctions; decisions that were outrageous
(would not be obeyed by those
affected. ≪ Finally, a large part of the
authors argued that accountability could be
achieved during the term of the
representatives of the fact the character
closest to the institutions based on the
printout: either that these are directly
thoughts has the level lo89Callenbach
& Phillips (1985, 49) : " Year elective
legislature rewards divisiveness and
encouraged competition and corruption. A
sortition legislature brings out the
cooperative spirit and encouraged socially
concerned behavior. ≪
90On the draw procedure as nonaccountable, see Amar (1984, 1290) or
Greely (1977, 122).
91Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 28)
: " Representative House members do not
have to be forced by external
circumstances to director-generalor
constituents because, by the very statistics
of their selection, they
inevitably do director-generalor their
segment of the populace. " In this context,
accountability is obsolete.
92The authors add: " We would argue that
although the final outcome is not clearcut,
notamment has changed in representative
procedure could be understood by voters
as the formal embodiment of democratic
equality in year ex ante rather than ex
post sense. ≪
150
3. A new democratic era
Cal, either that the authors think of
mechanisms requiring the representatives
has remain in their constituency during
their mandat93.
3.2Participate by the draw
3.2 .1All, and not each94
The hold the more logical and of this fact
the least discussed is that the participation
of citizens has the policy would increase so
mathematique95. Sometimes, the authors
pose the question of the prohibition of a
second mandate but reject this possibility
quickly enough in arguing that the drawing
itself would ensure to avoid this type of
cumulation. The system " would create a
legislature of rotating citizen-legislators
instead of a group of lifetime
lawmakers. ≪96 It is, therefore, clearly a
temporary participation, which gives each
a reasonable chance to participate, but
cannot ensure that this is the case: all
govern together but this is not everyone
who is called upon to exercise a load. The
use of the draw gives " a chance of having
a place for a time in a small group where
his or her voice can make a real difference
deciding about matters of public
importance. ≪97
In relation with this expectation, the
supporters of the prize draw are hoping
that the use of the drawing on a pool wide
will result the selection of inhabitants and
not necessarily to citizens in the legal
sense, i.e. that of resident foreigners,
criminals, non-major policies could in
theory be part of representatives. This
aspect is seen by the vast majority of
authors as a opportunity to broaden the
participation of quantitative manner but
also well on qualitative by the inclusion of
new points of vues98.
93This is for example the case of the
assemblies thoughts by Barber (1984, 270)
: " Ensuring the accountability of
American political officials is generally the
responsibility of the press, the media, and
the opposition party. Neighborhood
assemblies would shift some of this
responsibility directly to the citizenry,
"permitting individuals to question their
representative on a regular basis in their
own home territory and according to their
own rules of procedure. ≪ See also
Buchstein & Hein (2009) and Schmidt
(2001).
94Expression resumption of the title of the
work of Noelle-Neumann & Petersen
(2004) : Gone, nicht jeder - Einfuhrung in
die Methoden der Demoskopie.
95Barber (1984, 280): " When the
representative to the town meeting are
chosen by lot and membership is rotated,
over time all will be able to participate. It
turns out to be easier in large-scale
societies for everyone to have some
participation for some of the time. ≪
96Amar (1984, 1298). See also Martin
(1995, 38).
97Burnheim (1985, 179).
98Cf. Barber (1984, 227) or Rehfeld
(2005).
151
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
3.2 .2The competence citizen and the
virtuous circle of empowerment
" It is incontestable that the people often
directs very poorly the public affairs ; but
the people cannot be altogether of public
affairs without that the circle of his ideas
do Vienna has spread, and without that we
cannot track his spirit out of his regular
routine. The rights of the people which is
called the government of the company
designs a certain view of itself. As it is then
a power, the intelligences very enlightened
put themselves at the service of the Siena.
There is directed constantly has him to do
a support, and in seeking to deceive the
thousand different ways, it is the informed
... It is neither more virtuous or more
pleased may-be, but more enlightened and
more active than its predecessors. ≪ (De
Tocqueville, democracy in America,
Volume I, part 2, Chapter V)
It has been seen that the authors took into
account in our study shall endeavor to
deconstruct the liberal notion of
competence for the replace by a concept
more multidimensional and procedural.
The latter is based on a vision of active
participation that the use of the draw
would see fleurir99. The expectations of
the authors in this field are divided into
four panes. Firstly, the establishment of the
draw would translate the idea that there is
no " group of people whose capacities
entitle them to a position of special gold
wide-ranging power in the
community. ≪100 On the contrary, in the
world aleatorien, the competence of each
citizen in his field of choice would be in
front and the policy would become an
activity of amateurs. In addition, the
representatives would remain close to the
represented, constitute more than a class a
part101. Such a change would have to
second critical implication of prime the
virtuous circle of empowerment or
enabling: it is by participating as citizens
would learn to participate. And with the
time, would develop a real civil society,
careful, political, willing and ready to
participate. As the describe Callenbach &
Phillips (1985, 48) with zest:
" We might, indeed aggressively, hope for
the evolution of a new kind of citizen
political figure: members of the new
House with the simple eloquence of a
Lincoln gold the moral force of year
Elizabeth Cady Stanton gold Barbara
Jordan - people who would rise brilliantly
tb
99Dienel (1971b, 153) for example
defined participation as " Eingriff mit
Aussicht auf Wirkung ≪. Barber (1984,
133) in fact the basis even of its strong
democracy: " In strong democracy, politics
is something done by, not tb, citizens.
Activity is its chief virtue, and
involvement, commitment, obligation, and
service - common deliberation, common
decision, and common work - are its
hallmarks. ≪
100Burnheim (1985, 156). See also
Ranciere (2006, 47).
101See Amar (1984, 1298) or Burnheim
(1985, 165): " Sincere demarchic bodies
would be specialized, it would be much
easier for the decision-makers to "do their
homework" than it is in present elected
bodies, which normally have to face a
wide variety of unconnected decisions
about most of which they can know almost
nothing. ≪ See also Barber (1984, 152)
: " Strong democracy is the politics of
amateurs, where every man is compelled to
encounter every other man without the
intermediary of expertise. ≪
152
3. A new democratic era
The new opportunities for direct
expression of the people's needs and
feelings. Many such members of the
Representative House would, after their
terms of office, continues as forceful
defenders of the public good in their home
communities, offering new vitality there;
some might also decided to run for elective
office. The effect would be an enrichment
of the country's political life, and a
welcome sense of bonding and confidence
between the people and current gold past
occupants of House seats - in place of the
present prevailing hostility and
suspicion. ≪102
The drawing, by putting the citizens in
concrete position of decision makers and
representatives would allow them to
acquire technical skills but also more
widely political, or even social. The
participation would then trigger the
process of empowerment. In reality - and
this is the third hold - the activation enable
individuals to play finally and fully
their " role of citizen " (Dienel 1978, 77)
through the participation made possible by
the drawing, the mass of subjects
individualistic and liabilities would
transform itself into a community of
citizens actifs103. Fourthly, and in an area
substantially different, each citizen would
get by the use of the draw a probability
much more strong to be " the decisive
voter ≪ as highlighted Elster (1987,
143)104:
" The problem of the wasted vote is real
enough. It would be reduced by lottery
voting, which ensures that each vote
counts equally, that is, increases by the
same amount the likelihood of the
candidate's being elected. Under lottery
voting, the power of an individual measured by the probability of casting the
decisive vote - is l/n where n is the size of
the electorate. Under deterministic
majority voting, the power of an individual
equals the chance that he or she will be
pivotal, that is, that the other votes will be
exactly evenly divided between the
candidates. Under all plausible
circumstances, this probability is much
smaller than l/n. ≪
3.3" Politicize society"
3.3 .1Make the power to the people
The use of the draw in politics would have
for the authors of the corpus as major
consequence and revolutionary to
overthrow the balance of power in force in
liberal democracies. As the analysis
Delannoi (2003, 8) :
" The draw is the cure the more powerful
has a democratic pathology recurring: the
government on behalf of the people and
not by the people. In this sense, the use of
the draw
102See Martin (1989, 3-4), Mulgan (1984,
556) or Rehfeld (2005).
103Barber (1984, 154-155) : " Masses
make noise, citizens deliberate; masses
etiquette, citizens act; masses
student’S and intersect, citizens
engaged, share, and contribute. At the time
when "weights" start deliberating,
correspondece, sharing, and contributing,
they cease to be masses and become
citizens. Only then do they
"participate". ≪ See also Sintomer (2007,
139,142 ) on the notion of opinion against
factual.
104See also Amar (1984, 1293-1294) or
the arguments of Frey (1969, 20) within
the framework of the decisions.
153
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Is a good test of the accession has
democracy and real confidence in its
presuppositions. Because not only is the
undemocratic oligarchies who were wary
of him. The test of the draw unmasks the
alleged democrats who speak on behalf of
the people and are very careful not to leave
him the power. Have you seen the
revolutionary movements use this
procedure in the service of their projects
yet proclaimed completely democratic in
the broader sense? Certainly not, since
their leaders assumed that the people do
not know what is good for him, a need to
be educated and directed, in his name and
almost against his will. ≪
The use of the draw would in fact result in
destroying the monopoly exercised by
professional politicians and semiprofessionals on the politique105. The
authors supporters of the printout does not
argue however not for a chaotic system but
rather to a political view as a prerogative
of tous106. That is why we can put
forward the idea that they are hoping the
draw a movement of depoliticization of the
company within the meaning " illichien "
on the term. In his book Deschooling
Society,Illich (1970) supports the school as
an example of monopolistic institution and
supports the idea that its cancellation
would free education and to make it much
more effective. Its analysis is based on the
assumption that any institution which tried
and arrives has monopolize a field - the
army for the war, the hospital for the
medicine, the school for education, etc. closes on itself and blocked innovation. It
is only by abolishing these institutions that
we can recover the diversity. Such an
analysis seems to be able to very well
apply to the authors of the corpus and has
their vision of the politique107. By rebroadcasting the power outside the
institutions and partisan by breaking the
monopoly of the vote as elective procedure
for recruitment, the draw would give has a
growing number of citizens the
opportunity to be directly in position of
decision without the need for third parties.
In all cases, the existence of a political
class professional would be deeply
challenged, the policy would become the
case of all. Such a depoliticization also
entail the death of political parties has the
former. However, the vast majority of
authors, taken from a sudden compassion,
consider and hoped that they will even
play a role108. Finally, the draw would
result in a simplification of the policy in
the direction or the laws made by
the " normal people " would be written
also for
105Goodwin (1984, 201) or Mueller & al.
(1972, 66) : " notamment experimentation
is essential if democracy is to be given an
opportunity to work and democratic power
is to be returned to the people. ≪
106See e.g. Barber (1984, 262) : " In other
words, they (the strong democratic
institutions] should make possible a
government of citizens in place of the
government of professionals. " See also the
argument of Cannac (1983, 13-20) on the
struggle against hegemonism or Horn
(1980, 15-18).
107On the concept of politicization also
see Knag (1998, 204) : " By politicized, I
mean simply that considerations of merit
and utility as understood by the typical
citizen take second place to the desired of
political insiders and organized special
interests. ≪
108Amar (1984, 1296), Sutherland (2008)
or Burnheim (1985, 162).
154
3. A new democratic era
" Normal people ". The draw would end
the Hermetism of political language
actuel109.
3.3 .2The procedure, central source of a
new legitimacy
A major problem remains however in the
whole conceptual presentation up here.
Indeed, the authors of the corpus are
attached to show that the legitimacy of
establishment (input) and identification of
representative systems elective, as well as
based on the results and the control (output
)are impaired or even know a deep crisis.
However propose the replacement of the
vote by the drawing creates a
vacuum: quid of the legitimacy of the new
system? On what bases the base? The
printout does not effectively enables not to
citizens to give a mandate to their
representatives through a legitimacy of
authorization. It allows them not to carry
out a check output since the re-election
does not exist or at least is decoupled from
the will of the citizens. In short, the
principle of consent of the citizens to be
governed, minimum set of representative
democracy, is stolen.
The response of the advocates of
democracy random is articulated around
three arguments. The first, and most
fundamental, concerns the reversed
procedural: this is not the results that count
but the procedure itself: it is no longer
ask " what will we choose? " But " how do
we will? ≪110 It is located in the presence
of a procedural form of legitimacy which
is, for the authors, the very essence of
democratic politics. The draw would allow
according to them - and as was detailed
previously - to create the procedures more
egalitarian, impartial, fair, representative,
etc. who would give their legitimacy to the
decisions taken and the entire system by
way of consequence111.
A second argument accompanied the first
very closely: it is because the current
procedures are conjunctural led astray and
structurally imperfect that the whole
system is in crisis. In a situation if
dramatic, replace the vote by the draw
would give new foundations has the
political society and would help to revive a
virtuous circle of legitimization. However,
the analysis of the authors of the corpus
does not stop the since
109Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 30) or
Sutherland (2004).
110Barber (1984, 200). See also
Burnheim (1985, 4) or Dienel (1971, 151)
: " Vermehrte Beteiligung ist ein
Verfahrensproblem. Wir haben few bisher
zu wenig um die gezielte
Weiterentwicklung bestehender Verfahren
gekummert, mit Hilfe derer geordnet year
Planungsprozessen partizipiert werden
kann. ≪
111Most of the authors are however not
illusions and see that the drawing is a
procedure, i.e. subject to the possibilities
of manipulation (Carson & Martin 1999,
1): " Like election, it needs to be used
sensibly., with appropriate controls to
ensure best operation. 155 ≪
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
The latter argue for most that the new
system would also be substantially
legitimate by the game of the combination
between a representation more faithful
(character "really" representative of
representatives and that the latter were
acting really in the interest of the
constituents) and greater participation and
better quality. The use of the draw would
give in fine a substantial nature has the
legitimacy procedurale112.
This argument has at least three
implications. First of all, it explains the
great attention given in the texts has the
exposure and has the justification of
procedural models that embody concretely
the hopes and expectations vis-a-vis the
draw. That is why the controversies and
discussions between authors are located
mainly on the procedural rules of the prize
draw in itself and on the issues of quotas,
possibility of refusal, of pool of entry, etc.
So many elements which have a direct
influence on the legitimacy of the final
system. Such a position explains secondly
why virtually all authors defend a vision
procedural justice113. As the emphasized
Goodwin (2005, 43), " random distribution
negates the need for equality at a primary
level ... and opens it at a secondary level (
... ). It can therefore be considered as a
procedural conception of justice, goal one
which ... resets it substantive assumptions
and has substantive implications. " On This
frame was debate illuminates the position
of a large part of the authors on the
question of the results and of the
effectiveness of a political system:
participation in decision making processes
in a deliberative framework is at least as
important as the results operative, for little
that the chance of either participate
assuree114.
3.4A new company, without "new man"
3.4 .1of the uselessness of change human
nature
A point that unites all of the authors when
they deal with the effects that would make
the job of the draw in politics is precisely
that it does not require to change human
nature: " In particular, I shall argue that it
does not presuppose that people perform
sub112See
Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 54), LitvakPoulin (2009: 18-20) or Martin (1995, 39).
113Here, there is the explanation of the
centrality of Rawls noted in chapter 2 (cf.
illustration 24, p. 120).
114Engelstad (1989, 41): " Even if
institutions experience a loss of
effectiveness because of the sortition
mechanism, this may be compensated to
the extent that the drawing of lots aux
penchants réactionnaires the legitimacy of
political participation " on. On this point
see also infra, p. 163 et seq.
156
3. A new democratic era
Stantially better either morally or
intellectually than they do at
present. ≪115 It is a fundamental aspect of
the theories of the draw in politics, which
the markdown deeply many other
proposals. This trait may today seem less
relevant, but if one goes back into memory
that some of the texts have been produced
at a time at which a part of the political
theories focused yet on the possibility of
creating new men and to change the given
through revolutionary action, it appears
though that is a specificity of authors
defending the draw in politique116. In the
same vein, the vast majority of authors
brag about the simplicity of the draw and
put in before it is " the simplest, goal by no
means the least potent, tool of strong
democracy " (Barber 1984, 293). Its
establishment would not require, plead-
they, that little bit of organizational efforts
and conceptual given the intuitive nature
of the draw and its possible understanding
directe117. However, they recognize that
the psychological change necessary would
be immense and would probably birth has
a resistance on the part of particular class
politique118.
3.4 .2new social institutions
The establishment and development of
instruments based on the draw would
result promote the emergence of new
practices and institutions. The first of them
would be quite naturally that of drawing.
The authors are fond has imagine the days
of elections by drawing as of the great
popular festivities during which the names
of the happy elected would be made
public. The draw could even finish by held
the same symbolic role that the elections
and become the heart of procedural a
deliberative society:
" Just as the apparatus of selection by lot in
ancient Athens involved so many citizens,
so often, that it msfss tb have galvanized
year active citizenry, it is not country
would be that selection by lot for
deliberative poll could, someday, have the
same effect on our own
country. ≪ (Fishkin 1995, 174)119
115Burnheim (1985, 13). The author goes
on to criticize the Marxist vision of a
socialist society emerging spontaneously
from the battle of class: " At best it is
haphazard, ill-coordinated, often foolish
and shortlived. At worst, it is terror
manipulated by leaders engaged in power
struggles. ≪ See also O'Leary (2006, 113).
116Cf. Dienel (1971a, 151) : " Ob
ubrigens auf Wege revolutionarem
tatsachlich mehr Teilnahmemoglichkeiten
eroffnet werden, das ist nach allen
Erfahrungen mit Revolutionen vorab
schlecht auszumachen. ≪
117This character simple and intuitive is
often placed in contrast with the
complexity of forms of vote (majority,
proportional, has transferable votes, etc. ).
Cf. for example Amar (1984, 1302).
118On the conditions of realization of the
theory of democracy random, cf. chapter 6
(3.2 , 345).
119Cf. also Mulgan (1984) or Engelstadt
(1989, 42): " The act of drawing lots
pesticidal will often be both solemn and
exciting. ≪
157
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
A second type of institution that imagine
the authors are rather of the educational
field. The establishment of body learned
the fate would create a demand for training
on the part of elected officials but also on
the part of the whole of the citizens likely
to become representatives and we would
see everywhere appear of " miniuniversities " and other schools of the
democratie120. Finally the draw would
give birth has a real economy of the
participation and would create a sector
entirely new activity economique121.
3.4 .3beyond the tools, a remodelled
society
" Real democracy might not beatsmith
extraordinaire with elections, goal much
more with random selection. ≪ ( LitvakPoulin 2009, 9).
In a optical still more transversal and
broadcasts, some authors do not hesitate to
advance that the combination between
tools for drawing and their effects would
eventually give birth to a more democratic
society, based on mutual understanding,
deliberation, the freedom and harmony:
" Beyond the specific benefits that
demarchy might bring to a society, it might
be hoped that it would promote a spirit of
tolerance, rationality and uncontentious
equality that would greatly enhance the
peacefulness, security and openness of
social relationships. People would feel free
to differ while remaining within a broad
consensus about the way decisions were
made and power controlled ... Women and
minority groups would be drawn easily
and rapidly into public life, and the public
sources of racism and sexism doesn't
would be or undercut rollers. The feeling
that the problems facing humankind could
be solved would be
reinstated. ≪ (Burnheim 1985, 180)122
A
company " aleatorienne ≪, " cleriste ≪, "
demarchique ≪, etc. , would also strongly
linked to the idea of risk and game: " The
lottery is based on the idea that surprise
and risk are themselves a major part of
what people want " (Goodwin 2005, 46).
It is therefore here as much a consequence
as a premise of the policy based on the
printout. But such a form of policy would
call necessarily in part to trends players of
the people:
" There is also a charming peculiarity of
the Representative House that should
greatly appeal to the American gambling
spirit. Tens of millions of Americans
presently wager large sums in casinos,
lotteries, legal and illegal track and sports
betting, and so on. The Representative
House proposed here would offer to 145
people each year tea
120Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 20-21)
: " We assumed that the Representative
House would establish means to initiate its
new members and provide them with
training and background information to
enable them to carry out their new
functions. ... This mini-university of
politics should be among the finest
educational institutions in the country. ≪
121See in particular Dienel (1978, 199200).
122The name given by Burnheim has its
political system comes from the
greek archos, harmony. See also Barber
(1984, 148) or Fishkin (1995, 171)
: " Most ambitiously, the deliberative poll
can be thought of as an actual sample from
year one way society - the deliberative and
engaged society we do not have. ≪
158
3. A new democratic era
Chance to become rich, famous, and
important beyond their wildest
expectation. ≪ (Callenbach & Phillips
1985, 49)
A little in the same light, many authors put
in before a company resulting from the
wide use of the draw would allow citizens
to play successively many roles, including
those of rulers and governed, and would
therefore be dynamic and changing. It is
also as will be discussed in the next
chapter this problematic of social roles
which has inspired the inventors such as
Dienel or Crosby. A company of the draw
would be finally more egalitarian and less
hierarchical. That is why we find strong
relations with the currents anarchists
among the authors as Burnheim, Martin or
Wolff, for which the drawing represents a
privileged path toward the autonomy.
3.4 .4a common semantic
The whole of the criticisms and
expectations expressed by the authors of
the corpus is translated to the semantic
level by a community of expressions
which it is not possible to give the details
here but it is interesting to present. The
side of the critics found well on in the first
place the theme of the crisis, followed
closely by the themes of the elective
oligarchy, of corruption, and the whole of
expressions referring to the political
practices of bargaining such as
gerrymandering , the porkbarelling,
theOchsentour, the Fraktionszwang, etc.
By opposition, the semantics of positive
time has come focuses on the concept of
democracy and justice. Thus, the authors
construct expressions to characterize their
models, a part of which are variations on
the root demos or on the idea of the people
and citizens: Demarchy, People's
Parliament, Citizen Legislature, Citizens
Juries. Sometimes we find the idea of a
novelty: the new democracy, the
neodemocratie or on the contrary that of a
return to the sources: the Republic has the
mode of Pericles, the Athenian Option.
Finally, in a third logical words find who
put forward the topos of the draw: Random
angulation, stochocratie, mini-public. A
side of these expressions, it is the term of
justice which seems to return the most
often: justice by lottery ,just power, etc.
The authors of the corpus are thus united
by a community semantics of references,
then even, one must recall here, that they
are not necessarily in contact at the time of
the writing of their proposals. 159
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
3.5A common line face the criticism
We have just seen that the set of authors is
found on a line common was debate.
Before to look at their differences, it seems
particularly important to discuss the way in
which they defend themselves face the
criticism levelled against their proposals.
A line of common defense being in this
framework the sign of a proximity was
debate strong. As we cannot go into detail
of all the criticisms and discussions, they
are going to take the three attacks most
often mentioned by the authors in order to
see their responses. We will leave the
question of the jurisdiction of citizen side
given that we have already discussed at
length and that we discuss it yet.
3.5 .1The draw is it really representative?
The first concerns the question of the
possibility to draw an assembly or a
college non-representative in the statistical
sense. Face has this argument, we note that
the quasi-totality of the authors mobilized
the statistical sciences and argues that the
probability of such an event is not zero, but
that not only it is particularly low and that
in addition even in such a case, the draw
would not be more dangerous that the
voting procedure elective which has
allowed in the history the access of nondemocrats in power through elections123.
3.5 .2representatives non-responsible
The second criticism is the lack
ofaccountability of representatives and as
the note Burnheim (1985), " demarchic
bodies would not be accountable, because
they would not be eligible for
reappointment. Within the bounds of
criminal law they could do what they
liked, and suffer no consequences of their
actions. This is, peut, the central objection
to demarchy. ≪124 The joint response of
the authors is based on four ideas.
First123cf.
Mueller & al. (1972, 63) : " Under a
continuous system of unrestricted random
sampling, the probability will approach
100 percent over time that for some draw
of the legislature has set of representative
which reflect only a small portion of the
underlying population will quite dominant
the legislature (the American Nazi party,
for instance) with the possibility of
extremely adverse consequences as a
result. Strong constitutional provisions and
the use of a second house of Congress
could also be used to limit the effects that
year unrepresentative, illiberal legislature
might have while in office, and we would
argue that the frequency of occurrence of
such situations under our proposals is
likely to be considerably less than what we
have historically observed under
alternative forms of government. ≪
124See also Mueller & al. (1972, 61)
: " We should note that it is true that
randomly chosen individuals who are not
concerned with re-election to office will
have no direct incentive themselves to
become informed. Even though
absenteeism from legislative functions
could be controlled, daydreaming could
not be. ≪
160
3. A new democratic era
Also, the motivation does not come from
the possibility of punishment but rather of
the interest for the subject and of the
position of power offered to citizens,
combined has selfishness altruiste125.
Secondly, accountability would be the
means of the social pressure and policy
surrounding the representatives, as well as
as a consequence of their own love and
their sense of the honneur126. Thirdly
argue the supporters of the drawing, the
accountability of liberal is useful only
because it is the only tool for the control of
citizens on their rulers. In a system of
circulation, this pis-go would not
necessaire127. Fourthly and a contrario,
given the little responsibility of current
representatives elected, the chance is small
that a house pulled to the fate is even less
responsable128.
3.5 .3The domination of experts and
bureaucrats
The third major criticism raises the
question of the increasing role that would
take experts and bureaucrats in such a
system. The authors of the corpus consider
this point as a real challenge and propose a
battery of arrangements. It is first of all to
put in before the weight of the advertising
and the public opinion in such regimes
which would render the attempts to control
difficult. In addition, the independence of
the representatives from all the layers of
society and not only of the elites would
effectively counter a alternative agenda has
the one of the bureaucrats and experts. A
term, the bureaucracy itself would be led
disappear under the influence of the
participation, of the greater competence of
citizens and of the likely decentralization
of power. Finally and most importantly,
the establishment of internal procedures
that ensure the independence of citizens
through the deliberation as well as by the
establishment of institutions of control
would avoid the derives129.
125 See Martin (1995, 38) or Mueller & al.
(1972, 57) : " We feel, however, that in
case of important, highly publicized
decisions, social pressures such as desired
to be respected and the like will
normalement bas provide rather strong
personal incentives for informed choice. ≪
126Burnheim (1985, 168): " Those who
make decisions have to give reasons for
them. Nobody wants to appear autocratic,
eccentric or stupid. Whether this force of
public opinion is in fact adequate is largely
a matter of how open proceedings are, how
independent tea communications media
can be and how much people care. " On
the issue of control by the population see
Raskin (1974, 153-154).
127Barber (1984, 237) : " Liberal
democracy makes government
accountable, but it does not make women
and men powerful. It thrusts latent
responsibilities on them while at the same
time insisting that they keep a wholly
passive watch over their treasured
rights. ≪
128Buchstein & Hein (2009, 374).
129For the general arguments, see
Burnheim (1985, 164). On the question of
advertising and the independence, cf.
Aguileo Cancio (2010, 23), Dahl (1987,
204-205) or Sutherland (2008, 207-208).
On the disappearance of the bureaucracy
Carson & Martin (1999). On the
deliberative processes of correction, see
infra (p. 162). 161
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
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4. Diversity and differences
" Once people accept the possibility of
demarchy they rapidly find themselves
coming up with an abundance of
suggestions about how it might work in
practice. It is one of its great strengths that
it makes experimentation in thought and
practice infinitely easier than in stategoverned societies. It thrives on
diversity. ≪ (Burnheim 1985, 18)
Even though the vast majority of authors
agrees with the analyzes and previous
expectations, we note that there is - as the
note Burnheim - an impressive diversity in
the proposals, which range from schemes
and modest nature of reformist, calls to the
most radical, of thy quasi-revolutionary.
Such a profusion is at first sight
destabilizing but can be understood as a
reflection of differences at a level more
abstract concerning the concepts of
representation (4.1 ), of jurisdiction (4.2 )
and democracy (4.3 ).
4.1Representation and deliberation
4.1 .1The scope of representation by the
draw
The most fundamental difference that
seems to exist within the corpus of authors
concerned the scope of representation by
draw. For a part of them, the fact of draw
lots to an assembly is a necessary and
sufficient condition for its
representativeness of both the formal and
substantial. It is therefore not necessary to
structure its organization and its work or
even to put in place complementary
processes of control. Such is for example
the proposal of Callenbach & Phillips
(1985, 28), " representative House
members do not have to be forced by
external circumstances to directorgeneralor constituents because, by the very
statistics of their selection, they
inevitably do director-generalor their
segment of the populace. ≪130 The draw
transfigured the principle of liberal
representation, the defeats and the
sorpresentants are also representatives
when they are absent because it means that
a part of the population is not interested in
a subject. Conversely, a whole part of the
authors consider that the representation by
drawing has a much more limited scope. It
certainly allows
130They continue: " This is a difficulty
and critical point, one that goes to the heart
of the difference between the election and
sortition principles. It is precisely because
elected representative are likely to be so
different from their geographical
constituents that a traditional
representative system of government
requires electoral checks and controls upon
the representative. Purpose if, through
sortition, tea statistically representative aer
has "transcript" terms equivalent to the
people themselves, then this problem
vanishes. ≪
162
4. Diversity and differences
To obtain a more representative sample of
the population, but is not a sufficient
condition to ensure that the representatives
act as such. It is for them to complement
and reinforce the draw by the employment
of other institutional arrangements.
4.1 .2place of the deliberation
The most striking feature of these
arrangements is without a doubt the
deliberation. For a part of the authors, the
deliberation is absolutely necessary at any
employment of the prize draw. Unlike the
previous logic that puts the emphasis on
rational choice and the question of the
power of the individuals when aggregative
process, the proponents of the deliberation
shall bring to the center group processes.
The authors for which the deliberation
plays a secondary role generally consider
that the role of the house pulled to the fate
is not to engage in a process of discussion
but well to confront so aggregate patterns
the positions in the presence. It is as well
that he must understand for example the
description of Callenbach & Phillips
(1985, 18) on the policy that would
probably a Citizen Legislature: the latter
would be for the death penalty, for legal
abortion but also has 40% against
marriages inter-racial. It should not
necessarily be a change of position from
the discussion in such an assembly, in
order to " really " represent the people. In
contrast, all a part of the authors, in reality,
the majority, emphasized the paramount
importance of securing the conditions for
good deliberation within the body drawn.
The representatives the most emblematic
of this perception are the authors who have
put into practice their ideas, for example
Crosby, Dienel or Fishkin. As stated in the
last (1995, 167), " institutions that speaks
for the people need to be both
representative and deliberative. ≪ In
reality, we can go further. The authors who
design the representation before just as a
question of representativeness are inclined
to minimize the role of deliberation and
those who on the other hand seek has put
forward proposals to improve the decisionmaking process are more interested by the
combination of the draw with the
deliberation. Whereas in the first case the
draw triggers the proposal, he played in the
second an instrumental role, it is proposed
as a method of recruitment before it
because it is convenient and it allows you
to create the basic conditions for a
democratic deliberation of quality. In
particular, it enables to tend toward the
inclusion of citizens who normally are
absent from the policy and of the
participation and help stem the bias for a
debate without rules in which the citizens
the least educated and broken has the
exercise of the deliberation 163
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Tend to be domines131. The absence of
certain categories of people drawn at
random is for them a sign of failure and
not a sign that the drawing allows you to
also represent those who do not want to
take part in the policy. The proponents of
deliberation often consider that if some
people do not want to take part in the
policy it is because they do not have the
resources and not because they are not
interested. Another difference is in the
implementation in the question of the
deliberation: the authors who are betting
on it are more skeptical about the
procedures of aggregations of preferences
and are more inclined to argue that the
formulation of a solution to a problem can
only come from the deliberation132.
4.1 .3Tea people in thumbnail or a cross
section
These differences in the scope of
representation and in the place has grant
has the deliberation have consequences on
the proposed procedure. More than the
formal representation is seen as sufficient,
more authors are inclined to take as a
model a large assembly and a hardware
operation of draw binding, including a
pool wide has mandatory participation, a
draw pure (without quotas or weighting)
and formalized, with few opportunities for
refusal in order to achieve a mirror
representation: the people in miniature. On
the contrary, the authors who defend a
design of the representation in which the
act and the deliberation are major
components, are more pushed to introduce
small groups of citizens, a pool of
volunteers comprising conditions of entry,
a weighted draw or even with quotas and
of possibilities of refusal and rejection:
a cross section of the population133. The
first case is for example defended by
Callenbach & Phillips (1985) or Aguileo
Cancio (2010), the second by Fishkin
(1991) or Dahl (1970).
131See Martin (1995, 32-34).
Schematically, the proponents of the
deliberation is moving toward Habermas
and those of the aggregation toward
Surowiecki and his theory of the Wisdom
of Crowds. See O'Leary (2006, 153 et seq.
) or Sutherland (2008, 73-84).
132In this lineage is found also for the
authors who put the deliberation at the
center of their criticism of the liberal
policy and make it a condition of
democratic politics: " In considering recent
liberal theory and the idea of democracy as
the politics of interest, one type it easy
enough to see how talk might be generai
with speech and speech reduced to the
articulation of interest by appropriate
signs. ... Liberal Tea reduction of talk to
speech has unfortunately inspired political
institutions that foster the articulation of
interests purpose that slight tea difficulty
art of listening. ≪ Barber (1984, 174).
133We also find in these models the
reference to judicial panels. On the people
in thumbnail see Callenbach &Phillips
(1985), on the cross section, see Amar
(1984, 1288). 164
4. Diversity and differences
4.2The citizen competence in debate
4.2 .1of citizens more or less competent
" I would not want to travel on an airline
that neutralise passengers the right to
participate equally (by batch? By majority
vote?) with crew and pilot in the operation
of their flat. ≪ (Dahl 1970, 30).
If the authors of the corpus are
unanimously agree that the classical
concept of general competence and
objective is a mistake, they do not defend
all the idea that citizens are able to decide
everything, on everything, all the time.
Schematically we could identify three
trends. The first group includes the authors
the most enthusiastic for which the
jurisdiction policy is really the thing the
better shared in the world. In this
perspective there is no need to put in place
special processes to enable all citizens to
participate, the latter will do to them-even
by own interest. The body learned the fate
will then have all the powers
interchangeably and be elected for periods
of time comparable to those of current
assemblies. The authors of this group are
also more inclined to interpret the
jurisdiction as a matter of general
direction. The representatives could just
provide broad indications of their
preferences which should then be
translated into acts by the
administration134.
The second trend consists of authors more
skeptics who consider that the political
competence is - from a theoretical point of
view - also distributed between all but that
a series of factors (socio-economic,
political, linguistic, etc) prevents its
practical realization. We must therefore
think the draw taking these factors into
account, ensure proactively has what all
social groups participate in and put in
place the tools to ensure the conditions for
a good debate. At the level of the powers
to give the corps learned the fate, the
authors offer sometimes a legislative
function shared with an elected assembly
by vote within a whole bicameral.
Sometimes, they can propose a
consultative power. The authors of this
group are also pointed out that the
jurisdiction may become a problem in the
case where the elected to the fate remain
too long has positions of power: with the
time they would begin to lose their
character of ordinary citizens to become
professionals has
134See for example O'Leary (2006,
206). 165
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
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Their tower. In addition they consider that
the representatives are able to formulate
specific recommendations and operating
suite in the deliberative process.
A third group of authors considered finally
that the political competence is not
distributed equally among all the citizens
with the exception of the competence to
use, which cannot replace the technical
competence of the experts or professional
politicians, not more than that these latter
may not happen to the jurisdiction a citizen
of elsewhere. For this group of authors, the
powers of the body learned the fate should
be mainly advisory and optional (non-
binders). It should also install certain
conditions of entry into the pool which
should be constituted of volunteers135 or
introduce the draw in the process
electifs136.
4.2.2Betroffen vs unabhängig
Another important element in report with
the citizen competence is the fact to be
concerned by the problem under
discussion. For a part of the advocates of
random democracy, the citizens are
competent as when something the
concerne137. For others, on the contrary,
the fact to be key is a barrier has the
jurisdiction because of individual interests
little compatible with the general interest
are has same to emerge. Argument rejected
by the first who argue that a draw would
give the chance has everyone to
participate. The controversy is not
complete on this point but it seems to have
an interesting consequence since the
authors supporters of the thesis of
the Betroffenheit are more inclined to
propose tools with a voluntary
participation (it is the persons concerned to
be manifested) while the others are more
inclined to propose a draw mandatory (it
must prevent that do recreate the body
developing specific interests)138.
135See Emery (1976a, 202) which
proposes to create lists of " good men " or
Sutherland (2008, 144) : " Consideration
should be given to introducing a minimum
IQ level as has candidacy status " or at
least " a minimum level of educational
attainment. ≪
136See for example Amar (1984, 1307) for
which the lottery voting constitutes a
compromise between aristocratic
institutions and democratic: " Lottery
voting contemplates year assembly in
which legislators are typically leaders of
the diverse groups in the polity. Lottery
voting thus ke tea cross-sectionalism of the
random jury without sacrificing tea
deliberateness, stature, and wisdom of the
ideal "blue-ribbon" jury. ≪
137Burnheim (1985, 16): " By contrast
with existing democratic practice,
demarchy does not assume that most of the
population is in a position to make soundly
based assessments of all the major issues
of government policy or even to assess the
merits of rival elites competing for votes.
What it assumed is that most people, if
they are faced with limited concrete
questions about matters that affect them
directly, are capable of gaining enough
understanding of the issues to make
sensitive choices about them. ≪
138See the arguments of Carson & Martin
(1999, 47). As a supporter of
the Betroffenheit, see Burnheim (1985, 5),
as an opponent see Becker (1976a).
166
4. Diversity and differences
4.2 .3The ambiguous role of the elective
vote
While the vote is elected attack en bloc by
most of the ancient authors, the most
recent publications are challenging
discussion the problematic in a optical
more nuanced. The vote would be thus
neither more nor less democratic that the
drawing and it is only has the yardstick of
the practical uses of these two procedures
that we could judge their caractere139. In
this framework, the analysis is more
differentiated: the vote was able to have
and still contains a democratic dimension
in its procedural aspect but no longer
allows to achieve the ideal of democratic
representation. It is in this way that we can
interpret the proposals which focus on the
introduction of the drawing within the
elections140.
4.3Affinities varied intellectual
The third divergence within the texts
supporters of the prize draw is built around
the radicality of proposals of their
respective authors and se leaves apprehend
in watching more closely two elements:
firstly, the position of the author vis-a-vis
the liberal thinking and secondly its
conception of democracy, understood in its
meaning of " power of the people, by the
people, for the people. ≪ Schematically,
we can as well classify the authors on a
plan with double-axis a scale ranging from
liberals to anti-liberal and in orderly of
reformers to revolutionnaires141.
4.3 .1The liberals reformers
The proposals the more modest of the
corpus are the fact of reformers liberals
who say they do not want to challenge the
existence of elected representatives and
argue that they want to only supplement
the whole liberal institutional:
" Our proposal for citizens to take part in
year Athenian style chamber of scrutiny is
not an attack on party politics. Rather it
suggests a way in which members of the
public can play a complementary and not a
competitive role alongside elected PWO's
whose democratic mandate will give them
the exclusive right to propose new
legislation ... We are not: that selection by
a form of batch is better than
elections. ≪ (Barnett & Carty 2008,
24)142
139A logic which joined the approach in
terms of procedural blocks presented in the
first chapter.
140 See for example the proposal by Gastil
(2000) or the note of Amar (1984, 1307).
141These terms are not entirely
satisfactory because waves but are used
here to categories of work.
142In the same direction see Mulgan
(1984, 540).
167
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
In their proposals, the psephos can remain
a central tool of representation, which is
reflected by a series of proposals aimed at
the introduction of the drawing within the
elections, as is the case of Rehfeld who
insisted on the importance of
accountability through the elections143.
For the most part, they emphasize the
utopian character of their proposal and
sometimes qualify their demonstration of
exercise heuristique144. In addition, they
consider - despite all their criticisms - that
the liberal democracies are far from being
the worst of regimes and are the most
likely to reject the use of the draw for
positions executifs145.
4.3 .2The liberals "revolutionary"
While remaining attached to the liberal
democracy, a part of the authors goes
further, however and announced a desire to
see materialize their proposal. The analysis
of the current political system may be less
systematic and more emotional in these
texts and sometimes takes the form of a
pamphlet against the political class, the
parties and elections. The resulting
proposals are intended then, most often, to
replace the existing institutions and to
eliminate the vote of elected
representatives. The authors of this group
remain however liberals in the sense that
they are more inclined to leave the citizens
to submit to them-even for the drawings
(voluntary pool) and that they are betting
on the aggregative process rather than
deliberative processes as is the case in the
proposal of Callenbach & Phillips
(1985)146.
4.3 .3The "anti-liberal" reformers
In a conceptual optical still more radical
but with proposals which are often more
moderate, we found a group of authors that
extend their criticism has the whole of the
Liberal philosophy. This passes through a
deconstruction of additional liberal
concepts of need and merit which are then
analyzed in relative terms, depending on
the reports of
143Rehfeld (2005, 240-241) : " And peut
more importantly, because each
representative is authorized by and held
accountable to an exact microcosm of the
whole nation, what is good for any one
constituency corresponds exactly to what
is good for the nation as whole. ≪
144Mueller & al. (1972, 66) : " The
persevering reader may be convinced by
now that we are writing a piece of science
fiction rather than analysing a serious
proposal to reform democratic decision
making " on.
145Dahl (1970, 142) : " If polyarchy is
light years away from primary democracy
it is also light years away from a truly
despotic regime. " ON for a more
moderate, see Mulgan (1984, 550): " No
one, therefore, would dispute that election
is the key device of modern democracies
gold seriously claim that popular control
over governments would be increased by
appointing a legislature by lot from among
the citizens. ≪
146A lot of authors activists are also
classified in this category.
168
4. Diversity and differences
FORCE147. The proposals do not seek as
well more only has improve the political
system but aim a more disagreeable more
profound social reports in one direction
deeply egalitarian. This is the approach
adopted by Barber (1984) which begins by
systematically criticizing the foundations
and the forms of what he named
the " weak democracy " on, its design of
human nature, of the policy and of the
egalite148, before laying the foundations
of a " participative policy for a new
age " in the form of the " strong
democracy " but while offering the tools
rather modest and complementaires149.
The authors of this group are particularly
sensitive to the problem of socio-economic
inequalities of competence and plead for
the tools in which the deliberation acquires
a central role.
4.3 .4The "anti-liberal "revolutionary
While sharing the conceptual analysis
previous, the authors of this group offer to
lay down with the existing institutions for
batir new, in which the draw would have a
central role. In most cases the models are
designed either to replace the set of
political institutions - States, commons,
but also universities, agencies,
international organizations, transnational
companies, the market itself - either are
not confined to the drawing of political
posts but also incorporate reflections on
the draw of decisions and of lots. The
examples the most successful of such an
approach are found among Burnheim
(1985), Goodwin (1984, 1992) or even
among Carson & Martin (1999).
5. Put into perspective
The authors of the corpus that we have
studied throughout this chapter therefore
seem well be bound by a problematic and
reflections commons. It is now to put this
together in a broader context, first history
(5.1 ), then theoretical (5.2 ), in order to
better understand the scope and limits of
the theory of democracy random.
147Cf. Goodwin (1984, 194) or (2005,
78).
148Barber (1984, 78) : " Equality does not
possess the normative status of liberty in
the liberal psychology of man. It is merely
a contingent feature of commensurability
and has none of the force that community
gold fraternity has in more participatory
theories of democracy. Indeed
aggressively, it is more men's common
apartness, which is the root of liberty, than
their sameness, which is the root of
equality, that accelration tea liberal
democratic man. The equality of thin
democracy is the equality of boxer placed
in common weight classes. ≪
149Barber (1984, 262) thus poses as a
condition of the new institutions that
they " should complement and be
consistent with the primary representative
institutions of large-scale modern
societies. ≪
169
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
5.1Precursors, pioneers and smugglers: a
historical perspective
5.1 .1a interest really new?
The matter of the draw in politics is, as we
have noticed more than once, as old as that
of democracy. Should it not then consider
the recent developments such as the simple
continuation of an interest recurring for a
question of political procedure, without
specificity own? A very short detour
through the history based on the results of
Chapter 2, shows that the current
movement is well a novelty. Two
arguments are going in this direction. First,
a search of the literature dating from
before- war - also either depth-it - does
allows you to find that a number of
publications extremely reduced that are
entirely devoted to the subject and
containing a defense or a rejection of the
procedure150. Whatever the reasons for
such a state of fact, it can be reasonably
concluded that it did not exist before war
the quantitative bases allowing to talk
about theory, movement or even more
simply scientific interest. If we now look
at the content of a few texts found, it must
be recognized that the latter have striking
similarities with the modern texts about
criticism of the political system in force,
the relationship between people and elite
or the democratic ideal defended.
However, they differ from on a series of
crucial points. First of all, we do not find
war before working on the notion of
chance and draw what is also includes by
the absence of certain mathematical
knowledge. Then, the desire to build a
reasoned arguments is much more limited,
the proposals are made in a way ironic, or
without concern for operationalization. In
addition, most of the texts argue against
the draw including at the time during
which expands the liberal thinking and
reflection on the vote electif151. There is
everything from even a few exceptions to
this situation. First well on during the
antiquity and the Italian republics. Two
times during which a beginning of speech
has been born and that might be
termed " prehistory " of the theory of
democracy aleatoire152. We think in
particular has texts such as Dil modo of
eligire of Bruni153. There are also some
traces of a contemporary discussion of the
first disappointment vis-a-vis
150 We are talking about the texts of
supporters, not of descriptive texts.
151See the texts of Montesquieu or of
Rousseau as well as Dowlen (2008a).
170
5. Put into perspective
Of representative democracy, such as 1848
or during the 1930â s, moments at which
the draw has already been proposed as a
solution to the faults of democracies
liberales154.
5.1 .2of the "reinvention of the wheel" on
networking
" I am embarrassed to confess that at the
time of writing the original proposal I was
ignorant of most of the extensive literature
on sortition and deliberative democracy.
I'm greatly encouraged to learn that I've
merely been reinventing the
wheel. ≪ (Sutherland 2008, 14)
It seems therefore that the real
development of normative reflections on
the draw took place after the second world
war. This evolution has been demonstrated
in the previous chapter in quantitative
terms, we will give here a few elements
additional qualitative. First, if one goes
back into memory the whole of the
analysis on the criticism against the liberal
policy and the expectations formulated in
the texts, it is striking to note at what point
the texts of the corpus are similar while
having been produced independently of
each other and without that their authors
have knowledge of the parallel
proposals: " We ourselves cam to the idea
separately and, learning of each other's
proposals, decided to collaborate. We were
unaware that in the United States Ernest
Callenbach & Michael Phillips had
proposed A Citizen Legislature. The
parallels are remarkable. ≪155 However,
we note that from the beginning of 1980,
the authors are beginning to be in contact
with each other through their texts, and are
inspired by mutuellement156. In parallel,
has from the beginning of 1990, it is noted
that the theorists are starting to learn the
existence of practical experiences such as
the Planungszellen or the Citizens' Juries,
which gives a dynamic of more and more
important to theoretical writings, and
resets same old texts of news (Burnheim
2006, 1) :
" My concern with participatory
democracy seemed a hangover,from the
sixties and flares and my attempts to
address Marxist concerns were further
evidence of the irrele152Without
However forget to note that the advent of
texts has this time seems more than normal
if one takes into account the wide use that
was made of the tool at this time.
153See Dowlen (2008a, 124-134).
154See the texts of a " Former
Member " (1936), Laski (1933) or Leroux
(1848).
155Barnett & Carty (2008, 14). See also
Litvak-Poulin (2009, 4).
156Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 10)
: " Benjamin Barber, a professor of
political science at Rutgers, allegedly
infringing in his new book Strong
Democracy (University of California
Press, 1984) for a variety of democracyenhancing measures, including sortition for
local government positions. ≪ See also
Burnheim (2006, 5) : " Carole Pateman
read a late version of the present book and
offered helpful suggestions. ≪
171
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Vance of what I had to say. A generation
later those changes seem to have run their
course and many of the problems that
concerned me remain unsolved. ≪
Such a development allows you to locate
the real moment catalytic converter of the
development of the theory of democracy
random at the beginning of 1990, at the
time or the crossing of the theoretical
approaches and practices has enabled the
emergence of a virtuous circle of
inspiration theoretical and methodological
improvements as well as the development
of new theoretical models based on the
results of practical experiments. The latter
have had their turn inspired practitioners
who have tapped into the political
philosophy and the history of ideas of new
arguments pro-draw. By the end of the
1990s, the theoretical proposals pure, i.e.
without references to practical instruments
tend to disappear and leave place has a
reverse approach: practitioners, political
scientists and even of the participants shall
bring has develop theories aleatoriennes
overall from the concrete instruments and
extrapolate the latter has a macro-levelsocial157. In parallel, and as noted in the
previous chapter, more and more historical
studies and exploratory provide the
knowledge and arguments by analyzing in
detail of old practices and by reinterpreting
the scope of the draw in these contexts. An
example of this work is the book of
Hansen on the Athenian democracy which
will everything has done in the direction of
the proponents of democracy random,
particularly as regards their analysis of the
competence158.
This sustained development of the
literature, these exchanges and these
experiences have precipitated the solution
has such a point that one can speak of the
emergence of a theory of democracy with
random - was in believing one of its
protagonists - of an agenda: " Die
Demokratietheorie aleatorische ist ein
normative Projekt mit dem Ziel, die
Rationalitatspotentiale of Zufallsprinzips
as modern Demokratien nutzbar zu
machen. ≪ (Buchstein 2009a, 343). The
assumption made at the beginning of the
second chapter is therefore qualitatively
confirmed.
157See for example Herath (2007) who,
after having attended a citizens assembly
in Ontario has published a book on the
subject. See also Litvak-Poulin who after
having worked within a team on a project
of participatory democracy in Australia has
published in 2009 his book Citizens'
Democracy.
158 (Hansen 1991, 236): " How absurd it
is, says Sokrates, tb pick the magistrates
by lot when you would not pick a
helmsman, or whatever, in that way.
[Sokrates' fallacy] resides in the unstated
premise that the magistrates have the same
power to steer the ship of state as a
helmsman has to steer his ship. Purpose
the Athenians thing their magistrates by lot
precisely to ensure that they should not be
steersmen of the state: one of the purposes
of the batch was to diminish the powers of
the magistrates. The batch was based on
the idea not that all men were equally
expert, goal that all men were expert
enough at what they were chosen for, and
that by the use of the batch magistracies
would cease to be attractive as weapons in
the struggle for power. ≪ 172
5. Put into perspective
5.2Various approaches: a highlighted
theoretical
5.2.1 Frames varied anything
economically exploitable
If one is interested in the common
foundations and the differences between
authors and put into relationship with the
analyzes carried out in the first chapter,
one realizes that the proposals seem to be
closer to three frames argumentatives159.
A first series of instruments highlights the
central role of the draw in the fight against
the factions in the form of political parties
and presses on the character of
impartiality, externalities, of neutrality and
unpredictability of the draw and in the
prudence vis-a-vis the jurisdiction of
citoyens160. These proposals are based
logically on the prints quite strongly
framed with quotas and conditions of
entry. The reference model is the judicial
jury. One senses the republican frame that
we find among the authors of the corpus
close to the sensitivity " liberal
reformist ≪ highlighted previously.
In contrast to this caution some schemes
based on the centrality of equality
procedural and substantive and put forward
the necessity to employ on a mass scale the
drawing in order to combat the trends or
even aristocratic oligarchic liberal
companies. They insist less on the need for
deliberation, and font more call has the
idea of rotation and inclusion. The favorite
example of these authors is the classical
Athens ; the trackball and
the dicastes represent their key references.
The drawings proposed are based on a pool
wide and binding, the drawing is rather
formalized, participation tends to be
mandatory. Overall, therefore these
authors use arguments protirages which
strongly resemble has a democratic frame.
There are more or less the group of
proposals previously identified as
revolutionary, has both liberal and antiliberal.
Finally, between the two previous
positions, there is a series of proposals in
which the drawing is a necessary but not
sufficient condition in the search and the
establishment of more democratic
institutions. The justifications are mainly
the procedural equality, the
representativeness (constitution of a
representative sample), the impartiality and
the inclusion. The draw is think in
combination with the deliberation that is-asay that the upgrade
159The other frames anything
economically exploitable are mostly
absent. A few exceptions are the rationality
of second order in proposals such as
the lottery voting ( Amar 1984).
160 Cf. for example the test of QI
proposed by Sutherland (2008). 173
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
The conditions are in place for a good
debate are a sine qua non . That is why
some proposals advocate for a draw with
quotas or weighted and surround the
instruments of thousand procedural
refinements supposed to ensure that the
drawing will give really the opportunity
for representatives to act as such. It is here
the frame aleatorienne who appears in the
form of the equation " draw + deliberation
= democracy ". There are more or less than
the group of " anti-liberal reformers "
on previously identified which propose the
introduction of new institutions in addition
to the current.
5.2 .2a great diversity of tools
The differences between frames that we
have just been considering, coupled with
the other differences lead to a great
diversity of tools proposed which can be
ordered by using five criteria: the frame
was debate which serves as a basis has the
proposal, the notice of the author on the
scope of representation by drawing, his
judgment on the deliberation, on the
competence of citizens and the proposed
powers for the body drawn by lot. It is then
in a position to differentiate five major
groups of tools which are neither exclusive
nor often sufficient. In fact, most of the
authors combine in their texts two or three
types of tools.
5.2.2 .1The election tools
Based on an argument rather republican
and liberal, a series of proposals are
designed to introduce the draw in the
electoral process in order to make it more
balanced and representative. The
deliberation is not playing - except - a
central role, participation is rather optional,
the parties maintain a place in the whole
process. We found as a prototype the
lottery voting of Amar (1984) but also
the Wahlen Anno 2000 from Horn or the
instrument advance by Gastil (2000). The
election tools may also be based on a
frame more utilitarian, for example the
proposal of Abrams & Settle (1976)161.
5.2.2 .2The tribunats
Based on the same republican frame but
with a optical more radical, some
proposals take up the idea that florentine it
is central that the elites elected should be
subject to popular control. It is therefore to
create a body pulled to the fate which can
make against161Cf. chapter 2, 4.3.2 , p. 110.
174
5. Put into perspective
Weight to the liberal elites. The proposal
the more mature in this sense is that of
McKormick, the Tribunate
Assembly which incorporates the idea of
Machiavel162. Other projects in this
direction were presented by Raskin (1974)
or Sutherland (2008). The sorpresentants
in these models have the more often a right
of veto, or of investigation and inquiry as
well as sometimes the possibility to submit
proposals a referendum.
5.2.2 .3The mini-public
The authors proposing this type of tool are
based on the frame was debate
aleatorienne. They give a major
importance has the deliberation and work
in small groups, consider that the citizens
have an inherent jurisdiction, capable to
grow and spread. But they cannot and must
not replace the experts. The participation is
seen as voluntary, but should be able to
reach all the citizens by the introduction of
corrective measures (remuneration,
vacation policies, etc. )163. The powers
entrusted to the body are advisory rather
on a given issue in advance, but can be
both forward-looking statements that
control and evaluation. The prototype of
these tools is the mini-public and covers a
wide range of existing tools that we will
study in detail in the next chapter, such as
the Planungszellen or the Citizens' Juries.
Found in this category the models of
Emery (1976b), Fishkin (1991) or O'Leary
(2006).
5.2.2 .4The legislatures citizens
With a strong likeness but a frame of
substance more democratic, we found the
prototype of the legislatures citizens,
derived from the expression Citizens
Legislature of Callenbach & Phillips
(1985). Such assemblies are thoughts
rather many since the basis of their
legitimacy is the representation-figuration
of type people in miniature. They have in
theory the broad authority, often legislative
and the devices designed the establishment
of conditions of good debate there are not
central. The citizens are seen as competent
in extensive areas. The citizens' assemblies
are sometimes thoughts as a replacement
of the current institutions, sometimes as an
additional assembly. Found in this
category the proposals of Becker (1976b),
of Callenbach & Phillips (1985), of
Aguileo Cancio (2010) or even of Cannac
(1983). A more moderate version of
legislatures citizens has
162For the details, see Mc Kormick
(2006).
163On the payment see Barber (1984,
293).
175
Chapter 3: Toward a theory of democracy
random
Summer presented by authors arguing
along a frame aleatorienne (Schmitter & al.
2004 For example). The house is in this
case with legislative powers but its
institutional functioning is think taking
into account the problematic of
deliberation.
5.2.2 .5The tools what lobbying would
have ever prompted
Finally, based on a democratic frame
radical and revolutionary, a last group of
authors propose to replace the whole of the
institutions for erecting a new system,
often appointed demarchie in reference has
the book pioneer of Burnheim (1985).
These authors consider the representatives
learned the fate as competent in all the
areas and therefore offer their entrust all
the powers. The deliberation or the
mandatory participation are sometimes
posed as pre-requisite, sometimes totally
rejected. The authors of these models are
less applied a set of concrete instruments
and think in terms macro-social. Is found
here Goodwin (1992) or Martin (1995).
176
6. Conclusions
6. Conclusions
The discursive study thus confirmed the
idea that it emerges from a quarantine of
years a set of text sharing a platform
common theoretical that may be described
as a theory of democracy and random
which has to heart the idea that the
drawing in the form of the sortition could
provide a solution to the political
challenges of our time. It was noted
however that the authors who defend this
opinion, if they are largely in agreement on
the effects that would have the use of the
draw in politics, diverge in contrast on the
analysis that they are political regimes
liberal-representative as well as on the
precise reasons that impel them to
recommend the introduction of the draw.
We were able to identify three major
trends. A portion of the authors declared
its commitment to liberal principles and
adopted a reformist approach; these
authors recommend the tools to
complement of representative democracies
based on a frame was debate rather
republican. Following the same reformist
approach, but based on a deconstruction
much more radical representative regimes
and in particular the notion of competence,
a series of authors propose tools more
ambitious based on a frame was debate
aleatorienne. Finally, in a groundbreaking
optical, Liberal or not, a last series of
authors argued for the introduction of
replacement tools of the current
institutions in mobilizing a frame was
debate democratic type.
This theoretical study discursive has
however left out a fundamental question
that is posed by the proponents of the
theory of democracy random: how to
ensure that the drawing is truly employed
in policy? In the words of Burnheim
(1985, 160) : " How are we to get the new
procedure has decent trial? ( ... ) Where,
then, can we make a start in this process of
undermining existing power structures
without confronting them? " On the
question is therefore the following: that
applies the theory of the draw in politics
when it is put to the test bench of the
practice? It is has to provide elements for a
response that is spent the second part of
the thesis.
177
Part 2: Aix and Poitiers, the theory to
the test bench
(Demos)
" Das Modell Planungszelle 'stellt 'eine
mogliche Anwendung der Benefits of
aufgabenorientierten,'ermoglichenden
Gruppenprozesses fur die industrielle
Zwecke der Beteiligung year politischen
identifiable dar. Der yesterday gemeinte
Gruppenprozes last sich durch eine Reihe
von Merkmalen beschreiben. Einige von
ihnen, wie can be sampled again der
Beteiligten'oder Dauer der Teilnahme, sind
in bestimmten Grenzen variierbar. En sind
es nicht. Sie werden als yesterday
Hauptmerkmale bezeichnet. Ihre
Bedeutung wird - auch wenn Sie lediglich
zunachst technisch anmuten - sichtbar,
wenn die Moglichkeiten long-term
survival, die sich aus ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung
Kombination ergeben, bedacht werden.
Pound Hauptmerkmale of Modells lassen
sich in folgendem Satz zusammenfassen:
"Die Planungszelle ist eine Gruppe von im
Zufall ausgewahlten, auf bestimmte
Wirkstoffe 'Zeit freigestellten und
verguteten Burgern, die - assistiert von
Prozesbegleitern - Losungen fur
vorgegebene, losbare Bewertungs-,
Kontroll- oder Planungsprobleme
erarbeiten." Der Begriff "losbar" meint
yesterday, das die zur Losung of Problems
relevanten Informationen in der zur
Verfugung stehenden Zeit in die Gruppe
eingegeben und von den Teilnehmern
verarbeitet und angewendet werden
konnen. ≪
Dienel (1976, 28).
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the
jury of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
The previous chapter has put in before a
series of analyzes and proposals
concerning the democratic systems
contemporaries who hope a lot of the
reintroduction of the draw in politics.
However, it is still a possibility to test
these expectations on the field: Are there
any practices that meet the theoretical
propositions and which would help to
verify the assumptions made by the
authors supporters of the drawing? If yes,
what are these models? The present
chapter1 is intended to respond to these
two questions by identifying certain
instruments using the drawing which
clearly fall within the conceptual proposals
(1). Among the latter, the category of socalled mini-public seems to have the most
potential, what a detour by the history of
the innovations will show (2 and 3).
Within the group, and this, we will focus
particularly on two models:
the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens
(4). The first because of its historic role
central in the development and
dissemination of mini-public, the second
due to its character Tardif and strongly
hybrid which will enable us to integrate
elements of comparison and crosssectional as well as diachronic. To allow a
concrete test of assumptions, however, it
will be necessary to operationalize the
research by concentrating on two concrete
experiences (5) : the project
of Planungszelle " eine neue
Gebuhrensatzung as Aachen " on of 2007
and the draft jury citizen " evaluation of
regional policy in the fight against climate
change " of 2008.
1The research was the basis of this chapter
have been made possible grace has access
to the substance of Peter Dienel which is
located has Elstal (Brandenburg) and
whose doors have me summers opened by
the family Dienel, that I would like to
thank here. The substance contains the set
of matches, writings, publications etc. ,
produced by Peter Dienel and the actors in
the network Planungszelle throughout the
years.
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
1. Overview of a gradual renaissance
If the drawing has never completely
disappeared from the political practice, it
has clearly been a major eclipse between
the liberal revolutions of the 18th century
and the 1960s, time at which it has
undergone a kind of gradual renaissance
which we will quickly draw up a table that
allows to tag the field of investigation of
the empirical study.
1.1A myriad of jobs
Since the middle of 1960, the draw has
been increasingly used in practice. It has
already seen in the previous chapters that
this was not without consequences on the
development of the literature and on the
political theory, but we will now focus on
the real jobs. It is of course impossible to
perform an exhaustive census, that is why
it is proposed to use a grid of reading
outcome of the work of the first chapter in
order to present a maximum of examples
of analytical manner. We will begin by the
jobs in the field of lotteries, has the result
of what we will review the striking
examples of drawing in the framework of
decisions taken. Finally we will focus on
the prints of posts, which constitute the
category most bountiful.
1.1 .1Conscription, Green card and places
of study: lotteries
The reintroduction of the draw in the
framework of military conscription in the
United States in 1970 has been very widely
commented on and it represents a typical
case of modern reintroduction. It has been
accompanied by a lively debate and
represents for some authors the starting
point of modern of the renaissance of the
draw in policy in combination with the
strengthening of the draw in the judicial
panels (Buchstein 2009a, 339). The
second employment in this framework,
much more recent, is the Green
card introduced by the Reagan
administration in 1987 with the aim of
diversifying the origin of candidates has
immigration to the United States . It allows
has 60,000 candidates per year to obtain a
permanent visa regardless of the country of
residence and without conditions of
qualification other than the filling a form
in row2. The third2For
For details see the information of the
government united states. It is surprising to
note that despite its impact and its
originality this employment of the draw
was apparently not been the subject of
academic research depth, and no reference
has been found on the subject. 182
1. Overview of a gradual renaissance
Third employment actually marking
affects the access to goods educational it
is-a-say to seats school and university
which has spread from particularly rapid
manner in the whole of Europe since little.
The first country to have introduced the
system after-war seems to have been the
Holland of 1975. Elsewhere, the
excitement is more delayed and the
following countries has test the draw has
the entry of schools (United Kingdom,
United States and Germany) have done in
the last 10 years (Boyle 2010).
1.1 .2The Swedish parliament: an example
of advisory drawing
The advisory draw employment is the least
present in the practice has the collective
scale. In fact, when it comes to decisions
that have a real impact, the draw is
reported by his absence, with the exception
of a case it seems unique in the post-war
history. Between 1973 and 1976, the
Swedish parliament, consisting of two
blocks of 175 members mit in the drawing
79 of these decisions, 39 of them were won
by the socialist bloc and 40 by the block
conservateur3.
1.1 .3juries judicial: the employment of
reference
" The jury, and especially the civil jury,
serves to give the spirit of all citizens a
part of the habits of the spirit of the judge ;
and these habits are precisely those that
are preparing the better the people to be
free ... It teaches men the practice of
equity. Each, in judging his neighbor,
think it may be judge has his turn. It revet
each citizen of a kind of judiciary; he felt
was all that they have duties to fulfill
toward society, and that they fall within his
government. By forcing the men has to
deal with something other than of their
own affairs, he is fighting the individual
egoism. ≪ (De Tocqueville 1835a, 120).
The draw of judicial panels represents the
exact opposite of the previous
employment, since the drawing is often the
rule, and this since their creation. It is not
necessary to dwell here on the details of
the procedure since it has been often
studied in his report with the tirage4.
However, it should be noted two elements:
firstly the operation of drawing for the
recruitment has experienced a substantial
change from the end of the seventy years
in response to the criticisms made to the
default of representativeness of the jurors
who has is to broaden the pool of
sorteables while making participation more
compulsory than before. This movement
began in the United States then spread in
the
3See Jahn (2003, 101) and Rasch (1995).
4See the works cited in the chapter 2. On
the report with the drawing, see Buchstein
(2009a, 341-364) or Vergne (2006, 99102). 183
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
All over the world and has had major
consequence to democratize the jury and to
make it more independent of political
power but also of judges professionnels5.
Secondly, the model of juries has
constitutes, as we will see later, a source of
inspiration not negligible for a part of the
practitioners of the use of the draw in
politics.
1.1 .4a revolutionary employment: the
mini-public
Of all the practices identified here, there is
one that constitutes a true revolution in the
field of employment of the prize draw in
politics because it is the first to be the
result of a social engineering and proactive
institutional comprising the draw as central
element: this is the mini-public. A term
which covers a palette very diverse uses
that date back has two common
tremenduous difference:
the Planungszelle and the Citizens Jury,
invented and then put into practice from
the 1970s. These models are, in addition,
as we have already emphasized, the
meeting zone between the theory of
democracy and random political practice.
That is why they seem of a present
constitute a favorable field of research
when it comes to test the theoretical
hypotheses and it seems justified to
consider in detail on these models.
However, it should be first to finish the
tour of the practices of drawing by
addressing two other uses.
1.1 .5The particular case of the polls and
the televote
The polls represent, as we have seen, a
complex case of employment from the
draw. In fact, strictly speaking, they are
not based on the draw that in a scientific
concern of representativeness. So they do
not have a priori nothing of policy, what
confirms the mass of surveys conducted in
the trade area to test products or
advertising campaigns. However, some
polls regarding the policy are themselves
political and have important consequences
on the system as a whole; it becomes
difficult to ignore. If the use of the draw is
limited well to ensure that the sample is
representative of the population of the
overall content of the polls influence
directly the conduct of the policy which, as
the jotting down a whole series of the
authors studied in chapter 3, has profound
consequences on the liberal democracies.
The polls are also individuals
5Cf. Vergne (2006, 99-102). The reform
is arrival in France in 1978, but has not
affected the Germany or the jurors learned
the fate remain an exception.
184
1. Overview of a gradual renaissance
In the direction where they constituted the
starting point of the reflection of some of
the practitioners of the drawing, such Ted
Becker or James Fishkin who have
developed models of democracy on the
basis of polls opinion6. With effect from
1974, Becker introduced and then tested
the Televote. The latter is a form of survey
in which the sample drawn at random to
answer the question receives an
information pamphlet on the subject, and
then attended from home has a television
show corresponding before finally give its
opinion by a telephone voting. This
method, although revolutionary in its time
has been employee that a dozen times the
USA before falling into a forgotten
certain7.
1.1 .6The tie-breaker in the elections
Although rarely used in practice, the use of
the drawing such as tie -breaker after an
election without winner is expected in
most constitutions and/or parliamentary
regulations of western democracies
(Buchstein 2009a).
1.2Limitation of the field of investigation
This multiplicity of employment
constitutes a solid basis to test the
theoretical hypotheses but would exceed
very widely the framework of this work.
That is why we decided to limit itself - in
agreement with the developments of
chapters 2 and 3 - has the study of tools
which have for their object the distribution
of posts deliberative processes. The
reasons for this choice are multiple. First
of all, the distribution of posts is a
phenomenon which has experienced a
renaissance or even a birth since the end of
the second world war, while most of the
other practices have existed without
interruption since longer. Then, there
seems to be an affinity between the theory
of democracy random and the sortition. In
effect, the majority of texts and proposals
related to posts deliberative and/or
legislative. In addition, the practical
models of distribution of posts couples has
an activity of deliberation are models of
relatively complex which allow to test
widely the palette of theoretical
expectations has the inverse of jobs as the
tie- breaker whose scope is limited to
decide a equality of votes in the context of
a procedure more classic to vote. Finally,
the bibliometric analysis has shown that
the inventors of mini-public, and therefore
probably their models, are particularly6See
Infra, p. 206 et seq.
7For details on the model, see Becker &
Slaton (2000). 185
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Particularly central to the proponents of
the theory of democracy random (see
chapter 2, 5.2.4 , p. 119). The taking into
account of all these elements leads
naturally has to concentrate on the uses of
type mini-public. However, the field thus
defined is still too wide. That is why it is
proposed to limit the study has two models
of mini-public: the Planungszelle and the
jury of citizens. This choice is based on a
series of reasons that a detour by the
history seems to justify.
2. Planungszelle and Citizens Jury,
models pioneers of mini-public
2.1Methodology: a study of diffusion of
innovations
The approach chosen for this study is
based on the concept of diffusion of
innovations, developed by Rogers and
defined by him as a " process by which an
innovation is communicated through
certain channels throughout the time and
among the members of a social
system " (Rogers 2003, 5-12). Innovation
itself being " an idea, practice or object
perceived as new by an individual or by a
unit of adoption " on. There is no doubt
that the Planungszelle, the Citizens
Jury and their hybridisation is a count
among the innovations in the field of
instruments of democracy since they have
the two constituent characteristics: they
represent a novelty in objective terms of
procedure and, what is more, they have
been since their creations perceived as
such (Smith 2009a, 1). The work done
here has been to follow what Rogers
identified as the heart of the diffusion
process: the channels. In the framework of
the Planungszelle and the Citizens' Jury,
these are four in number: the persons,
institutions, publications, and events. The
research material consists of four elements.
First, a job in the archives of Dienel
consisting in the classification and
indexing of the substance that he has left.
This work has helped to formulate most of
the results concerning
the Planungszelle presented here, as well
as those concerning the Citizens'
Juries and a large part of their derivatives
because of the centrality of Dienel and his
team of collaborators in the international
network of practitioners of mini-public.
Secondly, a series of discussions and
communications 186
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
With the key players in the network above,
including Ilse Burgass, Ned Crosby, Peter
Dienel, James Fishkin and Benno Trutken.
Thirdly, a qualitative survey among the
actors of the German
network Planungszelle8. Fourth, an
analysis of the relevant literature,
including manuscripts of Dienel and
Crosby.
2.21969 - 1979: the emergence of a
political innovation
2.2 .1pluralistic society and planning
It is at the beginning of 1970 that two
pioneers - Peter Dienel in Germany and
Ned Crosby to the United States of
America - will invent and then test it
independently two innovative instruments
based on the torque draw and deliberation.
If it is impossible to reconstruct the exact
sequence of the intellectual process of
innovation, we can at least identify three
sets of factors concurring. First of all, it is
clear that the political context of the 1968
has influenced the two researchers: the
student movement in the two countries,
based among other things on a
fundamental criticism of the representation
and decision-making mechanisms in the
liberal democracies, as well as the many
wishes to establish a participatory
democracy have probably infused
reflection (Dienel 1971a, 16-17 and 2425). The two authors led the movement as
particularly justified but not representing a
solution durable9. Then, the intellectual
context in the two disciplines probably has
played a not insignificant role in the
processes of creation. In the case of
Crosby, the influence comes mainly from
social psychology and moral philosophy
(Crosby 1976, 9 and 2003, 247). But it
also draws in the work of Rawls on social
justice (Crosby 1976, 2). Dienel on his
side seems more interested in matters
relating to planning and is based primarily
on work of commissions and committees
of reflections on the possible reforms in
this competence procedures.10. He is also
aware of the work on the participation and
found for example of contacts with
Arnstein or publications
8See the attached form (p. 398 et seq. ).
9Crosby (1976, 2). See also Dienel
(1971a, 6) on the student movement
German: " Zunachst ist auf die Rateidee zu
verweisen. Sie gilt in letzter Zeit als
modern, aber auch als schwer realisierbar.
Einmal verwirklicht, weist sie eine Reihe
von Nachteilen auf. Die Integration der
Gesamtheit wird schwieriger. Project
entitled Die ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Manipulation durch activist
Gruppen werden eher groser. Die
Entwicklung innerhalb ( Qualitätswein
bestimmter Studentenvertretungen steigert
jedenfalls nicht die Erwartungen, die sich
year pound Idea knupfen. ≪
10Dienel quoted for example often the
report Skeffington (1969). 187
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
In works on has the participation11. But its
point of entry is rooted in sociology and
public administration. Finally, a series of
biographical factors likely have catalyzed
the reflections. For Dienel, it can be traced
back three. First of all, in 1968 was 1969,
he worked in the office of the ministerpresident of the Land of North Rhinewestphalia on the plan " North Rhine
Westphalia 1975 ≪ and is charge of the
party regional planning and education. His
experience the convinces me that these
areas are suffering from a great lack of
transparency and participation (Vergne
2005a), and are located in the inability to
take into account the new themes and
issues of long terme12. The second
essential factor is the activity that
developed from 1969 and until 1972: he
resigned from his post of adviser and
became professor at the Pedagogical
University of the Rhine13 or it is devoted
to the problem of participation from a
pedagogical point of view through a
program of research on the concept
of planerischer, Bildungsurlaub,
i.e. training leave continues to planning
(Dienel 1971b). The third factor is, by the
admission of Dienel, its religious
motivation has continue his idea (Vergne
2007, 2)14. Ned Crosby, on his side, is
marked by academic influences theoretical
that he accumulated during several cycles
of studies distributed between 1954 and
1973. He began his thesis in 1968 at the
University of Minnesota. In the course of
his research, he has addressed the issue of
the validity of psychological tests and then
turns a little bit toward the question of
jurisdiction and its measurement. These
research the lead finally has work on the
concept of social ethics, and on the issue of
decision-making in a context where there
are no objective values nor as a way to
properly measure the validity of opinions.
Taken together, these individual factors
and contextual lead has a similar
observation of the two researchers on their
respective corporation, then even that their
disciplines and intellectual inspirations
were relatively remote. Dienel wonders as
well in 1971 in what the " social
pluralism " could be a " a problem for the
planning " on. Crosby
11Dienel, " Korrespondenz mit
Arnstein ≪, 1971, Nietzsche's Nachlass -
Dienel, Ca2-2. Cf. also Dienel (1971a and
1971b).
12Dienel (1971a, 17): " Ich habe, das sei
am Rande erwahnt, in den letzten Wochen
in Sachen- und Freizeithotel Verwaltungen
mit Erfahrungen gemacht, die zeigen
Flagge, wie man unzureichend komplexen
Sachverhalten gerecht werden kann, die
zwischen die Zustandigkeiten fallen.
Auch- und Freizeithotel ist ein nicht
ressortfahiger Bereich. Damit ist aber nicht
gesagt, dass es das Problem
'Aufrechterhaltung of sozialen Pluralismus'
nicht gibt. ≪
13German Equivalent of IUFM french.
14Dienel has worked after the war for 10
years in a home for young people held by a
Protestant church (Freikirche). It was then
the scientific coordinator of the
Evangelical Academy of Loccum. He also
has been active all his life in different
associations evangelical, for example in
the organization committee of
the Deutscher Evangelischer Kirchentag a
meeting of secular protestants, known for
his critical engagement from the 1980s,
particularly in the debates on the policy of
German armament.
188
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
Noted for its part that the " planning " was
incompatible with " our present form of
government pluralistic " on15. In modern
societies, more and more fragmented, the
centralized planning always becomes less
obvious. The interests at stake are too
diverse, the oppositions constants and the
citizens want to participate. In addition, it
is illusory to believe that the strengthening
of existing instruments of participation can
be a viable solution: the petitions,
referendums, Burgerinitiative certainly
allow citizens to express themselves but
remain in the area of confrontation, of the
opposition. Participation is either without
institutional consequences, either
qualitatively poor, and sometimes the two
(Dienel 1971a, 5-6). It must therefore
exceed the classical framework and
promote " die Weiterentwicklung ... der
Techniken burgerschaftlicher
Beteiligung ≪. It must be " design new
forms of democracy which are compatible
with schedule " on16. The two researchers
will present their solution in 1971 and
197317. The similarity and the
concomitance are impressive.
2.2 .2" Neue Entwicklungen fordern ein
neues Instrumentarium": the models and
their constituent elements18
" Die Werte, die es yesterday zu
transportieren gilt, etwa die
Wertvorstellungen, die dieser neuen
"demokratischen Gesellschaft"
entsprechen, pound Werte lassen sich
durch Ubernahme von Rollen
eintrainieren, Zum Beispiel, moni man
Leute year Planungsprozessen teilnehmen'
lasst, moni man sie dafur finanziert und
freistellt, sagen wir evil fur ein Vierteljahr.
Laien nehmen year einem Planungsprozess
de teil und entdecken zum ersten poorly in
Ihrem Leben, was cast ja schon immer
gewusst haben, dass es um ganz
langfristige Problem geht und dass 'unsere
" In 1971 I finally decided that the best we
could do to raise our views about social
ethics above the level of mother taste gold
subjective statements was to gather a
group of people and let them say what they
thought was the social good. ≪ Crosby
(2003, 255).
15Dienel (1969, 2) : " damit ist die eine
deutlich Hinsicht, in der soziale
Pluralismus ein planerisches Problem
darstellt: er erschwert die Planung. Er
steigert zwangslaufig namlich die
Komplexitat von
Planungsvorgangen. ≪ Crosby (1976,
23): " Many scholars have argued for some
time now that our country will not survive
without a great deal more planning by the
government. Yet it appears that planning is
incompatible with our current pluralist
form of government. ≪
16Dienel (1969, 4) : " Demokratisierung
meint die Weiterentwicklung der
Verfahren zur Allokation gesellschaftlicher
identifiable, der Dezentralisation von
Planung und der Techniken
burgerschaftlicher Beteiligung. ≪ Crosby
(1976, 23) : " This could mean that at some
point in the future, if our problems are not
being solved, we run the risk of
dictatorship as some 'man on a white horse'
steps in to save us all. One way to
Forrestall : - scholarly this is to design new
forms of democracy which are compatible
with schedule. ≪
17The first in his article Was heist und was
will Partizipation? Wie konnen die Burger
am Planungsprozesse beteiligt werden?
Planwahl und Planungszelle als
Beteiligungsverfahren (Dienel 1971b) and
the second in his thesis, concerned for
All (Crosby 1973). Note, however, that the
idea of the model was already present in
the earlier versions of the thesis, and that
its formulation dates back to the Summer
1971as i was able to learn in an interview
with him.
18Dienel (1971a, 8).
189
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Communication', die von further
discussion of und jenen immer so lautstark
ins Spiel werden the factory default
condition, NC: Hoechst kurzfristige Basis
sind, dass wir insgesamt ganz en
langfristige Basis haben. ≪ Dienel
(1971a, 7).
In 1971, Dienel defines its model of the
following form: " Die Planungszelle 'stellt
'eine Nutzung of projektorientierten,
gruppeninternen Lernprozesses fur die
industrielle Zwecke der Planung
dar. ≪ Crosby remembers her side: " How
devrait thesis people be gathered? Whynot
at random? And how should they address
questions of social ethics? Why not try to
get them to follow the guidelines of the
reason-in-ethics school of moral's
philosophers, adding to it the emphasis
that R. M. Hare and H. B. Acton placed on
empathy or sympathy? In this way the
Citizens Jury process was born. I called it,
in my notes, the R. R. C. L. decision. This
stood for representative, rational,
concerned and legitimate. ≪19 The minipublic were born. If one is interested in the
detail of the proposals, we note that they
are based on a series of eight common
elements and two main differences.
A participation of all as citizens
The primary motivation is therefore one of
creating instruments to enable the
participation of all and all: Dienel as
Crosby wishing to put in place the
processes of participation which exceed
the " Angehorigen der dunnen Schicht der
Sozialaktiven ≪ and which enable you to
integrate " die Mehrheit
indifferent ≪ (Dienel 1971b, 153). The
new methods must also put the participants
in a position to play their role of citizen
and take them beyond their role of
apathetic consumer policy. To achieve this
goal, the two researchers propose the
creation of small discussion groups
composed of citizens working during a
time determined on a given problem and
chosen by drawing sort20.
A reform process institutionnalisable
" Die Suche nach neuen
Beteiligungsformen sollte sich auf
Verfahren ausrichten, die nicht nur would
spontaneously shift realisierbar sind,
sondern institutionalisiert werden konnen,
nicht durch Sonderinteressen zu
manipulieren sind, die politischen
Gleichheitsrechte nicht verletzen und in
die
19Dienel (1971b, 155) and Crosby (2003,
255). Crosby will change the designation
of the model which will become
the Citizen Committee before being
renamed Citizens Jury in 1988.
20On the printout, see the details infra, p.
195.
190
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
Bestehenden Planungsprozesse eingebaut,
sachlich aber als korrektiv und erganzend
zu den bestehenden Verfahren wirksam
werden konnen. ≪ Dienel (1971b, 154).
If the participation of all is the central
motivation of two inventors, it is combined
in such a way as inevitable with the need
to be able to integrate into the political
apparatus smoothly while remedying the
weaknesses of other forms of participation,
such as referendums or initiatives
populaires21. This commitment is
translated into four panes. First, the two
inventors provide that their model is
initiated by the administration or political
representatives, it is therefore a question of
process top-down. Secondly, it is a
question of putting in place the tools
having consequences on the actual policy
and to go beyond the stage of the political
discussion, which as useful as it may be, is
not a solution to the frustrations caused by
the political system. Dienel and Crosby
therefore provide that the model be
integrated in the decision-making political-
administrative. Thirdly, the
institutionalization must go by the
standardized nature of the procedure which
will allow for the use at all levels and for
objects varied. Finally fourthly, the two
models are presented as supplements to the
process of existing decision, it is especially
not to replace but to obtain a new view on
an issue of public policy.
A predetermined agenda
It is also the common point next between
the two models since in both cases, the
question to be dealt with is fixed in
advance: the group does not see entrust the
management of his agenda, nor concerning
the limits of the subject, nor concerning
the process. Crosby (1976, 12) think thus
limiting the topic has a closed
question: " For example, we could
randomly select fifty individuals and
present to them two different solutions to
some current outcome of
importance. Dienel ≪ proposed an option
slightly more open in which he is to
discuss the form that could take a planning
project. But it is not question to choose if
the project itself must have lieu22.
21Dienel (1971b, 154) : " Sie sind nicht in
der Lage, Teilnahme auf Dauer zu
motivieren. Auf kurzfristige Erfolge
angewiesen, agieren sie entsprechend.
Langfristig werden Sie fur die Mehrzahl
der Beteiligten'zu einer zusatzlichen
Frustrationsquelle. Sie sind wenig
berechenbar und in die vorhandenen
Planungsverfahren nur schwer
einbaubar. ≪
22The two authors will very strongly
evolve on this issue and quickly enough
they will consider that
the Planungszellen and Citizens
Committees could be organized to
determine the agenda of
other Planungszellen and Citizens
Committees, a bit like in the demarchique
system proposed by Burnheim (1985) with
these instances of first and second level.
191
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
An external input of information
Dienel as well as Crosby put the emphasis
on the fundamental role that must play the
external contribution to information within
the process, and this for three reasons.
First, it is not to let the citizens decide
without having heard before different
positions and competent on the issue in
debate. The question of jurisdiction is
therefore central: the citizens are certainly
able to decide but only a condition to
receive a prior information and untrained
passengers,23. Secondly, the external
character must allow the participants to
find themselves in a position of informed
decision and must avoid that the special
interests do not dominate the processus24.
In order to achieve this goal it is a matter
of presenting contradictory information on
the part of groups and interested
institutions has the object of the
discussion25. The supply of information
has finally a teaching role which form of
elsewhere the main purpose of the first
model developed by Dienel (1971a, 28)
and that he called the " training leave
continues to planning " on.
A small group deliberative
The third characteristic of proposed
models is that they are based on the group
work and the deliberation. The taking of a
decision and the prior discussion which
must be done by following the rules of the
debate balance (Crosby 2003, 255). It is a
sine qua non condition in a pluralistic
society, in which there is no truth a priori.
This aspect is highlighted by Crosby from
the beginning. Dienel about has him will
make the process of group at the heart of
his research during the implementation
phase of the first project, beginning in
1972. The two authors are also in
agreement on the size of the group, which
must be reduced, in order to allow real
interactions and to avoid the low quality of
the communication when eve23Dienel
(1971B, 153) : " Die actuating the
projektspezifischen Informationsstandes
der Verwaltung wird durch die Teilnahme
der betreffenden casts - ob mit oder ohne
Stimmrecht ist Know der Absprache - und
durch den Zugang zum benotigten Material
sichergestellt. Einblick in dritter
Erfahrungen wird durch Gastreferenten
oder durch programname
Informationsreisen geboten. ≪ Crosby
(1976, 13).
24 Reason for the two models are intended
to be organized by the public authorities
and not by firms. Dienel always, refuse to
organize Planungszelle for the private
(Vergne 2005, 3).
25Crosby (1976, 6) : " We must be careful,
however, not to over-simplify the problem.
It would be tempting to have one person
play the role of teacher and present the
pros and cons of the outcome for the
randomly selected members of the
committee. If the teacher were skilled
enough, after several months we might
conclude that everyone was competent to
make the decision. Purpose this present
severe dangers that the information will be
presented in a biased way. In any real
political setting it is likely that whoever
controlled the teacher (or the committee
staff) would control the whole political
system. ≪
192
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
Governments of earth: the ideal size is
around 20 people in the two cases. It is the
origin of the concepts of Zelle, the cell,
and of Committee, the comite26.
A duration variable but always short
The two authors are in agreement: for not
falling into the faults of the planning and
decision-making processes existing, it
must be that the participation is limited in
time. Crosby proposed from the outset of
does not exceed a few days, Dienel
provides for a period of between two
weeks and a few months. This time must
allow to combine the need of the time of
the deliberative and the training while
limiting the maximum the emergence of
own interests on the part of the group of
participants.
A series of incentives to motivate the
participation
Whatever the length, the major challenge
is, however, to motivate the citizens to
participate and a move away from this for
their daily activities. Dienel and Crosby
share a premise: the little bit of interest
that show the citizens of a pluralistic
society has participate does not come from
a human nature apathetic but of a lack of
opportunities for effective participation.
Dienel (1971b, 153) puts forward that the
motivation can be financial, material,
playful, symbolic, moral or social. It is
important that the new models take into
account these elements while ensuring that
no does either dominant, under penalty of
a priori limit the capacity for deliberation
of the group and to have a sample too
homogenous. The solution is based on
three pillars: it is necessary to pay the
participation, ensure to free citizens of
their other obligations, including through
leave citizens27 and leave the public
authorities organise the mini-public. If
none of the two authors do not set the
height of the remuneration, they consider
absolutely necessary in order to give a
serious nature to the process, character also
guaranteed by the public nature of the
agents. As for the holidays, they
26Cf. note 19, p. 190.
27Dienel (1971b, 154) : " Fur die voll
reprasentative Planungszelle sind die heute
fur solche Gruppen gangigen, Unter der
Bezeichnung "Freiwilligkeit"
zusammengefassten
Teilnahmemotivationen nicht mehr
ausreichend. Yesterday muss der Einzelne
zur Teilnahme gesetzlich freigestellt und
von der OFFENTLICHEN
POSTEINRICHTUNGEN Hand vergutet
werden, Wie wir das beim Abgeordneten,
beim Laienrichter, beim Wehr- und
Ersatzdienstpflichtgen oder auch dem EIB
in Aussicht genommenen, Bildungsurlaub
kennen. Im genannten Fall wurden sich die
Kosten fur vier Wochen "Planungsurlaub",
im download this from 1,500 DM pro
Person gerechnet, auf 540,000 DM
belaufen. Der Vergleich mit anderen
Ausgaben Ã-sterreich zeigt, dass es
yesterday fur ein Land gar nicht um ein
finanzielles Problem geht. Die
entsprechenden Versuche werden sich bald
vervielfachen lassen. ≪
193
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Are designed as that can be optional or
mandatory. Dienel pleaded in a prime time
for the establishment of a Planpflicht, a
duty of planification28.
A scientific accompaniment
A final common element is the need to put
in place a structure of scientific
accompaniment, at least in the first time, in
order to realize and then to improve the
models after studying precisely the effects.
It is one of the fundamental aspects of the
proposed research program by Dienel in
1972 and by Crosby in 1976.
Concerned or not concerned: the question
of the Betroffenheit
The first difference between the two
instruments lies in the notion that Dienel
named Betroffenheit, i.e. is the fact to be
concerned/affected by a problem. It has
been seen that this question occupied the
theorists and it is addressed by Dienel. The
latter proposed in these first diagrams do
not leave participate that citizens having an
interest in doing so because it is affected
by the subject matter of the
planification29. In order to measure this
interest, he proposes to employ the tools of
gradation based on criteria such as
geography, the profession, or other more
suitable depending on the case as the
position of client or student and which
would be developed by the instances
planificatrices30. This aspect disappears
however little has little of the thought and
practice of Dienel. If he defends the idea
again in the early 1980s he will
progressively change of opinion to finish
by defending the contrary view, that is,
the Planungszelle is the to allow people
non-concerned at first blush to be able to
give their opinion eclaire31. Crosby has
proposed a similar differentiation without
having detailed as much (the C of RRCLD
means concerned).
28On the model of the Wehrpflicht, the
military service.
29Dienel (1971b, 153) : " Die von einer
betroffenen Planung sollen) for
communication in einer den
Gleichheitsgrundsatz verletzenden nicht
wirksam Weise in den Planungsprozess
eingehen. ≪
30Dienel (1971a, 31) : " Bei der Frage,
was man als Betroffenheit gelten lassen
will, wird sich bald herausstellen, dass EIB
vielen Problem Is Not Restricted To
unterschiedliche Hartegrade von
Betroffenheit, Zum Beispiel EIB Problem
Is Not Restricted To der
Stadtteilsanierung, der Schul- oder der
Sozialplanung unterschieden werden
konnen. Betroffenheit lasst sich auch noch
weiter differenzieren und zum Beispiel als
komplizierter Index auffassen, der sich aus
unterschiedlich call bewertbaren
Indikatoren zusammensetzt. Fur die
Bewertung von Betroffenheitsgraden lasst
sich ein Raster vordefinierter
Moglichkeiten schaffen. ≪
31Interview with Dienel, Part 1, minute
1:55 AM.
194
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
Different objects
The second difference between the models
is the type of problems that the process is
applicable. For Dienel, democratization
past by a reform of the public planning: the
purpose of the cells is strictly speaking
of " planning " on roads, cities, airports,
etc. Crosby presume has him from the
beginning to be able to assess the program
of election candidates through a jury, in
accordance with its research on the
ethique32. This difference in initial design
will appear later in the respective
designations Planungszelle and Citizens
Juries and will influence their subsequent
dissemination.
2.2 .3Why the draw?
Now remains a central issue: the two
researchers suggest the use of the drawing
in order to select participants has
their Planungszelle and RRCLD. What is it
that has led to propose such a method? The
answer is sum any banal: pragmatism. In
effect, neither Dienel nor Crosby have
analysis the draw in itself. Of what they
say, neither the one nor the other knew not
the proposal of Dahl or does se are
inspired of juries judiciaires33. Unlike a
hypothesis widely spread, Crosby has put
his model in parallel with the jury that
more late34 and adopted the name
of Citizens Jury that in 198835. For
Dienel, the drawing was the practical
answer to the question of the
representativeness within
the Planungszelle. In order to avoid that
the special interests do not monopolize the
debate, it was first put in place a prior grid
identifying the set of interests has
re32Crosby
(1976, 7) : " If citizens committees turn out
to work well, they might also be used to
reform our electoral system. Every
presidential election there are of numerous
articles political commentators bemoaning
the small attention given in the campaign
to key issues. One might improve this
situation by forming citizens committees
on has own bard of the major campaign
issues. ≪
33Crosby (2003, 256) : " I am not sure
when I learned that Robert Dahl and
Marcus Raskin, both in the 1970s, had
given thought to using juries in the
political arena, goal certainly it was not
until after I had conducted the first
Citizens Jury. ≪
34Crosby (2003, 256): " At the time I
thought this up in the summer of 1971, I
had given no thought to its being like a
jury. (It was not until the later 1980s that
we adopted the Citizens Jury name.) My
creation of this idea was an odd
achievement. A few months after I had
thought it up, I explained it to a fellow
graduate student. He said,
'Congratulations. You just invented the
jury system.' I was mortified at having
spent several years inventing something,
when it was a common device in use since
about the 12th century. It was only when I
could not find anyone else proposing use
of the jury system to make decisions about
social or political matters that I felt
better. ≪
35The first mention of an analogy found in
this day is in a manuscript of 1983: " This
research report describes a pilot study done
by the Center for New Democratic
Processes in 1981. One of our main
research goals is to design Citizens
Committees, built on the analogy of a jury,
to make decisions on political
issues. ≪ Crosby & Heegaard (1983, 3).
195
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Present. If this grid was be too complex to
perform, then one could use directly has a
draw of participants taking as a basis the
registers of habitants36. This pragmatic
approach will remain for long the main
justification for recourse to the tirage37.
For Crosby (2003, 255), the process seems
to be the same: " I thought the best way to
make it representative was to use random
selection. " On It is therefore a concern of
representativeness socio-demographic
which is highlighted in the two cases,
which confirms the idea that the frame was
debate defended by the two authors is of
type aleatorienne38.
2.2 .4of the paper to the ground
The path between these theoretical
reflections and their implementation in
practice has been in the two cases of a
relatively short duration. Dienel, since his
post of professor at the Pedagogical
University of the Rhine materialized in
November 1972 a project has Schwelm
business unit grace to the financing of the
Volkswagen Foundation in the framework
of a research program on the teaching of
the participation (Dienel 1972). It is for 75
citizens learned the fate of formulate, after
three days of deliberation,
recommendations on the improvement of
the garbage collection. The second project
is taking place four years later has Hagen
has a scale more important since it
involves 126 people, divided into five
cells, responsible for formulating
recommendations on the renovation of a
portion of the city. The United States ,
Crosby created the " center for the new
democratic processes " on39 in 1974, and
launched - by financing on own funds first two tests of Citizens Committees in
1974 (on the national health plan) and
1976 (on the program of the candidates to
the presidential election)40.
36Dienel had however already discussed
the drawing in a text of 1969 in order to
allow a more citizens to participate in the
decision-making process, it was proposed
to form groups of parallel planning,
working on the same problem and the
results of which would be placed in
competition. The planning finally adopted
would be chosen, either by a vote
(referendum), either by examination (using
a computer tool) or by drawing. There was
therefore a need to take a decision and not
a post.
37When that I have talked with him in
2005, Dienel has given me as a
justification that the drawing was required
by the reason: " Vergne : Warum haben sie
das Losverfahren als Method der Auswahl
velocity? Es war damals ganz neu und
uberhaupt nicht bekannt, dass man so
etwas machen konnte. Dienel:
[silence] Na, das lag vernunftig doch ganz
nah, fand ich. ≪
38See chapter 1, point 4.3.2.7 , p. 84 and
following.
39CNDP - Center for New Democratic
Processes which will become at the end of
1980 the Jefferson Center at the time or
Crosby will change the title of its model
for the baptizing Citizens Juries, juries
citizens. A term which, as we shall see,
will be required at the international level.
40See Crosby (1974) and Crosby (1976).
196
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
2.2 .5The phase of standardization
Has the following the first experiments, the
promoters of the Planungszelle in
Germany add and/or modify three major
elements complementing the
standardization of the model. The first, and
the most important of them all, is the
introduction of the Burgergutachten, a
citizen report intended for the authorities
which summarized in written form the
results of the process but also its
execution. The second is the fixing of the
ideal duration of the process has four days,
a figure which will vary little by the suite
(81% of German experiences have had this
duration). The third is the attempt to
always conduct several Planungszellen in
parallel for each project in order to
increase the representativeness of the
results. In 1978 appears the first edition of
the book on which Dienel worked since
1974 which fixed these elements and by
the even the definition of what is
a Planungszelle definitively (see highlights
of part 2, p. 179), in French:
" A planning cell (Planungszelle) is a
group of 25 citizens learned the fate and
released for four days of their professional
and family obligations, whose mission is
to formulate - using a input of information
on the part of specialists - a series of
recommendations concerning a problem of
public policy. These experts citizens
(Burgergutachter) are compensated for
their activity and accompanied in their
work by a team of facilitators. The
planning cell gave rise to the drafting of a
report citizen (Burgergutachten) summarizing the proposals and the process
- which is handed over to the authorities
having mandated at an official ceremony.
A Planungszelle is not generally done in
isolation, but rather within a project it is-asay that several cells running in parallel on
the same subject and with the same
program. ≪ (Vergne 2008a, 1).
This phase also sees the birth of the first
and most important organizing institution
of Planungszellen, the (Forschungsstelle
fur Burgerbeteiligung und
Planungsverfahren der Universitat
Wuppertal41. This research center has
been created by Dienel between 1974 and
1979 for the specific purpose of giving a
academic and institutional framework has
its project. For the animation of the center,
it is surrounded by four persons who play a
central role in the organization of the
experience of 1976 has Hagen and in the
standardization of the model. From that
time and until today, the research center
becomes the " base ≪ rear and the place of
recruitment of a large majority (23 of 31)
of the actors of the German network. 17 Of
the 58 projects carried out to date have
been carried out directly by
the (Forschungsstelle, without counting
seven other experiments in which he
played a role of council. Strong of the
success of the two pre41FBPUW
: Center of research on citizen participation
and the procedures for planning at the
University of Wuppertal, open the June 04,
1979 (bottom Dienel, Ca2-1).
197
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Pioneer projects and of the echo met by the
publication of the book of Dienel, the
network's first generation Planungszelle,
composed then of about ten members,
receives in 1979 a command of the city of
Cologne. For this first public mandate to
scale, ten citizens juries are responsible for
formulating recommendations on the
planning of the city center. This project is
taking place in an ideal way for the
promoters of the idea: the
recommendations of the citizens are taken
into account by the elected municipaux42,
the experience is widely reported by the
media, and the template is no longer
presented as a test but as a tool for
planning a citizen. We can therefore
understand that the actors in the network
believe then that the decade that opens will
be that of the Planungszelle.
Crosby as has him will longer has
standardize its model, since it must wait
until 1984 for that either organized the
first Citizen Committee leading to
recommendations discounts to public
authorities (Crosby 2003, 259). It is for
five regional panels and a national panel
(Minnesota) to deliberate on the question
of the consequences of agriculture on the
quality of the water. The project is a
success, it allows a Crosby to make known
his model and to publish an article on
juries citizens (Crosby & al. 1986).
2.31979 - 2002: a slow process of
maturation
2.3 .1between stagnation and major
projects (1979 - 1992)
The hopes are yet disappointed. Between
1980 and 1991, only eleven projects see
the day in Germany despite a continuous
operation of the FPBUW who published in
this period more than
forty Werkstattpapiere and at least ten
books on sujet43. In parallel, a hundred
academic work are achieved by students
on all aspects of the MB42They
Are even preferred to plans proposed by
the architects in contesting of the
architectural competition which was held
before the project and among which the
citizens would have choose. The latter had
finally developed their own plan by mixing
the different proposals of architects.
43The total number of Werkstattpapiere,
the " papers of workshop " on products by
the FBPUW mounts has sixty. 198
Illustration 27: Dienel (dr.) and his
collaborators before the models proposed
by the citizens during the project on the
future of the city center of Cologne - 1980.
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
Dele and dozens of articles appear on the
possible projects or in progress. But the
reactions are rare and the promoters of
juries citizens are questioning the
(non)dissemination of their idee44. The
FBPUW must maintain on projects of
recherches45. This scientific isolation is
double of passivity or even a negative
attitude on the part of the world political
and administrative. The consignments of
Dienel the policy-makers sometimes
receive answers polite but often remain
letter morte46. It is the same for many
ideas for projects developed in the center
of recherches47. In the facts,
the Planungszelle, penalty has come out of
his rank of innovation and product
engineering university and remains a
curiosity in the inventory of tools of
democracy and planning. In fact, five of
the eleven projects - all the more important
in terms of participants - are presented and
finance as of research projects. Crosby and
his Jefferson Center were not much more
successful: between 1984 and 1992, seven
projects see the light of day, including a is
apparently a desastre48. The support
policies are rare, the returns of projects are
absent.
The table is, however, not fully black and
the Planungszelle is experiencing some
success. The draft of 1982 entitled " An
energy policy socially responsible " is as
well, with 24 juries and more than 400
participants not only the first project at the
federal level but still the biggest project
carried out to date in terms of participants
and accompanying scientific (Renn &
Hafele 1985). It unfortunately remain
without major consequences because of the
change of government (1983) and despite
few allies of weight in the political and
administrative system. The character the
most emblematic among them is Johannes
Rau, Minister-president of North Rhinewestphalia in 1978 to 1998 and then
President of the Federal Republic between
1998 and 2004, through which the
majority of the projects in the years 80 to
materialize. He stated that he had met
Dienel 346 times in thirty years and
44There is in effect a whole literature on
the diffusion of the Planungszelle. See for
example Buning (1986), Kranz &
Skirzinski (1986) or Nolte & Muller
(1992).
45Given that it is not funded by the
university (interview with Dienel, Part 2,
minute 3:40).
46The substance Dienel includes
thousands of letters written by Peter Dienel
has all the political actors, social,
administrative possible and imaginable as
well as their responses. There is also a list
of all symposia, seminars, round tables,
evenings, during which he presented his
model.
47A cases among other is that of the
planning of national roads that Dienel
developed in a dozen of writings and
several tens of letters throughout the 1980s
but which will never be realized.
48Jefferson Center (2011): " This was an
experiment for the Jefferson Center, in that
the Human Services Planning Board was
responsible for the conduct of the Citizens
Jury, with the Jefferson Center acting as a
consultant. This approach to conducting a
Citizens Jury was not successful and was
not repeated by the Center. Tea ratings for
bias were among the lowest received for
any Citizens Jury project. ≪
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Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
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paradigmatic
" There is not one of these meetings in
which the word Planungszelle was not
pronounced " on49. Another man central
policy is then E. Sinner, which launched in
1990 the second most important project
has made this day as federal minister of
telecommunications and who will initiate
three major projects from 2000, when it
will be minister in Bavaria. The Citizens
Committees of Crosby, become Citizens
Juries are also employees in large scale
projects, the most notable of which is
probably the one on the infirmaries school
bringing together 8 times 12 people plus a
national jury. The experiments concerning
the assessment of the candidates has the
elections are also succes50.
2.3 .2Boom participatory and period of
glory (1992 - 2002)
In 1992, a former member of the FBPUW
residing in Spain, puts on foot
a Planungszelle in the town of we could
highlight Idiazabal (Spain), which marks
the beginning of the dissemination of
historical models Planungszellen and Citizens Juries outside their countries of origin.
The boom is being felt both quantitatively
and qualitatively. The number of
experiments organized se figure between
1992 and 2002, has 165 in Germany
(illustrations 28 and 29, p. 201) and has
350 at the global level51 (figure 30, p.
201) ; an evolution which is correlative of
the resurgence of interest in the theme of
participation and participatory democracy
has from the 90s. The research carried out
has this day52 allow you to move that they
have been used, on the whole of the period
(1972-2010), approximately 1000 times in
about fifteen countries (see annex, figure
63, p. 400).
49Rau (2005, 177) : " Wir haben few oft
getroffen. Es gibt aber unter den 346
Begegnungen, die ich notiert habe, nicht
eine, in der das Wort Planungszelle nicht
gefallen ware. ≪
50 See respectively Crosby (1988), (1989)
and (1990).
51The " total " is the sum of
the Planungszellen, of Citizens Juries and
derivatives of these two models, that we
detail subsequently.
52The date of completion of the research is
attached to the January 01, 2011.
200
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
Figure 28: Number of projects
of Planungszellen in Germany. Own
calculations.
Illustration 29: Number
of Planungszellen in Germany. Own
calculations.
Illustration 30: Estimate of the number
of Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and
derivatives in the world. Own calculations.
Beyond the dissemination in the form of
projects, the idea even
of Planungszelle knows in 1990 a real
development and is found on the front of
the scene universitaire53. In Germany, the
event the more central is the
symposium " reflexive
democracy ≪ (reflexive
53Evolution that it feels has the view of
the archives. The number of invitations
received by Peter Dienel and that of
publications on
the Planungszellen increases. 201
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2009
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Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
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paradigmatic
Demokratie) of 1997 organized by the
FBPUW around the 25th anniversary of
the Planungszelle. It brings together about
200 participants academics around the
world (for example, from Catalonia or the
first projects were to be carried out, of
England, Austria, Japan, etc. ) but also
many local politicians, which is surely not
alien has the evolution of the number of
local projects in the following years. The
academic interest for the template is also
large in other countries ; Dienel is invited
to submit these work in England, France,
Israel, in Austria or in Spain. Crosby travel
in Europe, Australia and the United States .
The one as the other then become
important factors in the dissemination of
the idea of mini-public.
2.42002 - 2009: Crisis and stabilization
2.4 .1The ransom of the glory? (2002 2006)
2002 Constitutes a turning point for the
two historical models. After a few years of
euphoria which culminates in 1999 (31
juries for 7 projects in Germany)54 the
activity is to cup and then falls even in the
neutral position in 2005, the year during
which no Planungszelle did take place. It
is the same in the United Kingdom or the
enthusiasm quickly fell back. Crosby has
done his last project in 2002. The period is
characterized by a double trend: on one
side, the promoters of
the Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and
derivatives shall endeavor to implement
tools for more and more hybrids from
2000 onwards. In England, many
experiments are done on a day with the
jurors learned the fate on lists of unpaid
volunteers. In Germany appear
of Burgerforen (forums citizens) picked up
on an evening who say they inspire of
the Planungszelle (Kastenholz & al.
1996). Berlin was born
the Burgerjurys (cf. infra, p. 208). On the
other side, we find the historical actors
who attempt to initiate the process of
standardisation of the concept, in order,
they say, to ensure a minimum of quality.
This process results in Germany or the
protection of the
name Planungszelle allows Dienel has to
exercise some control over the projects.
This standardization is double of an
opening and the actors of the German
network font evolve the procedure to make
sure they stay abreast of developments in
the world of participatory democracy: they
propose to include the cells into broader
processes or to create " miniPlanungszellen ≪. A movement
54This pic in 1999-2000 seems also be
found for other models. Cf. Hendriks
(2005, 80).
202
2. Planungszelle and Citizens' Jury, models
pioneers of mini-public
WHO seeks as much has set a reference
that has to remove the model from its
status of experimentation. In 2002, despite
thirty years of existence and a quarantine
of projects undertaken,
the Planungszelle still remains an
unidentified political subject. The situation
is deteriorating in the years that follow, in
particular because of internal tensions
within the network and from the
disappearance of central actors in the
realization of projects. Thus the ATFA55
closed in 2003 following a change of the
regional government. The outputs of the
network - particularly of historical actors
who say they want to refocus56 - multiply
until 2005 (illustration 21, p. 118).
Illustration 31: Members of the German
network of promoters. Own calculations.
The United States , Crosby must close
the Jefferson Center including suite has a
legal disputes with the tax administration
that had resulted in the prohibition of
organizing juries on the programs
electoraux57, whereas only this type of
jury was strongly requested.
It must be added to these developments of
internal elements of context. 2000, Broadly
favorable to the concept and tools of
participatory democracy, have had a
paradoxical effect on the original models
of mini-public who have found themselves
placed in competition with a range of
procedures often presented as less costly,
and less complex, but equally legitimate at
the level of the speech of the political
actors. The year 2005 marks the extreme
point of this paradoxical evolution: the
model Planungszelle - Citizens Juries is
more known than ever but is almost more
implemented.
55ATFA - Akademie fur
Technikfolgenabschatzung Landes BadenWurttemberg : Academy for the
assessment of technological risks from the
Land of Baden-wuerttemberg .
56Interviews with several members of the
network.
57The complaint launched in 1990 was
based on the fact that a jury concerning
elections violated the electoral code
(sprained has equality between the
candidates). After three years of
proceedings, the administration eventually
withdraw its complaint to the condition
that the Jefferson Center is organized more
than juries " policies " on.
203
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1977
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1981
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1991
1993
1995
1997
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2005
2007
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Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
2.4 .2The beginning of a new cycle: 2006 2011
The year 2006 represents has many points
of view a key moment of the broadcast. At
the level of experiences first of all,
concerning the speech then and in the
dynamics of the network finally. From
2006 onwards, the mini-public are indeed
put in place in new countries and
dissemination resumed progress. The tests
are performed in Japan and in Italy. In
Africa, Mali convened its first jury; in
Ecuador, an experience takes place in
March 2007. In the United Kingdom, more
than ten projects are launched by Gordon
Brown just after his arrival in power. The
most important event is still, however, the
first European project: ten groups of
citizens gather in 2006-07 in different
regions to reflect the future of rural areas
before that delegates from these local
juries do meet at European level to prepare
recommendations for the Commission.
This project is directly followed by a
second on the future of Europe which does
not, however, take the form
of Planungszellen partout58.
The network of promoters knows him also
a rapid evolution toward
internationalization which is manifested in
a way that is particularly clear in the
European projects involving actors from
the whole of the EU. Another sign of
growing integration is the development of
an internal discussion on what should be
a Citizens Jury reveal a willingness to
standardize internationale59. This
phenomenon is also collects at the national
level. In the United Kingdom, some
researchers are asking the return has the
standards more stringent (Wakeford 2007).
But the international trend that is emerging
is that of a dissemination around research
networks more and more structures. 2006
Is finally a pivotal year because it is
marked by the disappearance of Dienel,
genuine spiritual father of the model. An
event which marks the end of a cycle if
this is internationally, at least in Germany.
Since then, the network is is tightened
around the willingness to continue the
work initiated while trying to release the
innovation of its historical straitjacket. It is
in this context that the project is carried
out conducted has Aix-la-Chapelle in
200760.
58It takes a variety of forms depending on
the country: Planungszelle in
Germany, Citizens' Jury in England,
conference of citizens in France,
Deliberative Poll at European level. See
infra p. 205 et seq.
59Thus is born for example a controversy
around the experiments carried out in Italy
who are criticized for not keeping the
minimum standards. Cf. Carson (2006)
and the response of Bobbio & al (2006).
60 Cf. infra, p. 221.
204
3. Apparitions, dissemination and
hybridisation: the multiplication of models
of mini-public
3. Apparitions, dissemination and
hybridisation: the multiplication of
models of mini-public
In parallel to the previous process
concerning the pioneer models, develop
from the end of 1980 a series of new
instruments which are for part originals
and in part the result of the dissemination
of Planungszellen and Citizens Juries.
3.1Two original models
3.1 .1The Teknologi-Rådet and the
Konsensuskonference
It is in 1987 that the Danish Committee of
the technology being tested for the first
time an instrument which he called
consensus conference, drawing on the
model of the Consensus Development
Conference developed in the United States
from 1977 onwards in the medical
community who married the following
diagram: a group of doctors and
representatives of associations of patients,
recruited through the press or by cooptation, is brought into discussion with a
panel of experts on a case and then
medical formula after deliberation an
opinion on what should be the good
practice of the profession vis-a-vis this
cas61. The Danish committee adapted this
model by replacing the doctors by a group
of laymen composed of approximately 15
citizens who meet during two training
sessions during which they prepare a series
of questions they ask then in a public
conference has a dozen of experts and
representatives of associations, political
and economic world. At the end of this
conference, they withdraw to deliberate on
a common opinion that they make public.
At first glance, it is located opposite to a
model close to those previously presented.
The comparison with
the Planungszelle and Citizens
Juries made yet highlight four fundamental
differences. First, the panel of citizens was
not, at the beginning, drawn but well
chosen by the organizing committee on the
basis of nominations of a page sent by
interested citizens in response to an advert
in the press. The intention of the promoters
was therefore certainly to obtain a crosssection of the population but by means of a
review: not " anyone " but of citizens
interesses62. It has not been possible to
define at what point exactly61On
The history of the model, see Joss &
Durant (1995), Joss (2000) and Bourg &
Boy (2005).
62See Grundahl (1995, 35) and Kluver
(1995, 46) : " We then know who we are
getting: interested citizens. ≪
205
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Deflate the recruitment has evolved to be
based on a draw. Very probably was the
result of experiments conducted in other
countries such as France or the
Allemagne63. However, in most cases, the
principle of recruitment by announcement
of press is remains the rule. The second
difference is that the participants are not
paid for their participation, although
sometimes a compensation of loss of their
wages is granted. Unlike the other two
models, the group work is cut into three
distinct phases: the training, the conference
and the deliberation, all on a term a little
longer since these three phases are divided
on different weekends. The last important
difference relates to the inspiration of the
model which is mainly outcome of the
reflection on the democratic evaluation of
scientific choice. It is not - for the
promoters of the idea - to do participate in
the formulation of specific public policies
but rather to take the opinion of the
population on scientific fields in
construction and controversies.
The Consensus Conference have been
known for a great success in Denmark
where they are imposed as a major tool of
deliberation. They were then spread in
Europe (Netherlands, United Kingdom and
then Germany and France) and then in the
world. Their number is estimated at more
than 50 in about fifteen countries
(Hendriks 2005, 89), mainly on issues
around biotechnology (GMO, prenatal
diagnosis, etc).
3.1 .2The "third thief": Fishkin and
its Deliberative Poll
James Fishkin is, has side of Dienel and
Crosby, the third major pioneering
practices of mini-public. It will develop at
the end of 1980 the concept
of Deliberative Poll, he later define as well
(Fishkin 1995, 162) :
" The idea is simple. Take a national
random sample of the electorate and
transport those people from all over the
country to a single place. Town immersed
tea sample in the exits, with carefully
balanced briefing materials, with intensive
discussions in small groups, and with the
chance to question competing experts and
politicians. At the end of several days of
working through the issues face to face,
poll the participants in detail. The resulting
surveys Odeon has representation of the
considered judgments of the public - tea
views the entire country would come to if
it had the same experience of behaving
more like ideal citizens immersed in the
issues for an extended period. ≪
As previously, we can trace the influences
of Fishkin in contextual terms, academic
and personnels64. The context of the end
of 1980 in which Fishkin of63See
Bourg & Boy (2005) and Schiktanz &
Naumann (2003).
64With however a reservation even greater
than for Dienel and Crosby due to contact
much less staff and intensive. The main
sources are therefore third.
206
3. Apparitions, dissemination and
hybridisation: the multiplication of models
of mini-public
Developed his model is certainly less
fertile in terms of interest for participation,
on the other hand, it is much more rich in
regard to the question of the deliberation,
academic field in which Fishkin evolved,
after having long worked on justice
sociale65. These work as well as the
research of Dahl on democracy and the
proposals of Crosby will profoundly the
influencer66. Another source of inspiration
seems to be a series of practical
experiences of deliberation, including
the Televote or Granada 500 .The whole of
these influences is reflected in all the cases
in the critical analysis of the liberal system
that Fishkin developed in several writings
(cf. chapter 3) while offering a solution has
both original and old as democracy:
the National Convention outcome which
will become the Deliberative Poll and
which he published a first formulation in
1988, and then a more detailed version in
199167. Whilst seeking to realize his idea,
he puts on foot with Robert Luskin the
Center for Deliberative Polling68. In 1994,
he found partners in England, including the
chain Channel Oven and organized its first
ever deliberative poll having for subject
the delinquency which the convincing
results open the way to a series of four
other projects in the United Kingdom,
before that does takes place the first
experience in the United States . Without
going into the details of the dissemination
of the model, it may be noted that to this
day the Center identified more than fifty
experiences throughout the world, in
countries as diverse as Bulgaria, Greece,
China, or the UE69.
Deliberative polling share a large number
of elements in common with
the Planungszellen and Citizens Juries,,
the most salient of which are the draw as
mode of recruitment, the principle of
deliberation in small groups combined
with the plenary sessions, the organization
of the process by an entity " independent "
on such that can be the Center
for Deliberative Democracy ,the presence
of a predetermined agenda that the group
may not change, the contribution of
external information in the form
contradictory, a short duration
(the Deliberative Poll however, tend to be
more short of a day) and a scientific
accompaniment. However, it seems there
is four fundamental differences: first, the
drawing
65See in particular his book on justice
(Fishkin 1983) in which he proposes to
allocate the children to families by draw.
See also the journal of Kress (1980) on his
book.
66Fishkin (2009, ix). See also Fishkin
(1991, vii) and Crosby (2007, 2).
67He declared having had the idea during
a seminar on the presidential primary
american in 1987 (Fishkin 2009, x). The
first proposal is located in Fishkin (1988)
and the long version, in Fishkin (1991).
68The center is first attached to the
University ofTexas before migrating to
Stanford University in 2003 where he is
still under the name of Center for
Deliberative Democracy.
69We will come back on these experiences
in the chapter 6. For items on the
dissemination process and its key players,
see the part " thanks " in Fishkin (2009)
which provides very good indices.
207
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Is done on a pool consists of people who
responded has a first survey. There is
therefore a pre-sorting and the draw is a
double echelon. Secondly, the purpose of
the deliberative poll is to have an informed
opinion of the population which must not
necessarily be translated in the form of
recommendations or concrete results of
planning. It is, rather, in the context of the
measure of the opinion that in the codesign of public policies, a difference
which, as will be seen is fundamental. The
opinion poll insisted on deliberation more
than on the participation70. Thirdly, the
participation is not automatically paid,
which again brings the model of that of
polls or consensus conferences. Fourthly,
the group is far more important, 400
persons, since unlike
the Planungszellen and Citizens Juries it is
planned to reach a statistical
representativeness.
3.2The hybrids: a constellation of models
more or less ambitious
The process of dissemination of historical
models and development of new
instruments submitted them-even has
dissemination, resulted from the middle of
the 1990s was the emergence of hybrid
forms which we will put forward the two
models the most noteworthy.
3.2 .1The Bürgerjurys
From 2001, the city of Berlin puts in place
a series of tools of participatory democracy
in the framework of its policy of urban
renewal. If it uses a process of classics
such as the Planungszellen, it will be the
source of a new hybridization interesting
for the mini-public, creating
the Burgerjurys it is-a-say juries of citizens
who are a component designed for not
more than a deliberate and then to make
recommendations but has take decisions on
financing of projects. These experiences
have been studied in detail (Koehl &
Sintomer 2002, Rocke 2005) and we shall
be satisfied to here to emphasize three
elements: firstly, they have a financial
power non-negligible since the annual
sums has provision represent an amount of
500,000 euros. Secondly, these juries are
compounds that has one half by the
citizens learned the fate, the other half
being constituted70Although
This element is changing with the times,
particularly when the Deliberative Poll is
mixed with other models such as
the Planungszelle or conferences of
citizens.
208
3. Apparitions, dissemination and
hybridisation: the multiplication of models
of mini-public
Killed of interested persons. Therefore
they are a mini-public joint. Thirdly they
exist on a relatively long duration since
they are renewed only once a year.
3.2 .2The Citizens Assemblies
The model of the citizens assembly is
without a doubt the greatest innovation in
the field of mini-public since their
invention. It represents, as we shall see, a
real change of scale (Smith 2009a, 5). We
can trace the birth of the instrument at the
end of 1990, while the themes of
participatory democracy and deliberative
font their path in the whole of western
democracies. The Canadian province of
British Columbia, is found after the 1996
elections in a political impasse: the
NOC71 - one of the two parties of the
province's historical - won the majority of
seats despite a minority of votes because of
the electoral system of first past the post.
The debate on the reform of the electoral
system, recurring topic in Canada, takes a
turn urgent and fits in the platform of
parties losers (especially the Liberals, who
had obtained the majority of votes). In this
context, a group of political actors " has
the retirement " - but well integrated into
the networks of the British Columbia
liberal party - formulated the idea that the
best way to reform the electoral system is
to convene an assembly of citizens learned
the sort72. Under the direction of its
leader, Gordon Campbell, and in
collaboration with the proponents of the
idea, the liberal party incorporates the
proposal of a " Citizens Assembly " in its
program during the campaign of 2001
(Rainey 2006, 3). The project is accurate
after the overwhelming victory of the party
in elections and Campbell, became prime
minister, asked one of the promoters of the
idea of translating the assembly (Gibson
2002). The model that eventually be
formalised and put in place in 2003 is the
result of a liberal hybridization between a
deliberative poll and a constituent
assembly: we found the draw
71NOC - National Democratic Party:
national democratic party.
72The main actors who are pushing the
idea are: 1. Gordon Gibson (politician of
long date to the " liberal party " on,
libertarian, several times candidate has
federal and provincial elections, researcher
at the Fraser Institute,a private research
institution of inspiration neo-liberal), 2.
Rafe Mair (long-time member of the social
democratic party, he abandoned his post of
member has the house of British Columbia
in 1981 to become the presenter radio ; in
the years 90 he became famous in the
whole of Canada for its opposition to the
reform process of the constitution; he met
Nick Loenen - cf. infra - in September
1999 and offers him to create a reflection
group on electoral reform in British
Columbia), 3. Nick Loenen (municipal
councillor and then as a member regional,
member of the social democratic party that
he then exits, founded an NGO called Fair
Voting which will play a major role in the
transmission of the idea of the assembly;
Loenen is the man from the shadows of the
Citizens' Assembly ), 4. Mel Smith (from
1967 to 1987 responsible for the
constitutional reform at the provincial
level; in 1999 it is part of the reflection
group on the constituent assembly; he died
in 2001 but remains a reference for his
companions on the road). 209
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Fate, the principle of deliberation and the
importance of the educational process of
the model of Fishkin73. But it is a process
of long-term, focused on electoral reform,
which includes a phase of hearings and
ends by a referendum has mandatory
value. So many elements borrowed from
has the idea of a constituent assembly. The
project is taking place in 2004, involving
160 citizens on a full year and ends by a
referendum. Given the fact that the
descriptive aspects of the Assembly are
well connus74, suffice it to note here a few
elements of comparison with the other
models of mini-public. First of all, the
drawing is done in all the province in two
steps: a thousand citizens are drawn at
random and then invited to an information
meeting during which it is explained to
them the details of the approach and the
amount of work that it represents. At the
end of each of these meetings, the
participants can choose to register for the
assembly itself. A draw is then carried out
on the basis of quotas. Then, the duration
of the assembly is much greater than all
the other experiences since it extends on
10 weekends a year. In addition, the
mandate is particularly wide since it is for
the citizens to prepare a proposal of law
entire. Finally, the document produced by
the assembly serves as the basis has a
referendum at the level of the province,
which makes the participants of the
legislators.
3.3The mini-public arrive in France
3.3 .1The conferences of citizens
The first French experience of mini-public
seems to have been the conference of
citizen on the genetically modified plants
of 1998 organized by the city of science
and the parliamentary office for evaluation
of scientific and technical choices and who
also strongly motivated the Danish model
of Consensus Conference (Vergne 2008).
It is therefore through the technical
democracy, that the model has taken off in
the hexagone. The organizers of this first
event do not seem to have had knowledge
at the time neither of the Planungszelle nor
the Citizens Jury but have adopted the
fundamental characteristic of a recruitment
by drawing rather than by means of the
press. Since then, a dozen experiments
have taken place in France, most of which
were very clearly in the same thematic
focus (cf. annex,
73Gibson visit Fishkin in 2002.
74See in particular Smith (2009a) or
Warren & Pearse (2008). 210
3. Apparitions, dissemination and
hybridisation: the multiplication of models
of mini-public
Illustration 64, p. 400) although in
configurations of actors and motivations
fairly diverse (Boy 2006, 2-8). At the
methodological level, the conferences of
citizens gather together between 15 and 30
participants, chosen by a polling institute,
either at the regional level either at the
national level when two training sessions
and a session of discussion with experts.
The recommendations are published and
disseminated to the public. The model has
imposed in France as the benchmark for
mini-public and it has strongly influenced
the arrival and development of citizens'
juries, as we will see now.
3.3 .2The hybridization and the emergence
of the jury citizen - citizen workshop
Although the first mention of
the Planungszelle in France seems refit has
1976 (Dienel 1976), it must wait for 2003
for that model will be used for the first
time and 2006 for it between - and with
him the subject of mini-public - actually in
the national political debate. It is from
1996 onwards that French researchers are
interested in models of deliberative
democracy for example, by inviting actors
as Hans Harms or promoters english of the
model around the team of the IPPR75
while keeping the focus on the conferences
of citizens. The beginning of the
dissemination of the model of Dienel and
Crosby seems to reside in 2002, with the
emergence of publications around a
conference organized in Paris that brought
together many players in European
democracy participative76. The German
model as well as English or Spanish are
presented and one can imagine that the
first dynamic of dissemination are being
put in place at that time. This interest
university does not explain fully the
reasons put forward in the first two
experiments baptized " jury of citizens " in
2003 and 2006 carried out without explicit
references to the Planungszelle or the
Citizens Jury, but taking as reference the
consensus conferences and citizens while
employing a methodology more
modest77. The actual dissemination of the
model will in fact begin in 2004 when
some regions, freshly earned by the
socialist party, are going to make of the
participatory democracy a Phare project of
their mandate while supporting a constant
contact with the researchers active in the
field of
75IPPR - Institute for Public Policy
Research: Institute for Research in public
policy. (Cf. infra, p. 213)
76See Blondiaux (2002) or Koehl (2002).
See also Bacquã©, & Sintomer (2005)
which is the book that resulted from the
2002 conference. As Dienel invited to this
conference but could not come (bottom
Dienel, Bd2).
77It is a jury realized within the Center
hospitalier universitaire de Lille who has
treaty of the project of establishing and of
a jury of citizens in Meurthe et Moselle on
the theme of trees at the edge of the county
roads. But in the first case, the recruitment
was done by nomination and review and
lasted a weekend plus one day. And in the
second, the whole process has not
exceeded a day.
211
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Participatory democracy. This is especially
the case in Poitou-Charentes or in RhonesAlpes , region in which is organized in
2006 a first workshop "citizen " on the
future of rural areas in Europe, which is
part of a project europeen78.
Subsequently, the region organized four
other workshops on transport,
nanotechnologies, the evaluation of public
policies and participatory democracy.
However, it was in October 2006 that the
subject will actually drill in the public
sphere french. On the 22 of this month,
SéGolã¨ne Royal, candidate for the
socialist primary for the presidential
elections of the following year declared in
public " that there is a need for clarity the
way in which the elected representatives
will be able to render account, at regular
intervals, has Juries citizens learned the
fate " on79. We know what reactions this
statement has caused in France (Sintomer
2007) and we will see later what practical
consequences it will have two years later
in Poitou-Charentes .
4. Reasons for the choice of the
models Planungszelle and jury citizen
The detour history allows you to formulate
a series of general comments on the minipublic (4.1 ) which authorize a draw more
accurate conclusions on the relevance of
the choice of the Planungszelle and the
jury of citizens for the test of theoretical
assumptions (4.2 ).
4.1Analytical Return
The whole of the original models, of
the Planungszelle has the Deliberative
Poll in passing by the conferences of
consensus and the citizens' juries have
evolved during the period and are
mixtures; now we are going to be
interested in these intersections.
4.1 .1Transposition, transfer and
influence: Three modes of dissemination
From an analytical point of view, we can
distinguish three modes of dissemination
of the experiences of mini-public: the
transposition, the transfer, and the
influence. In the first case, the original
model is imported directly without change.
This is the case in Spain or the German
model is applied in the same way by a
former member of the research center of
Wupper78Cf.
Supra, p. 204. See also Vergne (2009a).
79See between other articles of the world
of 24 and October 26, 2006.
212
4. Reasons for the choice of the models
Planungszelle and jury citizen
Tal ; a process that is found in Austria and
in Suisse80. The only noticeable difference
is the name since
the Planungszellen become " kernels of
participatory intervention " in Spain,
a " Report of the inhabitants " or
a " report " on citizen in Suisse81. The
same goes with the Deliberative
Poll which is transposed without real
changes during experiments in Europe or
even in China and which are supervised or
at least accompanied by Fishkin. In the
second type, the actors are importing the
original idea but the transform at the time
of the implement. This is the case in the
United Kingdom or Australia (Carson
2006, 3). The institute for public policy
research (IPPR) in London just as the
researchers from the University of Sydney
come in contact with Dienel and Crosby
during the years 90 and are requesting
information on the model. Was put in
place a university collaboration
(invitations and reciprocal visits) which led
to concrete achievements during which the
original model is modifie82. The
experiences of english 1996 is taking place
as well on three days with a draw by
quotas, each project with only one jury. In
addition, the work in small groups is done
with the presence of a facilitator, while in
Germany and the United States this space
is considered " sacred " on it is-a-say
reserve in the deliberations of the citizens
among themselves. In the United Kingdom
and Australia, the model supports the name
of Citizens' Juries, a name which while
marking the close proximity with the
model of Crosby protects against the
possibility of prosecutions, given that the
term Citizens Juries is an appellation
enregistree83. This broadcast,
accompanied by hybridization mele
channels personal and impersonal. If
researchers english encounter Dienel and
Crosby has several times, they are not
familiar with less than the literature on the
subject regardless of eux84. In the third
case, the dissemination is done in an
indirect manner, the original models
playing a role of influence more distant:
the local players knowledge of the concept
by third parties and to be guided by mixing
with other models. This is for example the
case of France, where, as we have seen, the
main influence has been
80For Spain it is Hans Harms, for
Switzerland of Kenan Gungor and then of
Hilmar Sturm and for Austria to Detlef
Garbe.
81Respectively nucleos of 'Intervencion
made, Anwohnergutachten and Burgerguta
chten.
82Lenaghan (1997, 45) : " In Germany, a
similar model, called Planning Cells,
provided us with the inspiration to develop
citizens' juries. However, in Germany,
there is a habit of active citizenship which
simply does not exist in the UK. We
therefore had to make significant changes
in order to make the model fit our
circumstances in the UK. ≪
83The reduction of the difference of
designation has an apostrophe is the result
of a compromise between the IPPR and
Ned Crosby. The latter did not want
impede the dissemination of the model
while having the desire to transmit its
standards. This has not necessarily been
successful, as we will see.
84But do not seem to know at the time the
work of Fishkin.
213
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Nature of theoretical and academic and or
the actors have taken as reference the
consensus conference before the mix with
a format most inspired of Citizens
Juries who has finished by giving the
conference of citizen, the citizen workshop
and then the jury of citizens. The same is
true for the model of the Citizens
Assembly adapted to the Netherlands in the
form of a Burgerforum
kiesstelsel organized without direct
assistance from Canadian organizers and
according to a different formula because it
does not result in final referendum.
214
Name
First use
Actors - Promoters
Dissemination
Name
Type of institution / disciplines
Influence
HAS influence
Date
Country
Type
Planungszelle
1972
Germany
Dienel and Collaborators
University / Sociology
Urban Planning
PIN
1992
Spain
Transposition
Burgergutachten
1996
Austria
Transposition
Citizens' Jury
1996
United Kingdom
Transfer
Burgerforum
1995
Germany
Transfer
Purānunkusutsere
2006
Japan
Transfer
Giurie dei cittadini
2006
Italy
Transfer
Workshop citizen
2006
France
Influence
Citizen Jury
2008
France
Influence
RRCLD / Citizens Committee - Citizens
Jury
1974
EUA
Crosby
University / psychology and political
science
Social Psychology
Deliberative Poll
1994
United Kingdom
Influence
Citizens' Jury
1996
United Kingdom
Transfer
Workshop citizen
2006
France
Influence
Citizen Jury
2008
France
Influence
Konsensuskonference
1987
Denmark
Teknologyradet
Government Agency
For the evaluation of scientific choice
Medical Consensus Conference
Publiek Debate
1993
Netherlands
Transposition
Consensus Conference
1995
United Kingdom
Transposition
Conference of citizens
1998
France
Transfer
Konsenssuskonferenz
2001
Germany
Transposition
PIN - Nucleos of 'Intervencion made
1992
Spain
Harms
Consultant / -
Planungszelle
Published Jurados
1994
Spain
Transposition
Deliberative Poll
1994
United Kingdom
Fishkin
University / Communication
Citizens Jury
Granada 500
Televote
Citizens Assembly
2004
Canada (BC)
Influence
Deliberative Poll
1995
EUA
Transposition
European Citizens Panel
2007
HAD
Transposition
Conference of citizens
1998
France
OPECST
Governmental Agency of evaluation of
scientific choice
Consensus conference
Citizen Jury
2003
France
Transfer
Workshop citizen
2006
France
Transfer
Citizens Assembly - BC
2004
Canada - BC
Liberal Party / Gibson / Fair vote
Think Tank / University / political pressure
groups
Deliberative Poll
Jury
Citizens Assembly Ontario
2006
Canada
Transposition
Burgerforum kiesstelsel
2006
Netherlands
Transposition
Workshop citizen
2006
France
Region Rhone-Alpes
Regional Council
Conference of citizen
Citizens Juries
European Consultation of citizens
2006
EU
EU
European Union
Planungszelle
Citizens' Juries
Citizen Jury
2008
France
Poitou-Charentes Region
Regional Council
Workshop citizen, Planungszelle, Citizens'
Jury
Illustration 32: The dissemination of minipublic.
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
These different types of dissemination are
not foreign to the country of origin of the
mini-public. In effect, if the dissemination
of type " transposition " is in the majority,
the fact remains that the found cases of
transfer, as in the projects carried out by
the Academy for the assessment of
technological risks of Baden-wuerttemberg
. The still we attended has evolutions of
the name of the
template: Planungszellen become for
example of " forums " on
citizens (Burgerforen) or " reports " on
citizens (Burgergutachten), the Citizens
Juries become Citizen Panels. To finish
this return, it is proposed to introduce a
synthetic table of the main models of minipublic and their dissemination (illustration
32, p. 215). The census is not exhaustive
but it gives a general idea of the overall
process that we have traced, country by
country.
4.1 .2of the "sociological technical
planning" to the "liberation of the policy":
the evolution of the speech on the minipublic
" Im Mittelalter galten offentliche
Enthauptungen und massenhafte
Verbrennungen wirksame als Verfahren
der Befriedung. [Now What Belongs haben
wir Burgergutachten …Der Einsatz dieser
'Waffe Burgerkonsens' ist mit Sicherheit
effektiver und auch preiswerter als das
Aufmarschieren von Armeen oder das
Zerbomben von Infrastruktur. ≪ Dienel
(1998, 1).
Between the beginning of 1970 and the
end of 2000, the practice of mini-public
has strongly evolved. Firstly their thematic
horizon has expanded since the latter have
been employees in frameworks of more
diverse, which is the sign of a
dissemination has new sectors of society.
Secondly, their theoretical framework and
discursive has changed greatly. It has been
seen that the speech of the debut was
rooted in the themes of the planning and
participation " technical " on the citizens in
decision-making. From the 1980s and
especially in the 1990s, it is the theme of
the evaluation of scientific choice which
door the dissemination of mini-public: the
major projects for Planungszellen have
then to subject
the Technikfolgenabschatzung and are
organized by institutions active in this
domaine85. The same model of
the Consensus Conference is thought as a
tool of scientific assessment and the first of
these concerns the genetics (Kluver 1995).
The first conference of citizens in France
treaty of GMOS (Bourg & Boy 2005), in
Gone85Technikfolgenabschatzung
: Evaluation of scientific and technical
choices. See the projects of theAkademie
fur Technikfolgenabschatzung in Germany
or those organized in the Netherlands
(Hamstra 1995, 60).
216
4. Reasons for the choice of the models
Planungszelle and jury citizen
Magne the subject is the prenatal diagnosis
(Schicktanz & Naumann 2003). The minipublic then serve as a deliberate on a topic
of society controversy, without need to
produce concrete recommendations. From
the end of 1990 occurs a new slip which is
of particular interest to us since he sees the
meeting between the practice of minipublic and the theory of democracy
random: more and more texts take the
experiences as illustrations, and
practitioners draw more and more in the
theoretical discourse. Thematic themes
such as the Athenian democracy or the
crisis of representative democracy appear.
But the most remarkable is the evolution of
the justification of the drawing which is
becoming less functional and more and
more substantial, a phenomenon which can
be observed in the publications on
the Planungszelle. While up at the end of
1980 the majority of articles published in
journals of urban planning, there are more
and more publications in books and
journals concerning science in society in
1990 and the number of publications in
books and journals of political science and
political theory has increased from the end
of 1990. Among the pioneers of minipublic, Fishkin seems to have been the first
to adopt an argument similar to that of the
proponents of democracy random. Crosby,
for its part has always argued in terms
close to those of the theory of democracy.
It does not mention however not the
historical examples such as Athens or the
italian republics what probably is
explained by its desire to focus on the
implementation of its modele86. Dienel
finally has changed profoundly in his
argument, that the history of the book Die
Planungszelle shows in a way that is
particularly synthetique87. While the
content of the book remains largely the
same in these five editions (a hand adding
has from 1997 of a appendix detailing the
experiments already carried out), the subtitle of the book evolved. In 1991 it
remains " the citizen planned its
environment ", in 1992 it becomes " an
alternative has the democracy of the
establishment " before transforming in
2002 in " the citizen as chance " on88.
Dienel, which in
86Maintenance Crosby (2009).
87The book is also a good indication of the
quantitative evolution presented above (cf.
2.3 ). Indeed, we need to wait for thirteen
years between the first and the second
edition (from 1978 to 1991) while the
third, fourth and fifth are fading quickly in
1992, 1997 and 2002.
88Dienel, Peter, (1978): Die
Planungszelle: der Burger plant seine
Umwelt, 1e ed. , Opladen: Westdeutscher
Verlag. Dienel, Peter (1991): Die
Planungszelle: der Burger plant seine
Umwelt ; eine Alternative zur
Establishment-Demokratie , 2nd ed. ,
Opladen: Westdteuscher Verlag. Dienel,
Peter (1992): Die Planungszelle: der
Burger plant seine Umwelt ; eine
Alternative zur Establishment-Demokratie
, 3rd ed. , Opladen: Westdteuscher Verlag.
Dienel, Peter (1997): Die Planungszelle:
der Burger plant seine Umwelt ; eine
Alternative zur Establishment-Demokratie
; 4th ed. , Opladen: Westdteuscher Verlag.
Dienel, Peter (2002): Die Planungszelle:
der Burger als Chance, 5th ed. ,
Wiesbaden: Westdteuscher Verlag.
217
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
The 1970 defined and justified its model
by the need to put in place
new " sociological technical planning ≪,
then develops the topos of the " sustaining
the role of citizen " and that of
the " liberation of the policy " on89. This
call has more democracy is double of an
argument in terms of the theory of
democracy, particularly as regards the
draw.
It should also be noted that in the countries
where it arrived later, innovation minipublic tends to be directly perceived and
proposed as a solution to a crisis of the
democratie90. This is the case in the
United Kingdom or the projects launched
by the Prime Minister Blair and then
Brown are presented as such. This is also
the case in France or the theme is anchored
immediately in the debate on
the " democratization of democracy " on.
4.2Models adapted to the empirical test
4.2 .1The mini-public as object of study
relevant
The detour history that we have just done
allows you to answer the question of
departure and to assert that the mini-public
are an object of study relevant to the test of
theoretical expectations put forward in
chapter 3. In a synthetic form, this
relevance rests on two elements: first, the
model of mini-public is based on the
selection of citizens by drawing in the aim
of enabling them to participate directly in
the formulation of the policy in the course
of a deliberative process. Therefore, they
represent a lot of points of views a
practical implementation of the proposals
of the supporters of the draw in politics
and tend to have a strong echo in the
theoretical texts. It has also been seen that
they represent the focal point of encounter
between the theory and the practice in the
mid-1990s. Secondly, they allow, by their
relative complexity and their
methodological arrangement, to take into
account the majority of theoretical
expectations this is not, for example, the
case of uses such as prints for the spaces in
the educational system or the tie-breaker.
The field remains however still too wide,
that is why it was decided to be interested
in the models Planungszelle and jury of
citizens for the reasons that we will now
develop.
89Dienel (1969) see title of the paragraph.
Dienel (2005): " Die Verstetigung der ...
Burgerrolle " and " Die Befreiung der
Politik. ≪
90Lenaghan (1997). See also Carson &
Martin (1999).
218
4. Reasons for the choice of the models
Planungszelle and jury citizen
4.2 .2The Planungszelle as prototype
The Planungszelle appears represent an
example particularly central mini-public
and we have chosen for four reasons: first,
the Planungszellen represent the first
practical implementation of the theories of
the draw in politics. Person before Dienel
had, at least since the end of the second
world war, brought together a group of
citizens learned lots to reflect on a problem
of planning. Secondly, the Planungszelle is
the model that has been most used in
Germany and in the world, and which has
the form the more standardized which
allows you to think in terms diachronic on
series more large. Thirdly, in its original
design - which is very largely maintained
as we have seen in the study of
dissemination the Planungszelle remained relatively
independent of the theory that is-a-say that
it is not located in the presence of
implementation of the theory of the draw.
It is not of tests conducted by proponents
of democracy random seeking has prove
the accuracy of their assumptions, which is
probably less clear in other models such as
the Deliberative Poll. Fourthly,
the Planungszelle seems to have a series of
special features that make them more
relevant than the other models of minipublic. First of all, because the drawing is
performed without quotas on a list of
inhabitants relatively complete, has the
reverse of prints with quotas and/or
indirect put in place in the whole of the
other devices. Then because they seek
more participation that the deliberation.
These special notes open questions on the
relevance of the model (why is this the
only has work without draw with quotas?
Why several Planungszellen parallel ?)
which grow has complement the empirical
study by a newer model and more hybrid.
4.2 .3The jury of citizens: an example of
hybridization particular
In the light of these remarks, the jury of
citizens has the french seems to constitute
a second model satisfactory to test the
theoretical hypotheses, and this for six
reasons: first, as the previous history has
shown, it is a late-model, strongly hybrid
in its operation and its inspiration. It thus
constitutes a sort of pot-pourri of other
innovations of mini-public. It remains, in
the second place, that it is the first real use
in France of a derivative of the original
models, which therefore allows the
popula219
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Sounds. Third, the model has provoked a
national debate in France (Dowlen 2008a)
and is enrolled in a political dimension that
it has never reached either in Germany or
in the United States, or probably
elsewhere. Fourthly, unlike models such as
the Consensus Conferences, the jury of
citizens is in strong thematic connection
and personal with the theory of random
democracy, it is located almost in the
direct experimentation. The draw is a key
argument of its use, it has a value
substantially was debate which balances
the theoretical framework in the presence
in the Planungszelle. Fifthly the jury of
citizens as presented by its promoters in
France is a tool for evaluation of public
policies and non-construction of
recommendations ex ante, which gives him
a dimension everything has done
nouvelle91. Finally, the jury of citizens is
methodologically differs significantly from
the Planungszelle this which will allow to
question some micro-mechanisms, for
example the fact that the Planungszelle is
held on four consecutive days and the jury
on two sessions of two days. Or even the
fact that the citizens have in the latter the
partial control of experts who are
invites92.
5. Operationalization of research:
Aachen and Poitiers
It is proposed to introduce now the
concrete examples chosen for the empirical
study. It will be simply to present the
framework and not the details which
constitute the heart of the next chapter.
Before that, they will state the reasons for
this choice.
5.1The reasons for the choice of these
examples
The choice of two concrete experiences is
based on a series of three factors, the first
is the concrete possibility of access to the
empirical scope. The German players such
as french have allowed me in the two cases
to achieve a very complete study of the
preparation, progress and suites of the
employment of the Planungszelle and jury
citoyen93.
91Cf. infra, p. 228.
92See the consequences of these
differences in Chapter 6, including the
2.1.2.2 , p. 327.
93It is the opportunity to again thank Hans
Lietzmann, Susanne Achterberg and Marc
Schulz for their support during the
research has Aix-la-Chapelle and Marion
Ben-Hammo , Sophie Bouchet-Petersen
and the team of public tasks for their
research assistance in Poitiers.
220
5. Operationalization of research: Aachen
and Poitiers
The second factor is the overall similarity
of the two experiences which allows the
formulation of comparative remarks, given
that the two were on an environmental
issue that was negative in the question of
collective responsibility in addressing
environmental challenges and local
globaux94. The third factor is conversely,
a series of contextual differences and
policies, thematic and methodological that
allow you to highlight each of the
experiences and that we will go into detail
now.
5.2" Eine neue Abfallgebührensatzung für
Aachen "
5.2 .1The constellation of actors and the
political context
The city of Aix-la-Chapelle (285,000
inhabitants) wanted for a long time put in
place a new system of pricing of household
garbage to resolve the growing problem of
the imbalance between the different parts
of the city. In effect, the system in place
was based on a single tax dependent on the
volume of the waste bins rented,
a " system has a column ", in which each
household paid a tax whose amount is
obtained by multiplying the cost of a liter
of waste (calculated previously) by the
number of readings per liter and the pace
of lifted. At first glance, this system meets
the Versuchacherprinzip (polluter pays)
since the homes which produce more
garbage, pay more. It was therefore the
appearance of the mathematical equality,
but its simplicity cache in reality of
inequality has several levels, particularly
in the case of Aix-la-Chapelle. First, the
homes living on the outskirts of the city
produce more organic waste that those of
the center, in particular because they have
for most of a garden. Through the single
tax which does not differentiate between
types of garbage, they are really the people
in the center who finance their greater
consumption of the service of collection
and treatment. Secondly, these same
households live in large part in a singlefamily home and have the opportunity to
optimize their volume of junk. In effect,
they have for the majority of bins of 60
liters that they satisfy completely and font
lift once a month only. The inhabitants of
the center however reside mostly in sets of
more major in which are used garbage cans
of 120 liters emptied all weeks or 240 or
even 770 liters emptied all month. This
rate as well as the vo94This
Thematic proximity would for example not
been given in the other German experience
which is offered as a field of study and
which was on the communal reform.
221
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Lume installed more important generally
prevents the complete filling of the waste
bins. The inhabitants of the Center pay
therefore of liters " empty " on and finance
once again the people of the periphery.
Third, the people of the periphery, already
doubling benefits by the calculation
system, are on average the homes the more
affluent. Seen thus, the system can be
characterized as unfair.
If all the political parties represented in the
municipal council were of this opinion and
pleaded for a reform, no agreement had to
be found as to the type of reform has lead.
The options were three in number. First,
keep the system of single tax by improving
the calculation of liters of waste actually
produced by the inhabitants, including
through technical systems of weight
measurement. Secondly, go has a system
said " has three columns " on it is-a-say in
which the price of the liter of each type of
waste would be calculated independently
and billed separately. Thirdly, choose a
system said " has two columns " on it is-a-
say differentiating between residual waste
and paper on one side and organic refuse
on the other. These three options and their
consequences are summarized, below with
the concrete calculation of 2007 (cf.
illustration 35, p. 226).
Three years of discussions in the municipal
authorities had not succeeded in what
emerged a consensus. On the contrary,
after a heading change of one of the actors,
the positions had become more and more
rigid (cf. chapter 5, 2.2.1.1 , p. 246). In
order to exceed this institutional blockage,
the majority coalition composed of the
party Die Grunen (ecologist) and the social
democrats (SPD) appealed in June 2007
has the (Forschungsstelle fur
Burgerbeteiligung to put in place a series
of juries on the subject. It was therefore in
a political framework to develop an
important agonistic lock of the
procedure " classic " on decision-making.
The parties shall use the model in the last
instance. A point of view of the more
general context, this experience is also
interesting because it symbolically
completed a long cycle of the history of
the Planungszelle. In effect, not only the
project is the first to deal with household
waste after those Schwelm business unit
(the first practical implementation of the
model in 1972), but it also constitutes the
first series of Planungszellen in Germany
after the death of Dienel, which raises the
question of the holding of methodological
standards.
222
5. Operationalization of research: Aachen
and Poitiers
5.2 .2Progress of the project
5.2.2 .1Preparatory Phase and framing of
the topic
The municipal council of the city of
Aachen has taken the august 22, 2007 the
decision to use the
model Planungszelle and has entrusted the
implementation of the project at the center
for research on citizen participation of the
university of Wuppertal. The latter has
invited the citizens, stakeholders, put in
place the program and infrastructure. The
objective was for the 100 participants to
consider the format that should take the
pricing system on 1 January 2009 based on
three questions: should we change the
system of pricing for a fairer system of
allocation of costs and, if yes, how? How
to integrate an ecological dimension in the
pricing structure? How can I reduce the
tax95 ? It was, therefore, not subject to fix
the amount but to see how to allocate the
cost of garbage collection on the whole of
the population and according to what
calculation key.
5.2.2 .2realization Phase
Two juries have headquarters from 12 to
15 November and two others from 19 to 22
around four thematic blocks (cf.
illustration 36, p. 227). The first day was
devoted to an introduction to the concepts
in play, the second was mainly organized
around the legal and financial issues, the
third was concentrated on the specific
interests and policies. Finally the last was
devoted to work on the final
recommendations. The citizens have been
partly eligible for training leave continues
to take part in the debates. They received a
compensation of 130 euros for the four
days and in a few special cases,
compensation for loss of wages have been
negotiated. As in any Planungszelle, the
sessions of presentation in plenary have
alternates with the work sessions in small
group deliberative around one or several
questions used to red wire. Issues on which
we will return in the next chapter.
95Moderationsanweisungen, p. 5: " Die
Burger/Innen in den Planungszellen aussi
haben die Aufgaben zu entscheiden, ob
und wie Mullgebuhren: gerechter als
bisher aufzuschlusseln sind; starker als
bislang unter okologischen
Gesichtspunkten zu bemessen sind;
verringert werden konnen. ≪
223
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
5.2.2 .3Phase of evaluation and monitoring
Following the eight days of work, the team
of the university brought together the
recommendations made by the citizens and
in achieved a synthesis in the form of a
report citizen (cf. illustration 33, p. 225).
A first version of the latter has been sent
the second week of January has four
participants by jury who have read and
corrected. The report was then edited has
500 copies during the second week of
February. Finally, it has been formally
handed over to the authorities sponsors
during a public ceremony at the town hall,
the February 26, 2008. On this occasion,
the mayor of the city said to want to take
into account a maximum of
recommendations. We will see later what
happened to this statement.
5.2 .3The role of the circulation within the
project
The draw has played a dual role. Firstly it
has been used to choose the potential
participants. The FBPUW has requested
and received from the city of Aachen an
excerpt of 1000 names taken on the lists of
municipal residents. The latter have
received an invitation from the Aachener
Stadtbetrieb, the communal governance
which manages garbage collection in the
city. Secondly, the drawing has been used
to divide the participants into small
working groups during the course of the
same Planungszellen so everyone is
working with a maximum of other
participants. 224
5. Operationalization of research: Aachen
and Poitiers
Illustration 33: The report citizen.
Illustration 34: The rehabilitation of the
Burgergutachten has Aix-la-Chapelle: In
the background, the participants. Before
has left the mayor of Aix-la-Chapelle.
Right H. Lietzmann of the FBPUW.
225
Calculation of the tax - model has a
column
Calculation of the tax - model has three
columns
Calculation of the tax - model has two
columns
Model has a column, example of three
homes for the year 200796
Model has three columns, example of three
homes for 2007
Model has two columns, example of three
homes for 2007
Illustration 35: Calculation of the tax
depending on the pricing model with three
examples for 2007.
96The three homes represent three
cases " typical " on : the focus 1 is a family
living outside in a detached house, the
home 2 represents a house with several
families (one can divide the tax by two in
order to have the sum per family) and the
home 3 is for example a set of apartments
in the city center (you can divide the tax by
six for having the sum per family). We see
how the tax changes depending on the
model: in the model has a column that is
the home 1 who paid the least, in the one
has three, it is the focal point 3.
Monday
Tuesday
Wednesday
Thursday
9.30 - 10.15
UT
1
Introduction - overview of the model and
the subject.
UT
5
The legal framework. Lawyer in public
law.
UT
9
Model has two columns and model has
three columns: alternatives for Aix? The
Member municipal governance.
UT
13
Return over the three days.
10.15 - 11.00
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
11.00 - 11.30
Coffee Break
Coffee Break
Coffee Break
Coffee Break
11.30 - 12.15
UT
2
The economy of the household garbage
between public service and economic
activity. Researcher of the institute of
Wuppertal on climate, energy and the
environment.
Everything is on hold. Municipal
Governance, business of MCS, community
of common: structure and relationships.
Director of the municipal economy.
UT
6
Advantages and disadvantages of different
billing models. Consultant specializing in
of garbage collection systems.
The calculation of the loads and the
containers has Aix. Legal Director of the
municipal economy.
UT
10
The loads in the homes. Director of the
association " home and parcel " on.
The loads from the point of view of the
tenants. Director of the association of
tenants of Aix.
The loads in the framework of collective
dwellings. Director - real estate
management firm.
UT
14
Development of an action plan: for a new
system of loads at Aix.
General Formulation.
12.15 - 13.00
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
13.00 - 14.00
Lunch
Lunch
Lunch
Lunch
14.00 - 14.45
UT
3
Figures - Data - facts. The past trends and
current of garbage in the suburban
residential zones of Aix.
Deputy Director of the municipal
economy.
UT
7
A fair distribution of burdens: Utopia or
reality? Director of procurement the
company of garbage AWA.
The factors that increased costs. Subdirector of the company of garbage
collection.
UT
11
A home free of garbage! Director of the
association " Zukunftslobby ≪ - the lobby
of the future.
Loads and SMES. Member of the chamber
of commerce and industry of Aix.
UT
15
Development of an action plan: for a new
system of loads at Aix. Formulation and
vote concrete measures has put in place.
14.45 - 15.30
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
Work in small groups and evaluation by
the plenary.
15.30 - 16.00
Coffee Break
Coffee Break
Coffee Break
Coffee Break
16.00 - 16.45 A
UT
4
Aix in perspective: a regional comparison
of charges related to the household
garbage. Private Consultant.
The structure and the quantities of
garbage: a regional
perspective. Consultant.
UT
8
Visit of the regional incinerator canceled at
the last moment and replaced by a visit via
film. Director of corporate communication
in support of the incinerator.
UT
12
Discussion with the representatives of the
political parties. SPD, GRUNE, CDU,
FDP and Die Linke.
UT
16
Conclusion and evaluation of the
procedure.
-17.30 16.45 A
Work in a small group and evaluation by
the plenary.
Illustration 36: The program of work of
the Planungszellen.
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
5.3" The evaluation of regional action in
the fight against climate change"
5.3 .1The constellation of actors and the
political context
The jury citizen picto-charentais has taken
place in a context significantly different
from that of Planungszellen of Aix-laChapelle. It represents, in effect, the
realization of a promise of campaign made
in 2004 by the socialist party in the
regional elections which provided for the
holding of citizens juries on the major
themes politiques97. The initiative is
therefore come to the regional majority
upstream of any political blockage or
before that is not defined a subject of
application. The realization of the idea has
taken four years with an intermediate step
major toward the end of 2006, when the
subject of juries citizens became of
national importance, as noted previously.
On this occasion the jury is entrusted with
a value of assessment tool of public
policies, dimension that it had never yet
had in Germany or the Planungszellen are
of type prospective and propositionnels.
This quantitative leap, has first view
minor, is yet quite fundamental since it
gives a new role to the group of citizens
learned the fate. It is no longer a common
construction of the policy grace the taking
into account of a maximum of points of
view and experiences but well of a new
mechanism of accountability of elected
representatives. We will see in the
following chapters how this small
revolution has resulted in the facts. A last
important element of context affects the
territory since the jury citizen has taken
place at the regional level in a whole
administrative and wider policy, either a
territory of 25809 km2 for 1,665,000
inhabitants.
97Cf. the program of the parliamentary
term ( Poitou-Charentes 2004, 14): " This
is the reason to be of juries or conferences
of citizens that the regional Executive is
committed to put in place on subjects of
general interest. It will be here to combine
two dimensions also necessary and
complementary but distinct from the
participatory democracy: 1) strengthening
the cooperation with the organizations,
movements and associations which, on a
permanent or ad hoc basis, consist of
citizens, of the users of public services,
employees, economic officials, etc.
directly concerned has a subject, 2) the call
has the inhabitants, if appropriate learned
the fate, representative of the population of
the Poitou-Charentes and volunteers to
take a question at the request of the
Region, for the review under its different
angles, hear from experts, know the points
of view contrasts which it is the object,
take the time and means for a deliberation
validly informed then of an independent
opinion designed to illuminate The
regional executive. ≪ 228
5. Operationalization of research: Aachen
and Poitiers
5.3 .2The progress of the project
5.3.2 .1Preparatory Phase and framing of
the topic
The regional council has, by a decision of
the February 28, 2008, published a call for
tender for a jury of citizens which was won
by the cabinet council of public tasks. A
council of pilotage has been put in place
which included the two actors previously
cited as well as members of the services of
the region, members of the political
majority as well as researchers. The team
of the region has chosen the topic of
climate change in a
manner " obvious " according to the words
of the teams in place because it was at the
crossroads of all the thematic priority of
the majority regionale98. The framing has
led to the definition of three questions for
which the citizens would finally has
answer:
In the action of the Poitou-Charentes
Region against climate change, is there
anything that has surprised you? What is it
that you think is best? The worst? Is the
action of the Poitou-Charentes Region
against the climate change induced
sufficiently the inhabitants, public and
private companies, associations,
communities has act? Do you have any
advice to give us to improve the
effectiveness of the fight against climate
change in Poitou-Charentes ?
5.3.2 .2realization Phase
The jury of citizens was held in two
sessions of a day and a half, the first on 25
and 26 April, the second on 17 and May
17, 2008. 25 Citizens were present
throughout the debates (cf. work program,
illustration 38, 231). Has the inverse of
the Planungszellen, the citizens have
received at their arrival a folder of the
participant containing information on
climate change and on the action of the
region in this area. Concerning the
financial compensation, the jurors have
collected a sum based on the hourly SMIC,
or 152.49 euros for the whole of the
sessions.
5.3.2 .3monitoring and evaluation Phase
After the second session, the cabinet
Public Missions has brought together the
recommendations and the text blocks of
the opinion and then sent a first draft for
reading of control has five members of the
jury who have had the opportunity to make
their comments. The June 23, 2008, 15
members of the jury have taken the time to
find themselves once again in the home of
the re98See
(P4-1, 04:30) and (P5-1). For detail of the
meaning of the sources, see the next
chapter.
229
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
Gion to finalize their opinion and prepare
the discount to the public trustee that is-asay to the regional council. The
chairperson of this last is committed on
this occasion has take into account the
recommendations of the citizens for the
future, and once again we will see how
these words are translated.
5.3 .3The draw in the Basis
Just as in the Planungszellen, the draw has
played a dual role in the jury of citizens.
First of all, to choose the participants from
a list of phone numbers provided by an
institute of survey and on the basis of
which the services of the region have
achieved a "phoning" reports. The latter
has allowed us to recruit some thirty
volunteers distributed according to quotas
based on the department and the size of the
agglomeration of residence, the type of
habitat, the age, the PCS (profession and
socioprofessional category) and sex. In the
course of the jury, the draw has also served
to distribute the citizens in discussion
groups.
230
Illustration 37: The official handover of
the opinion (right to left: two participants,
the chairman of the regional council, the
vice-president in charge of the
environment and the vice-president in
charge of democracy).
Friday, April 25, 2008
Saturday, April 26, 2008
Friday, may 16, 2008
Saturday, may 17, 2008
16.00 17.15
Welcome the participants by the PoitouCharentes Region. Team participatory
democracy.
Making contact with the group and the
approach. Public Missions.
9.00
10.00
Identification by the Jury of Citizens of 10
key questions to ask the experts auditioned
(challenges of climate change, the most
effective actions, choice of the Region).
16.00 17.45
Welcome the participants and visit of the
exhibition Naturalibus on climate change.
Identification by the citizens of the 10 key
questions to ask the elected regional.
9.00
12.30
Work on the drafting of the opinion.
17.15
18.15
Citizen Jury and participatory democracy:
why associate the citizens has the
evaluation of a regional policy? Vicepresident of the Regional Council.
Jury of citizens and environmental
excellence: what the Region expects the
Jury Citizen Vice-president of the Regional
Council.
Time of questions / answers.
10.00
12.00
Debate on climate change.
An international consultant for energy
efficiency policies, two community
activists.
17.45
18.45
Debate with the elected representatives.
Two elected representatives of the majority
(Socialist Party and green party) and two
elected members of the opposition (UMP).
12.30
13.45
Lunch
12.00
12.30
Collective Synthesis.
18.45
19.00
Pause
13.45
15.45
Work on the drafting of the Opinion.
Second working session with the Director
Environment, of the Region at the request
of the Jury of citizens.
18.15
19.30
Individual reading of the document support
Time of questions / answers.
Director Environment, Agriculture, Water,
tourism in the Region.
12.30 13.45
Lunch
19.00
19.45
Synthesis individual and collective: that
retain from this first session for the
opinion of the Jury of citizens?
15.45 16.30
Finalization of the opinion.
19.30
20.00
First individual responses to the three
questions of evaluation.
13.45 14.30
Identification by the Jury of Citizens of 10
key questions to ask for regional actors
19.45
20.00
Closure.
16.30 17.00
Evaluation of the approach.
Dinner
14.30
15.45
Debate with economic actors.
A installer of solar panels, an owner of a
hotel " eco-label " on, a director of the
Regional Federation of Agricultural Cooperatives and a director of the pole of
eco-industries .
Dinner and hearing on the theme of the
development of the territory.
Chief of service urban planning and
sustainable development - Community of
agglomeration of Poitiers .
15.45 16.00
Pause
16.00 17.30
Synthesis individual and collective: that
retain from this first session for the
opinion of the Jury of citizens?
Illustration 38: The program of work of
the jury of citizens of Poitou-Charentes .
Chapter 4: The Planungszelle and the jury
of citizens, two models aleatoriens
paradigmatic
6. Conclusions
A quick review of the contemporary
practices of drawing in politics has left see
a veritable profusion of experiences which
have not all been adapted to the test of
theoretical expectations. A category of
instruments aleatoriens - this is the mini-
public - has on the other hand seems to be
particularly conducive due to its
constituent elements (of citizens are drawn
at random to make the policy in a
deliberative framework) but also its
discursive framework that borrows and se
mele sometimes has the one of the
proponents of the theory of democracy
random. A historical analysis of the
emergence and dissemination of minipublic has helped to focus the choice on
a Planungszelle and a jury of citizens; the
first because of its historic role central the
second due to its strong hybridization.
Finally, we chose two concrete
experiences, thematically close
(environment) but in contexts significantly
different. Whereas the Planungszelle of
Aix-la-Chapelle dealt with a local problem
and concrete for taking financial decisions
upstream and in a context of political
deadlock, the jury citizen picto-charentais
had to subject the evaluation of a regional
policy face has a global challenge, in the
context of a political issue national. The
scene, and the actors are in place, and we
will finally be able to start the test
bench. 232
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
A Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers, in
2007 and in 2008, 119 citizens gathered to
discuss, debate, deliberate, assess, and
eventually formulate proposals for public
policy. These experiences of living minipublic and forums " aleatoriens ≪ have
they responded to the theoretical
expectations that we have been able to
identify in chapter 3? How is manifested
the representation? What type of
participation can we observe? The two
experiences have they given birth has a
new company? To answer these questions,
it will be necessary to introduce first the
methodology employed to achieve the
empirical study (1). Then we will be able
to judge of the expectations concerning the
representation (2), the participation (3) and
those broader concerning the policy and
finally the society as a whole (4).
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
1. Methodology
For the sake of transparency and rigor,
each of the elements of the inquiry will
receive here a unique number used to track
down and possibly of the consult in the
annex. For Aix-la-Chapelle there will take
the letter A and for Poitiers P, followed by
two digits, the first corresponding to the
type of source and the second has the
precise reference of the document1.
1.1The arrangements put in place at Aixla-Chapelle (A)
1.1 .1participatory Observation (A1)
The empirical study of the
draft Planungszellen has Aix-la-Chapelle
has begun in October 2007 by a visit to
the (Forschungsstelle Burgerbeteiligung
und Planungsverfahren of the university of
Wuppertal, during the preparation phase of
the project and it was given to me to have
a preview of two days on the recruitment
process from citizens, stakeholders, as well
as on the preparation of the thematic units
(A1-1). Then, from 12 to 15 and 19th to
the November 22, 2007, I witnessed the
conduct of four Planungszellen project as a
photographer and observer (A1-2). The
first role, has allowed me to be present
during the discussions in plenary but also
to circulate between the small discussion
groups. The second has allowed me to be
able to take notes and audio clips as well
as to be present at the table of small
discussion groups in order to be able to
follow the interactions in this space which
is the deliberative center of the entire
process, which is normally closed has the
observation and has the interference of the
presenters. The observation was also
allowed to take contact with the citizens
and stakeholders for the campaign of
interviews.
1.1 .2Interviews (A2 - A3 - A4)
I have made a total of 37 interviews
between October 2007 and February 2008,
divided into four sessions. The first was
held in Munich during the delivery of a
citizen report from another project
of Planungszellen and was intended to test
the guide for interviews with one
participant and a facilitator. After
correction, this guide has been available in
three versions: a
1The detail of the two devices can be
found in the Appendix (p. 401 et seq. ).
236
1. Methodology
For the citizens, more focused on their
experience during the process and after (20
interviews notes A2-1 has A2-20), one for
the politicians and stakeholders pressing
the political context of the employment of
the model but also on their experience (11
interviews notes A3-1 has A3-11) and
finally one for the facilitators and
organizers is interesting in priority to the
process taking into account other
comparable experiences or addressing
issues of methodology of the approach
(four interviews notes A4-1 has A4-4).
1.1 .3analysis of documents (A5)
The material written analysis during the
empirical investigation is divided into four
categories. The first is made up of
documents employees during the
preparation and conduct
of Planungszellen either the invitations to
the citizens (A5-1), the guide to animation
(A5-2) which details the steps the
sequence of the Planungszelle and that
contains the questions-guides posed to
small discussion groups during work
sessions, the set of presentations made by
the speakers (A5-3) that retrace their
contribution to the thematic work
of Planungszellen as well as the posters
produced by the citizens (A5-4) reflecting
the results of deliberations as well as those
of intermediate votes. The second category
includes the Burgergutachten (A5-5) or
report citizen, final product
of Planungszelle and public document
handed over to the municipal authorities.
Thirdly, there is the municipal decrees
laying down the pricing in force before the
draft (A5-7) and after the latter (A5-8) as
well as the discussions of the city council
regarding the project (A5-9). Finally, it
has gathered in the last category the
reactions in the press (A5-6) as well as the
subsequent documents to projects and/or
diverse in nature (A5-10).
1.1 .4Investigation a posteriori (A6)
In order to enter the dimension of medium
term i realized in November 2010 a survey
a posteriori using a questionnaire semiopen (cf. annex, p. 401 et seq. ) sent has 25
participants which have responded nine
persons (A6-1 has A6-10) it is-a-say a
return rate of 40 %2. I have also conducted
a telephone interview with an official of
the governed
2Rate which is particularly important for
such a type of questionnaire. On the
meaning of such a return concerning the
expectation of participation and of
empowerment. Cf. infra, p. 280.
237
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Municipal waste collection in order to
better evaluate the impact of
recommendations citizens about the
recipients of the notice (A6-11).
1.2The arrangements put in place in
Poitou-Charentes (P)
1.2 .1participatory Observation (P1) and
written evaluation (P2)
The empirical research in France has
followed the same structure as that
performed in Germany and is therefore
structured around a participatory
observation before and during the conduct
of the jury. Before the jury, I attended the
last steering committee and am gets in
contact with the animation team for the
purpose of familiarizing myself with the
field and to monitor the preparation of the
process, mainly concerning the recruitment
and the finalization of the program (P1-1).
The observation itself has held had during
the two sessions of the jury, the 25 and 26
April and on 16 and 17 may as well as
during the delivery of the report citizen,
the June 23, 2008. Just as in Germany, I
had during the process the double-hatting
of photographer and researcher who
allowed it to navigate between citizens,
facilitators, speakers and organizers while
having an offset position (P1-2). At the
end of the second session, I had the
opportunity to make complete an
evaluation questionnaire semi-open, who
has delivered the results on the
assessment " warm " on the process (P2-1
has P2-22).
1.2 .2Interviews (P3 - P4 - P5)
The campaign of interviews took place in
three stages. The first, in June 2008, either
just after the delivery of the report, I have
conducted 10 semi-structured qualitative
interviews with participants (P3-1 has P310) in the whole region (figure 39, p. 239).
The second series was held in September
2008 and was concentrating on the
speakers, organizers and the animation
team (P5-1 has P5-4). Finally, in
December 2008 and January 2009, i
conducted 5 interviews with
representatives of various political parties
of the regional council as well as with the
director of the service environment of the
region (P4-1 has P4-5).
238
1. Methodology
Illustration 39: Place of residence of the
persons interviewed in Poitou-Charentes
1.2 .3analysis of documents (P6)
In France, the corpus includes four
elements. First of all, the documents
produced before and during the jury (P6-1
has P6-7) comprising the folder handed to
citizens, the guide to animation, detailed
program, thematic notes as well that the
retyping of a work session and the record
of the work in plenary. Follows the report
citizen handed over has the region (P6-8)
as well as the response of the regional
Council published a year later which
acknowledges the suites data to the jury
(P6-12). In the third place, the reactions of
the written press, regional and national
(P6-13) as well as the film, made during
the jury and presented at the awards
ceremony of the report on 23 June (P6-9).
Finally, the subsequent documents
produced by the region (P6-10) as well as
the various documents (P6-11).
1.2 .4Investigation a posteriori (P7)
Just as a Aix-la-Chapelle, i carried out a
survey a posteriori (September 2010)
based on a questionnaire semi-open sent
has 25 participants (A7-1 has A7-9) with a
response rate of 36 %3.
3A rate therefore lower than that observed
in Aix-la-Chapelle but above the average.
See note 1, supra.
239
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
1.3Translate expectations
In order to enter at what point the
experiences of Aix and of Poitiers join the
expectations of the theory, it seems
important to " translate " on these recent in
concrete terms. To do this, you will resume
as the analysis the expectations formulated
in chapter 3 and in deliver the possible
empirical translation. We will begin as
well by be interested has the question of
the representation before address the issue
of the participation and finally the effects
of broader social and political. The more
we deal with questions macro-social, more
the nature of the answers will be of indexlinked character, reflecting the trend.
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
The authors of the corpus concentrated
their attacks against the modern democracy
on the question of the representation
distorted that it would entail. Quite
logically, therefore, it is in this area that
they are waiting for the most of the
employment of the draw. It is going to test
at what point the participants of the two
mini-public have really represents their
fellow citizens formally (2.1 ) and
substantially (2.2 ) and how they have
made of the accounts has their agents (2.3
).
2.1A Stellvertretung really more faithful
2.1 .1Translation of expectations
The expectations concerning the formal
representation are relatively simple to
translate. It is sufficient for it to consider
the geographical origin and the socioeconomic characteristics of the participants
to judge their representativeness.
Concerning the symbolic representation,
one can be interested with the responses of
the participants to the questions concerning
their feeling of having been representative,
as well as those delivered by the speakers
and organizers on the question of the
representativeness of the participants4.
4See A2, A3, A4, (questions 3.B and 7.A)
and A6 (questions 9.1 to 9.4 ) as well as
P3, P4, P5 (questions 3.B and 7.B) and P7
(questions 9.1 to 9.4 ). 240
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
2.1 .2The formal representation to Aix and
Poitiers
2.1.2 .1a cross section with a few through
As might be expected given the number of
people invited, the result of the recruitment
has given has Aix-la-Chapelle as a Poitiers
a panel not statistically representative but
widely diversifie5. In geographical terms,
60% of the German participants came from
the center of Aix-la-Chapelle and 40% of
the periphery, which accurately reflected
the structure of the population of the city
(figure 40, p. 241), a result consistent with
the quota introduced in the recruitment
process. In Poitou-Charentes , the
inhabitants of the departments of Charente
Maritime were under-represented, those
deux-sèvres over-represented, those of the
Charente and the Vienna in good number
(illustration 41, p. 242). The deviation is
explained above all by the geographical
distance between the place of residence
and the place of conduct of the jury.
A demographic point of view, the
participants of the class of age application
No 40/59 shall be borne years were over-
represented in the two cases (illustrations
42 and 43 p. 243), in the same way, the
class of age had made the lowest subrepresentee6.
City Center
Periphery
0
50
100
Planungszellen
Aix-la-Chapelle
Illustration 40: geographical origin of
participants has Aix-la-Chapelle.
5On the details of the recruitment
procedure used, see chapter 4, point 5.3.2.1
, p. 229 for Aix-la-Chapelle and point
5.3.2.2 , p. 229 for Poitiers.
6The lowest category is to be taken with
caution in the German case, given that the
city of Aix-la-Chapelle account children
from 10 years and that the participation has
the Planungszelle is possible from 16 years
only, which relativizes the underrepresentation found. A Poitiers on the
other hand, the regional statistics began 18
years ago and the figures are therefore
more faithful.
241
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Deux-sèvres
Charentes
Charente-Maritime
Vienna
0
10
20
30
40
Citizen Jury
Poitou-Charentes
Illustration 41: geographical origin of
participants in Poitou-Charentes .
The distribution of kind was, however,
fairly faithful, although men were a little
over-representation in the jury french
(illustration 44, p. 243 and Figure 45, p.
244). The structure socio-professional of
the two groups can be described as a crosssection wide but not of statistically
significant sample. In the case of Aix-laChapelle, the participants had the
opportunity to respond to a questionnaire
of evaluation in which the question of their
profession was asked. In the whole form
by the 89 responses, there are more than 40
activities and different statutes which
correspond to a wide range of PCS has the
french (A5-4, 37) although participants,
speakers and organizers declare that the
citizens present during
the Planungszellen were of a level higher
socioprofessional has the moyenne7. Most
of the recruitment by drawing does not
appear to have been sufficient to extend
the participation beyond the formal
citizenship, and we could observe a underrepresentation of foreign participants
and/or from immigration.
7See, for example, A3-1 (06:11) : " Und
welche Kategorien waren uberreprasentiert resp. unter-reprasentiert? " On
" Das ist meiner Meinung nach eine mehr
oder Weninger Auslese der Ratsmitglieder.
Offentlicher Dienst uber-reprasentiert,
Bildungsnah Schichten uber-reprasentiert,
Migranten unter-reprasentiert und
sozialschwache unter-reprasentiert. ≪ See
also (A2-2, 08:04) : " Wir haben unsere
Gruppe als recht homogeneous Gruppe
von hoheren Bildungsniveau empfunden.
Aus unserer Sicht war niemand aus den
sogenannten sozial ökologische
benachteiligten Schicht Dabei Temple. ≪
242
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
10 - 19
20 - 29
30 - 39
40 - 49
50 - 59
60 - 69
70 And More
0
10
20
30
Planungszelle
Aix-la-Chapelle
Illustration 42: population structure of
participants has Aix-la-Chapelle.
20-39
Application No 40/59 shall be borne
60 And More
0
20
40
60
80
Citizen Jury
Poitou-Charentes
Illustration 43: population structure of
participants in Poitou-Charentes .
Female
Male
0
20
40
60
Planungszelle
Aix-la-Chapelle
Illustration 44: distribution by gender of
the participants has Aix-la-Chapelle.
243
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Male
Female
0
20
40
60
80
Citizen Jury
Poitou-Charentes
Figure 45: distribution by gender of the
participants in Poitou-Charentes .
In Poitou-Charentes , we note the absence
of the category of farmers and a significant
under-representation of the category
of " inactive " (figure 46, p. 244). If we
cannot move forward to statistics given
that the ethnic origins and/or national have
not been requested to participants, the
participatory observation (A1-1, 36-57)
and the informal discussions have shown,
in contrast, have a great diversity of
origins: we had the opportunity to speak
with people originating in Denmark, of
Algeria, Senegal and Brazil, which is at
least 15% of the participants.
Farmers
Artisans, traders, business leaders
Frameworks, higher intellectual
professions
Intermediate Professions
Employees
Workers
Pensioners
Without professional activity
0
10
20
30
40
Citizen Jury
Poitou-Charentes
Illustration 46: occupational distribution
of participants in Poitou-Charentes .
244
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
2.1.2 .2of citizens who feel representative
" I am anonymous, I represent a part of the
population, I feel useful. ≪ (P3-10, 23:30).
The representativeness objective is double
among the participants of the two countries
to a strong sense of representing their
fellow citizens at the local level (figure 47,
p. 245, corresponding to the question 9.1
and 9.2 of the survey later) despite the bias
toward the upper middle class in Germany.
However, while the citizens has Poitiers
consider be representative of the whole of
the French, the inhabitants of Aix-laChapelle declare not to feel representative
of the whole of the Germans. A difference
which is easily explained by the comments
of the latter on the fact that the subject
of Planungszellen was local and therefore
had nothing to do with the national
representation. For outside observers, the
participants seem to have left the same
impression of diversity, variety. On the
other hand, it is particularly difficult to
judge the representativeness of symbolic
participants from the rest of the population.
Two indices only can be developed here.
Firstly a survey carried out in France on
the possible introduction of juries citizens
has large scale, which showed that 59% of
those surveyed were in favor8 and
secondly the answers given by the
participants on the reactions in their
entourage which seem to have been
positive in the ensemble9.
Aix-la-Chapelle
Poitou-Charentes
Total
9.1 Have you had the impression to
represent the inhabitants of the PoitouCharentes / of Aix-la-Chapelle?
Yes
6
9
15
Non
4
0
4
No advice - do not know
0
0
0
9.2 The French / German in general?
Yes
1
7
8
Non
8
2
10
No advice - do not know
1
0
1
Illustration 47: feeling of participants on
their representativeness.
8The cross (2006, 1) : " The jury of
citizens is proving popular: Almost six
French on ten (59 %) say they favor the
idea of " citizen juries " mentioned by
SéGolã¨ne Royal, according to a CSA
poll published yesterday by the Parisian
(817 persons interviewed on 25
October). ≪
9See for example A2-4 (01:32) : " Die
haben mir gesagt went 'mach mit' ≪. For a
reaction more skeptical, see P3-4 (01:32)
: " My wife said to me leaves fall, it is a
gimmick. ≪
245
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
2.1 .3Results
The expectation of a representativeness
formal greater is therefore largely
confirmed by the practice if it takes as a
basis the idea of the cross-section and not
that of the people in miniature. On the
other hand, the participants in the two
countries the feeling to represent their
fellow citizens. Printing which is found to
a lesser extent among the other actors who
had been in contact with the forum: the
entourage of participants and stakeholders.
There are, however, not of elements
allowing to characterize in a sustainable
way the feeling of the population in
general.
2.2A tilt relative to the mandate
Unlike in the case of the Stellvertretung,
the translation of the concept
of Reprasentation is relatively complex
has achieved since it is to judge whether,
how and what interests have summers
presented to citizens and then treated and
formulas in recommendations (2.2.3 and
2.2.4 ). But we must begin by translating
the theoretical expectations in this area
(2.2.2 ) and even before this, define those
interests, such that they were present
before the forum (2.2.1 ).
2.2 .1What interests in presence?
2.2.1 .1The interests in presence to Aix-laChapelle
Schematically, we can identify a set of five
interest groups which correspond more or
less has groups of actors (cf. illustration
48, p. 249). The first of them is of course
the group of citizens. While it is
impossible to know what were the specific
interests of each of the 96 participants, it is
quite able to identify at least two major
lines of conflict. The first ran between
inhabitants of the city center and residents
of the periphery (A1-1, 24). In effect, as
has been seen in the previous chapter, the
system of single tax advantaged the
residents of peripheral neighborhoods and
any reform toward a differentiated model,
has two or three columns for example, was
for these latter synonymous with an
increase in their tax. In contrast, the
inhabitants of the center which, let us
remember, accounted for 60% of
participants, had interests to request a
change of the system toward a
differentiated model. All in contrast had
interest in limiting the 246
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Tax in itself. The second was more subtle
to detect because it crossed strongly the
first division, but in a more diffuse: it was
the interests of the inhabitants of
individual houses, houses in sharing and
apartments in sets larger. The first - or that
they live - were subsidized by the second
which them-even were subsidized by the
latest for the simple reason that the tax in
the sets of apartments was calculated
according to the surface of the housing and
that it was therefore impossible for the
different homes to influence their own tax
(A5-5, 30-31).
For its part, the municipal administration,
and in particular the board responsible for
the collection of garbage had of interest
based on a concern for management (A5-3
-11). She had a preference for the model
has two columns that allowed him an
optimization of the rate of filling of trucks
and a greater fluidity of quantities of waste
(A3-11, 25:00). This system appeared in
addition be the compromise the more fair
to reform easing the burden of the
inhabitants of large ensembles while
limiting the increase of individual fees
(A3-4, 05:45). In addition, the municipal
government was interested in the idea of
test of census techniques of electronic
waste bins in order to best manage the
waste stream.
A third group in the presence was that of
the politicians in the form of
representatives of parties elected to the
council municipal10. The CDU and the
FDP, the two opposition parties, proposed
the establishment of a system has three
columns (A1-2, 119 ; A3-8, 08:30).
Solution which had finished by do
unanimously until the final vote on the
municipal council during which the
fraction environmentalist had suddenly
made machine rear and proposed to keep
the model has a column in arguing that the
paper bins and compost should be recorded
with the residual waste to motivate the
citizens to sort and limit the impact of the
constant evolution of the price of the
processing of the paper. The SPD fraction
pulled has this opinion by virtue of the
treaty of coalition and ends by proposing
the Planungszelle with its partner, while
still maintaining an initial preference for a
system has two columns (A3-9, 17:30).
The fourth group of interests brought
together the local economic actors
represented by the chamber of commerce
and industry, whose purpose was to ensure
that the traders and the industry are not
included in the new system and continue to
take advantage of a tari10In
The order of importance in terms of
number of votes in the Council: the
Christian democratic union of right center
(CDU - Cristlich-Demokratische Union),
the social democratic party of the centerleft (SPD - Sozialdemokratische Partei
Deutschland), the Union 90 - the Greens as
green party (Bundnis90 - Die Grunen) and
the Freedom Party German representative
the liberal right (FDP - Freiheitspartei
Deutschland).
247
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Separate fication (A5-5, 65). We may also
include in this set the owners and tenants
as a group, the first interested by a simple
tax and transparent and the latter by a tax
flexible and individualized (A5-5, 66-67).
Finally, a fifth group of interests that might
be called indirect seems to have its place.
First of all in the form of environmental
interests realized when of the forum
through a militant association for the
reduction of waste and whose main interest
was to see the tax collection and treatment
directly included in the price of products
(A5-3 -12). But beyond this interest
concrete it must probably also consider the
environmental interests as a frame of
substance more general that we will
include inductive manner in the result of
the analysis. In a different register, all also
left a thinking at the beginning of the
experience that the stakeholders specialists
on the issue of garbage could be
assimilated to a group of specific interests,
a fact corroborated by the difficulties
encountered by the organizers was " find
someone who is not of the network"
on (A1-1, 32) and by the repeated
observation that the stakeholders were
nearly all, with the exception of the one
who would plead for a solution radical
ecological (A1-1, 72-73).
The whole of this constellation of actors
and positions must still be the subject of
two remarks. First of all, the
representatives of the CDU, the SPD and
the FDP had apparently exceeds the
interests of their electoral clientele since
they had agreed on a system that has the
disadvantage. They had by the-same
exceeds their own interest of taxpayer
since they wanted reform a system which
they benefited the most (A3-8, 15:28).
The representatives of the green party on
the other hand had put in before the model
has a column ( statusquo) arguing for the
interest it had for a better sorting of waste,
while responding quite strongly to the
expectations of their electoral clientele
(A3-10, 03:55). On the other hand, no
fraction is supported the model proposed
by the administration and there was thus a
latent conflict between the views of these
two groups of actors (A3-9, 16:00). The
administration as has she considered the
positions of political actors as reflecting an
attitude piecemeal or even
individualiste11.
11 (A3-4, 06:00) : " Was ich schrecklich
fand war, dass ersten Jahrtausend anhand
der Argumentation man nachvollziehen
konnte, welches Mitglied der
Arbeitsgruppe in welcher Art Wohnung
lebt. Ob es jemandem in einem
Einfamilienhaus ist, der gerne eine kleine
Restabfalltonne und eine grosere Biotonne
hatte, oder ob es jemandem ist, der in einer
Groswohnanlage lebt. Das konnte man
nachvollziehen. Ersten Jahrtausend anhand
der Argumentationskette. 248 ≪
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Group of actors
Assumed Interest / interest defended
Citizens
The center
Two or three columns
From the edge
A column
Living in a single-family home
A column
Capita in a common home
Two or three columns
Capita in a greater whole
Two or three columns
Municipal Governance
Two columns
Politicians
CDU
Three columns
SPD
Three columns, then two columns and then
employment of the Planungszelle
Bundnis 90 - Die Grunen
Three columns and then return on a
column and employment of
the Planungszelle
FDP
Three columns
Organized Interests
Owners
A column in the position of renter of a
housing
Tenants
Depending on the type of housing
Traders / industry
Regardless of the model of the moment
that endures the system of special tax
Indirect Interests
Environment
Model which pushes the more has reduce
the production of waste and increase
recycling. Other, has set
Experts of waste
A clarify
Illustration 48: presumed Interests and/or
defended by the actors has Aix-laChapelle.
2.2.1 .2The interests in presence in Poitiers
The constellation of interests in the
framework picto-charentais is less obvious
has characterize that the previous for four
reasons: first, the subject was widely
broader and more consensual. Secondly,
the trustee as an institution had a control
are considerably less pushed, not to say
infinitesimal, on the subject of the jury (a
tax versus the climate warming). Thirdly,
the mandate given to the participants was
less operational and more conceptual and
creative. Fourthly, and most importantly,
the constellation of actors was greatly
disseminated, there was no institutional
blockage prior it is-a-say not really of firm
positions of political actors and
administrative, the pressure has the
decision-making was also widely more
faible12. In the light of these
circumstances, it seems appropriate to
classify the interests of departure
depending on whether they were structural
or cyclical, by grouping then possibly the
actors in these categories (figure 49, p.
250). Structurally speaking, three
questions arose: is there climate change? If
so, is it of human origin? In both cases,
should we do something against? A
Poitiers, the empirical material has left see
two positions from
12Recall that has Aix-la-Chapelle the
renewal of the tax was a legal obligation
arriving a term in the first January 2009.
249
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
A different answer the second question.
Indeed the whole of the actors agreed that
there is global warming and that we must
act, but were not in agreement on the fact
that global warming either of origin beings
themselves.13. The structural interest of
the whole of the actors was therefore that
the region both to combat the change to
the " survival of future generations ". The
cyclical level, we can identify between the
interests political, economic and financial.
The political interest of the regional
majority was multiple: it wanted to keep
its election promises in terms of
participatory democracy and of
environmental policy, obtain a positive
evaluation of its policy, and receive useful
recommendations for its action (P1-1, 7).
In contrast, the opposition had interest in
this that the assessment is negative and has
this as its own agenda becomes that of the
citizens without that we can so far as to
define this agenda has priori14. A Poitiers,
the administration agreed with the political
interests of the regional majority (P4-1).
Financially speaking, the citizens had an
interest in that the taxes funding the policy
against the climate change does not
increase while obtaining that the region to
put in place a maximum of actions.
Finally, the regional economic players
present had interest in what the region
should invest in the green growth.
Type of interest
Group of actors
Interest
Structural
All the actors
Fight against the change and enable
the " survival of the species " ON
Cyclical
Policies
Politicians of the majority
Administration
Take the election promises
Obtain a positive evaluation
Politicians of the opposition
Highlight the weaknesses of the policy
carried out
To pass its own recommendations
Financial
Citizens
Get the best ratio taxes / actions
Economic
Economic actors
Get more investment in green growth
Illustration 49: presumed Interests and/or
defended by the actors in PoitouCharentes .
2.2 .2Translation of expectations
For the authors of the corpus, the
employment of the draw would entail a
decentration of the representative mandate
which result in a better defense of the
interests of the constituents by the
13This difference influence however the
cyclical position of the players who do not
advocate the same actions as they see
global warming as of human origin or not.
14 Unlike the case of Aix-la-Chapelle in
which political preferences were clear.
250
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Through a mathematical game, the
principle of reciprocity reflexive or
reconvergence of interests. The first
empirical question is therefore the
following: what interests are taxed has
Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers? What
type of representation are they the fruit?
Beyond this aspect, the authors of the
corpus, hoping for a series of additional
effects that we will present here in
summary form in the pairing to questions
corresponding empirical. First, the prize
draw would entail for them a limitation of
adverse effects of the professionalization
of the political15 : There has been case has
Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers has a
group in a position of independence or on
the contrary has professionals of the
policies? Secondly, for most of the
authors, the draw obviate
the Fraktionszwang, the need to organize
in order to obtain majorities. What has he
been in the two forums? Each new
question has it been the opportunity to be
an opinion? Has there been in the presence
of an enlightened audience ready to change
of opinion? Thirdly, the authors expect the
independence of representatives a greater
flexibility in the definition of the policy
agenda allowing for rapid integration of
new issues and to take account of the
interests supranational and
intergenerational. What has he been in the
two experiments? How was the fixing of
the calendar? What perspective the
participants have they adopted? Can we
speak of a policy of long-term? The
general interest has he been taken into
account? Fourthly, regarding the
deliberative processes, the theorists are
waiting for the employment of the draw a
reversal of the opposition of principle and
a spirit of cooperation: has there been able
to observe this trend? How the citizens did
they behave with each other? We also saw
fifthly that the authors studied do not wish
that the representatives are limited to
exercise an imperative mandate: the
citizens have they received such a
mandate? The have-it respects? In order to
reply to this set extremely complex of
questions, we will take as wire conductor
the assumption that the act of
representation in the two experiments is
neither the result of a statistical defense of
interests, nor a product of the reflexive
reciprocity, nor a demonstration of the
reconvergence of interests but that it is a
joint process, that of the construction of
the general interest.
15It is recalled here these effects, such as
the authors characterize: the race to the
vote, the spiral of the financing of electoral
campaigns, the need to make promises and
all the dangers of corruption and creating a
class of professionals of the policy. 251
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
2.2 .3a decentration of the mandate ...
2.2.3 .1of the particular interest to the
general interest
The absence of mathematical defense of
interests
A defense of mathematical interests, such
that longed for by a portion of the authors
would result has Aix-la-Chapelle by the
domination of the interests of the
inhabitants of the city center it is-a-say the
abandonment of the single tax and the
adoption of a system has two or three
columns. However, an overwhelming
majority of participants considered the
single pricing model as the best (17 plans
of actions on 19) in arguing for his
simplicity, his cost of operation low as
well as its propensity to encourage the
tri16. There was, therefore, no statistical
representation. The same is true of the
reflexive reciprocity which would have
pushed the whole of participants has
considered the position of the most
disadvantaged, which they have not done
since they have spoken for a system which
rewarded financially the more affluent. A
Poitiers, albeit the interests at stake have
been profoundly different and more vague,
it can be assumed that a mathematical
representation would have pushed the
participants to reject measures entailing a
financial overhead for them. However,
there is no trace of such requests in the
opinion. We note on the contrary that a
part of the proposals aim clearly has
support the homes the more modest in the
process of adaptation to climate change
(P6-8-1, 16). A position which is rather of
the principle of reciprocity reflexive and
found several times in the opinion. Yet,
this is not the only form of representation:
the participants do not hesitate for example
has plead for a more rigorous rules in the
field of building permits, regulation that
could touch them one day or the other.
They are therefore beyond a simple selfish
altruism.
16For a summary of the recommendations
of the citizens of Aix-la-Chapelle, see
illustration 57, p. 291.
252
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
A strong independence
If the citizens do not seem to have been
giving precedence to their individual
interests, it might be thought that some of
the other interests in the presence are
taxed. It is nothing of the sort, however. A
Aix-la-Chapelle, the administration who
was pleading for a system has two
columns has not received the argues that a
plan of action then even that she was
principal of Planungszellen and it had the
opportunity to widely make its point of
view: it had in effect of four of the sixteen
time reserved for presentations and had
largely contributed to the choice of the set
of stakeholders. More still, the Régie
has found be the " suspect number one "
on citizens during the process and a
posteriori: participants are widely
complained that the Régie does not
book all his figures (A2-2, 17:45) and have
considered its interventions as the least
neutral for the whole (A2-3 or A1-1, 73).
One might think that the politicians have
summers more successful, given that the
solution favored by the majority in place
has also been favored by the majority of
the plans. The situation is, however, less
clear than it seems. First, the plans favored
by the various parties are not taxed: the
model has three columns, supported by the
CDU and the FDP has been virtually
ignored (a single plan) of same as that has
two columns, preferred by the SPD (a
support). The preferred model by the
Greens, that has a column has had a little
more success since it forms the basis of
eight of the plans. But it does not
constitute the majority of the opinions of
the participants. In the second place, and
this is, in fact, far more important, the
citizens have never ceased that mark their
difference face has these partisan positions
at the forum (A1-1, 84), but also during the
interviews (A2-14, 16:23). If they have
chosen a particular model, so this is not
due to the official position of the one or the
other of the parties as discussed in detail
later (2.2.3.2 , p. 257 et seq. ). Concerning
now the economic interests, including
those of the merchants, it is noted that
eight plans propose to include them in the
tax, that a preferred plan that they continue
to be excluded and that nine plans are not
making a judgment on the question what
makes say that these in253
Illustration 50: the citizens at work has
Aix-la-Chapelle.
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Terets are not taxed non-plus17. Rest has
considered the interests of experts of
household garbage that citizens have judge
with a wary distance. For example,
concerning the introduction of automated
systems of management of waste streams,
which are rejected by virtually all the plans
of action18.
A Poitiers, the situation is far from being
as clear. The cyclical interests of
politicians of the opposition have been
largely ignored and criticism although this
is in part of the rejection of the policy
develop an important agonistic and
conduct procedural of this part of the jury
(cf. infra 2.2.3.2 , p. 257 et seq. ). The
interests of cyclical regional majority and
of economic actors on the other hand, have
found a strong echo in the final
recommendations (P6-8, 8-10) and the
citizens seem to have had a position less
critical face has some stakeholders (2.2.4.2
, p. 264 et seq. ). Despite everything, the
empirical study reveals two elements
which tend to establish that the French
citizens have also demonstrated
independence in their work. First, they
have tried hard enough the lack of
diversity of stakeholders during the
forum19 but also in the final questionnaire.
In the latter, the participants could judge a
set of elements concerning the conduct of
the jury. As shown in the following table
(figure 51, p. 255), the question concerning
the diversity of stakeholders has obtained
the lowest average in a judgment of overall
very positive (45.7 per cent of the replies
are of 6 and the average for each question
is 5.18 ). Secondly, and even if this is
more the domain of the felt, a majority of
respondents in the interviews and the
survey later said that they have had the
feeling of working in a manner
independante20.
Beyond these specific elements to the two
experiences, the independence of citizens
is reflected in two ways transverse. First of
all, in both cases, the majority of
participants reported having changed its
opinion in the sessions work permit.21. In
the second place, as
17In reality eight plans do not pronounce
and a plan considers that the need to
collect more of conflicting information on
the subject before we can decide (A5-5,
93).
18Of the 19 plans, 15 are totally against it
for reasons of cost but also to affect the
private life and danger of see increase the
volume of waste wild. Two do not mention
this question and two finally are for but by
adding strict conditions (A5-5, 78-93).
19See for example P1-1 (47) or P3-10
(14:47) : " concerning the information I
felt that it was a little headed. They we
showed only their actions. ≪
20P7-1 has P7-9: six participants on 9
responded " no " on the question " Have
you had the impression to be influence in
your work?≪ among the three people who
responded in the affirmative, two say that
it is positive because it was not of
influence but of information and a that the
influence is not necessarily of the
manipulation.
21See, for example, A5-5 (94) : 73 per
cent of respondents (N= 89) reported
having changed its mind.
254
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Will be discussed in some detail, the
citizens are mobilizing their own
competence to base their decisions, they
appeal has their judgment independently of
the information received.
Judgment (6 the best)
1
2
3
4
5
6
N
Average
The framework
The home
1
6
15
22
5.64
The framework of work
3
6
13
22
5.45
The hotel and the meals
1
10
10
21
5.43
The animation
Neutrality
1
5.5
2
11.5
20
5.1
Competence
1
11
10
22
5.41
The work in large group
Quality of people resources
1
4
8
8
21
5.1
Quality of debates
4
5
9
4
22
4.59
Diversity of stakeholders
4
7
6
5
22
4.55
The work in a small group
Quality of debates
1
1
5
6
8
21
4.9
Opportunity to take the floor
1
1
8
12
22
5.36
Possibility of exchanging arguments
3
7
12
22
5.41
Total
0.4 %
0.8 %
4.2 %
15.4 %
33.3 %
45.7 %
234
5.18
Illustration 51: evaluation Questionnaire
of the jury citizen picto-charentais.
Build the general interest
" Waren Sie mit den Empfehlungen
zufrieden? " On " Ja. (LATCH). Es war
das vernunftigste, obwohl ich ruf mich
personlich sehe, dass ich demnachst viel
mehr werde bezahlen. ≪ (A2-10, 26:00).
" It really was the whole of the climate and
the whole world is concerned even if all do
not know. These are not, for this subject at
least, of the individual interests. ≪ (P7-9,
9.4 ).
So it seems that neither the interests of the
citizens, nor those of the other actors have
not been able to impose such what. To
characterize the final product from each of
the two forums, we will therefore terpret
attention has other elements of the
empirical material. A first important index
is provided by the analysis of the notion of
social justice in the course of debates has
Aix-la-Chapelle. When the first unit of
work, the citizens had the opportunity to
introduce themselves by their name and to
say why they were the. While 32 of the 50
participants gave as motivation the issue of
garbage, only three reported be the to
speak of a more equitable distribution of
the tax. The other participants were basing
their interest on the more general question
of waste (sorting and economic issues) or
even a problem of nature rather personal
(A1-1, 255
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
36-51 And 54-57). An hour later, when is
asked the question of the problems of the
current system, only 16 votes on 385
emphasize that the tax is not oriented to
the weight or the volume really picked up
that is-a-say that it does not respect the
principle of the polluter pays principle
(A5-5, 46). Most of the citizens are rather
interested in the issue of wild waste and by
that of the reserve bag to packagings
(yellow bag)22. At the beginning of the
second day of the process,
the Gerechtigkeit is always at the end of
table (A5-5, 50), but it takes more and
more importance in the course of the
discussions and soon arrived in the first
position of the votes when it comes to cite
the benefits of the system combining the
model has a column with a fixed tax (A55, 53). From that time and until the end,
the theme of social justice will accompany
the whole of votes and the discussions of
the participants. Finally if we look at the
action plans, the fair tax takes a major role.
If the citizens favor the single tax, they are
doing so with knowledge of cause and
propose solutions to face the problem of
unfairness caused by such a system. In
order to promote the selective sorting and
the reduction of the quantity produced,
they propose to divide the loads between a
fixed part and a variable part. The first
corresponding to a standard volume of
garbage torque has a free volume of
recyclables (paper and compost). The
variable part to cover the additional
volume as well as the collection of bulky.
If one turns to the process picto-charentais,
we note that the notion of general interest
there is from the beginning more evident
and presented, and the citizens have
continued to put in before they are the to
make comprehensive recommendations
concerning all the acteurs23. The set of
interviews tends to confirm this
impression: has Aix-la-Chapelle as a
Poitiers, participants, stakeholders,
politicians and organizers agree to say that
the recommendations are going more in
the direction of the general interest that in
the defense of individual interests. For
some, this state of fact is logical,
automatically derived from the process, for
others it takes to the group and has its
Constitution24. We can conclude from
these of elements
22Subject which does not officially part of
the discussion because it is outside of the
jurisdiction of the commune and does not
fall within the framework of the tax.
23See P6-6-4 (15) : " I know that there are
political trends that diverge, but the
interest is the national interest. This is the
international interest same. Everyone is
going to participate. I asked the region to
bring the elected representatives of
opposition, to convince them, to encourage
them to understand and accept certain
things to advance the approaches that are
the their. " On This kind of intervention
enamelled the whole jury.
24See A3-6 (15:44) : " Das ist der Charme
der Gesamtveranstaltung und aber auch die
Herausforderung year den
TeilnehmerInnen aus den Vortragen die da
angeboten werden, die Essenz raus zu
ziehen und zu objektivieren und dann zu
einem Gesamtbild zu Montag
Kommen. ≪ Or P3-1 (41:05) : " I think
that everyone wanted to move things, but
not personally but publicly. " On " From
the beginning? " On " not the first day,
everybody wanted to put his personal
touch, there was a sort of rivalry but then
with 256
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
That none of the interests present a priori
is imposed as such, but that it was on the
contrary could observe a process of
reinterpretation and fusion which has given
birth in set of recommendations that we
could describe as the general interest.
2.2.3 .2representatives of a new type
A perspective of long-term
" Daruber hinaus ist geplant, die
Mullgebuhren in Aachen langfristig
vollstandig abzuschaffen und stattdessen
auf Produkte umzulegen - wie es bislang
beim Dualen System der Fall war. ≪ (A55, 90).
The meal on the first evening it is the or
there are links that are created. ≪
257
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
The empirical material provides in addition
two elements leaving has suggests that the
interests that we had qualified for indirect
have been taken into account. In the first
place, the participants shall bring the longterm in the heart of their final
recommendations that an analysis of the
titles of the plans of actions has Aix-la-
Chapelle puts forward: 10 of them
sociology thematises the question of the
protection of the environment, in speaking
of " Sorting ", " reduction of the
production ", " Fairmeidung ≪25,
of " future clean and fair ", etc. conversely,
only three titles focus on the question of
the control of costs in the short term.
Poitiers has the long-term is reflected by
the insistence on the need for a change of
scale (P6-8-1, 11 but also 13 and 21-22)
and nourishes the debates. In PoitouCharentes for example, the citizens often
appeal to the concepts of sustainable
development or of generations futures26.
A Aix-la-Chapelle, the plan that collects
the most of suffrage of participants
internally in two of the four groups is that
the more clearly oriented toward the future
(cf. highlights)27. Another major indicator
of the integration of indirect interests is the
fact that the citizens are looking to the fate
of the missing. A Aix-la-Chapelle it is
mainly the socio-professional categories
below which are taken into account in the
votes intermediaries (A5-5, 67) and in the
concluding recommendations with for
example the request of the funding of an
educational program for selective sorting
seconded by the dissemination of
information in languages other than
German (A5-5, 90). Recommendation
which is translated in Poitiers in the form
of a request for a " dialog with the public
(all the pu25Game
Of word based on the mixture
between Fair and Vermeidung. The first
term refers to the social justice and the
second, literally " avoidance " on, returns
in this framework to the fact to produce
less waste: it is therefore produce less to be
more fair.
26See for example (P6-6-4, 38): " In
regard to the problems of hunger in the
world today and the surge in the prices of
cereals, the agrofuels of first generation
should no longer exist. ≪
27During the last unit, the citizens could
vote on the plans of the sub-groups of
their Planungszelle, with a voice for the
issue of the census, a voice for that of the
shape of the tax and a voice for the other
elements of the plan.
258
Illustration 52: Title for a plan of action
has Aix-la-Chapelle: " that sorts,
benefited! ≪
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Blic) ≪ it is-a-say " including those who
are in a situation of isolation as, for
example, some immigrants " (P8-6-1, 11).
A deep refusal policy develop an important
agonistic
" On the whole, it were the experts, except
the second week when policies are made. I
did not find it very constructive. Ca affects
us all and there should be no differences.
This thing should be outside the policy and
we would make. Now this is a step forward
a not in rear. ≪ (P3-2, 28:21).
" EIB dem Politikerhearing, hat man die
Vorurteile bestatigt, die man hatte. Die
haben sich direkt gestritten. "≪ Konntest
of mitreden? ≪ " Nein, die haben
untereinander gesprochen. Wir waren
wieder Publikum. ≪ (A2-14, 16:23).
One of the results the most surprising of
the study has been to see at what point the
participants are both allergic and fatalistic
face has the opposition between policy
develop an important agonistic and what
they call for the most " non-political " (P310, 26:30). This last is for them the place
of the discussion, the debate, cooperation
for " Advancing the things " (P3-1, 04:04),
and the Planungszelle as the jury of
citizens in are expressions perfect.
Conversely, the policy develop an
important agonistic is the one who disturbs
the debates, which is infertile and that it
must undergo at the meeting with the
representatives of the political parties.
During the discussions in small groups, the
partisan memberships are carefully
avoided or quickly bent when they appear
all of same (A1-2). In plenary, the selfcensorship is even stronger. The weather
plays an important role in this refusal:
in " 4 days ", there is no time to lose
to " put [the] political differences in
before " (P3-3, 24:30). All of the
interviews with the participants is its
grains of remarks censuring the
confrontational posture of political actors
and their inability to find an agreement on
subjects which should be, in their opinion,
consensual (cf. highlights).
The temptation to exceed the mandate
This is the implementation in reality, it is a
process of Reprasentation : the citizens,
armed with information more and more
numerous and various deem the various
interests at stake and the weigh, they take
the game and exceed their original
mandate, on the thematic plan but 259
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Also a procedural. A Aix-la-Chapelle the
participants contest, and this in the
four Planungszellen, some of the questions
asked and the reformulate (A1-1, 86 or
A1-2, 104). A Poitiers, that is the mandate
itself which is called into question, the
three questions raised by the region to the
jury are disputed, discussed and then
reformulated (P1-1, 29). The same is true
for the reciprocal commitments between
region and participants who are changed
between the first and the second session
before be endorsed (P6-6 -2). We found
finally in the introduction of the final
opinion a recommendation of nature
methodologique28. This temptation is
going even beyond the participation in
itself, it overflows on the after-forum. In
Germany, a part of the participants
interviewed stated be in contact in order to
prepare a press release if the report citizen
did not meet their expectations (A2-2,
29:08). A Poitiers, a participant has the act
and testified in a regional newspaper of his
experience (P6-13). In this process of
interference, the " ringleaders " play a
central role. Indeed, in the two cases, the
set of actors identify some participants as
being of the ringleaders, who speak more,
pose questions in plenary more often, and
are more a same to raise procedural issues
without however being able to lead the
debates or in terms of opinion (A2-2,
12:07). They provide a conduct reflective
of the process, leaving a play sometimes
with the nerves of the facilitators, who
recognize yet the role engine of these
participants (A5-1, 28:00). We note also
that the citizens do not hesitate has exceed
their thematic mandate and will take the
game to the representation: a Aix-laChapelle they advocate to change the act
of
28 (P6-8, 7) : " If the Region wishes that
juries citizens continue to assess global
policies such as that of the fight against
climate change, it would be desirable that
it provide a pre-assessment with encrypted
data, understandable by the layman and to
measure the budgetary efficiency has the
euro invested. But may-be should it tighten
drastically the domain has deal which
could then be focused on topics such as:
how to integrate the fight against climate
change in the building permits? What
financial solutions to induce individuals to
isolate their housing or has invest in
systems ... operating with renewable
energies? ≪
260
Illustration 53: a proposal which exceeds
the mandate is the favorite of the
participants (in down on the sheet added).
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Land on a technical point out completely
of the mandate and this recommendation
draws the vast majority of the votes (figure
53, p. 260). They also propose to submit
the governed municipal has an audit in
order to see whether we could not reduce
its costs of operation (P5-5, 79). A
Poitiers, the question of the change of
scale, which was not included in the three
issues of the mandate, becomes a crucial
point for the opinion and occupies a block
around thematic of final recommendations
(P6-8, 21).
2.2.4 ... Who knows the limits
2.2.4 .1The Repräsentation hampered
Aix and Poitiers: when the special interests
have reemerged
" Wir haben im Endeffekt Basis einer gut
burgerlichen Bevolkerungsgruppe
reprasentiert. Wir haben gesagt, dass wir
die [EinwohnerInnen of Zentrums] nicht
erziehen konnen. Dann mussen Sie den
hohen Preis zahlen. Sie waren schon
Dabei Temple in der Diskussion aber die
Entscheidung, die wir getroffen haben,
war eher fur unsere
Bevolkerungsschicht. "≪ Bewusst oder
unbewusst? ≪ " Nein, das haben wir schon
bewusst gemacht. ≪ (A2-14, 30:25).
A Aix-la-Chapelle, the interests a priori do
not seem to impose since the citizens
choose in majority the single tax
disadvantage that statistically 60% of
present. However, if we class the citizens
according to their type of habitat, we
realize that the majority of the participants
resides in small buildings or houses that isa-say that they are taking advantage of the
single tax (cf. highlights). We should
therefore reverse the previous conclusion:
the group of citizens over-represented in
the mini-public acts to defend its interests
and ignores those of the rest of the
population (A3-2, 06:13). In parallel, a
Poitiers, we can interpret the
recommendations such as the translation of
the interests of the regional majority: the
citizens respond in a particularly positive
way has the first question, the question of
evaluation. In addition, they advise has the
region to continue its actions, to strengthen
and do not sociology thematises the other
cyclical interests present a priori. They
reject in addition the representatives of the
opposition. How to explain this state of
fact? The citizens have-they are hampered
in their activity of representation? What
interests are actually imposed?
261
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Poitiers: unable to say no?
We can raise a Poitiers a number of
procedural through which have able to
achieve an over-representation of the
interests of the region. First of all, the
number of stakeholders from the region or
close to the latter was the majority. It was
not only that of the vice-presidents, but
also the first " expert " on, director of
services has the region. The second day,
one of the three speakers in the first
session was a member of the CESR.
Finally during the last session, the director
of services was present again. Then, apart
from two elected representatives of the
opposition, no one is here to present an
opinion contradictory on the policy
pursued by the region, even though such
players could be mobilised. Finally, the
region as an institution was present during
the whole of the first session of work
through one or several of the organizers,
whose presence one could suspect that it
has resulted in a certain degree of selfcensorship of citizens.
Five arguments speak however has
discharge. First, it is necessary to make a
obvious: the Poitou-Charentes region was
without doubt one of the institutions the
most committed and the most advanced in
France in the field of the fight against
climate change. It was therefore
objectively difficult for the citizens to
criticize its action29. Secondly, the need to
combat climate change is structurally
almost not put in question. The possibility
that citizens arise in contradiction with this
majority opinion was therefore rather
minimal. Moreover, when one of the
elected representatives of the opposition
questioned the relationship between
climate change and human activity, he was
widely criticized. The participants
therefore had a opinion comparable to that
of the region independently of it. Thirdly,
the citizens most critics have questioned
the deliberative process and the uneven
provision of information but never the fact
that it is taking action against climate
change. Fourthly, if we look at the
evaluation portion of the opinion there are
critical remarks on the action of the region
(P6-8-1, 8-9). Finally, none of the partners
interviewed after the jury declared having
been gene by the presence of the region
(P3-1 has P3-10). In the light of these
arguments, one can reasonably draw the
following conclusion: the citizens did not
have full freedom to say no and oppose
frontally attacks has the action and the
inte29This
Means a contrario that the region had
chosen a topic on which she took very
little risk. But according to the organizers
(P5-3 ; P5-4), the subject had been chosen
because the environment was not only a
pillar of the regional policy but that he
represented in more than one area or the
region had the most skills. It was for they
sense, therefore, to do assess this area
rather than a subordinate policy.
262
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Toils of the region for the main reason that
the latter was already a very good student
in the fight against global warming and
that themselves were convinced of the
need for action in this area. It is probably
like this can one understand the insistence
on change of scale: the citizens wanted to
play their role of representatives and have
the opportunity to formulate something by
themselves, which is their own.
Aix: " Zielkonflikte ausbalancieren "30
But let us go back to Aix-la-Chapelle or, as
we have seen, the citizens opt in majority
for the maintenance of a model has a
column (17 plans on 19) benefiting the
people more affluent and over-represented
in the Planungszellen, which would
amount to a defense of mathematical
interests. A detailed analysis of the results
requires however a temper this judgment.
First of all, virtually all plans offer
solutions to minimize the negative impact
of the system has a column on the
population it disadvantage the most. So,
we see the recommendations concerning
the authorisation of compress the garbage
(therefore optimizing the flows in the large
ensembles in which the problem of " liters
empty paid " on is the more acute) or the
request to base the key to calculating tax
not more on the surface of the apartment
but on actual production of waste.
Secondly, most of the citizens justify their
choice of the model has a column by
highlighting that a model has two or three
columns would be more just at first sight
but would eventually turn against the
whole of the citizens, and this for several
reasons. First of all, such a tax would
result in an increase of the volume of
waste wild that he should pick up in one
way or another. Then, these arrangements
would reduce the incentive to sort which
would increase the costs of treatment of
residual waste and reduce the financial
receipts coupled has a sort of qualite31.
Finally, the model has two or three
columns would require a logistical effort
of calculation of several taxes for each
household which would result in an overall
cost therefore higher by a generalized
increase in the tax in gross terms and by an
unfolding30(
P5-5, 79) : title of one of the plans of
action translatable by " balancing the
conflicting goals. ≪
31In effect, as several speakers
emphasized during the discussions, a
differentiated tax depending on the type of
waste pushes a part of the population is not
availing of paper bins and compost in
order to make savings. But these homes
produce all of even this type of garbage,
and they are encouraged either has to get
rid in the dustbin reserved for residual
waste either has them do the " tourism "
on it is-a-say throw them in edge of road
or near containers intended for other
purposes: this are the wild waste.
263
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
TION of its calcul32. In reality, the logic
has the implementation is the following:
for the participants, the justice resides in
the principle of the polluter pays principle
and they stress throughout the units of
work the importance
of Verursachergerechtigkeit, literally
the " justice for those responsible " (A5-5,
57). This pushes has to want to include the
merchants and the industry in the new tax
by going on the contrary of the interests of
these actors. This interpretation also
explains why the citizens are both troubled
by " the wild waste " which are the sign of
an injustice because it cannot identify the
perpetrators but that the costs that are
related must be brought by the entire
community (A5-5, 68). In the end, and as
the perfectly summarises the title of one of
the plans, it should be " balance between
conflicting objectives ≪, weigh between
categories such as simplicity, the gross
cost and net cost, the importance of
individual behavior and the need to make
joint efforts, justice arithmetic and
geometric. We find the idea of a general
interest at the crossroads of societal
requirements and of the freedom of the
individual. If the status quo is imposed, it
is because it was for the participants the
best way to achieve this equilibre33.
2.2.4 .2a golden cage
An external mandate and imperative
" Der Auftrag war, eine gerechtere
Verteilung der Mullgebuhren zu-. ≪ (A21, 10:50).
" We must do as a jury of Assisi, we must
give our response of citizen and not an
expert. We must answer three questions
and bring new ideas. ≪ (P1-1, 50).
The whole of the activity representative of
citizens is yet limited by a series of
contingencies that we cannot ignore the
first of which is the question of the
mandate. The latter is fixed by the
principal authority which therefore can
carefully choose the question, and ask the
limits. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the municipal
council excludes all questions concerning
32As the stressed stark one of respondents
(A2-2, 32:55) : " Das Thema war etwas
mit Gerechtigkeit. Wir haben bemerkt,
dass gerechte Verteilung Blodsinn allein
ist, vor german, weil die deutschen neigen
dazu, etwas so lange gerecht zu Machen,
bis es uberhaupt nicht mehr handhabbar
ist. Aussi, wir haben gesagt: das wichtigste
ist, dass es is as easy as making ist und,
dass es gerecht aussieht. ≪
33For an example of this attitude, cf. A6-4
(7.1 ) : " Wie dachten Sie direkt nach der
Erfahrung uber die Ergebnisse der
Planungszelle? " On " Ich war froh dass
unsere Planungszelle meinte, went beim
alten zu lassen, weil ich das fur die
Kostengunstigste, unkomplizierteste und
gerechteste Losung stopover. ≪
264
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
The organization of the municipal
government (A2-2, 14:46). A Poitiers, the
region posed a question on a subject
consensual in a policy area in which its
balance sheet is good. In this sense, the
participants receive an imperative
mandate. In addition, they do not
understand themselves but receive a theme
of work, with an agenda that they can
theoretically not influence: the
stakeholders, as well as the representatives
of the individual interests invited to submit
their views, are fixed in advance. We saw
earlier that the citizens will not leave
completely confine within these limits, but
same as well, they have a low margin of
maneuver, with however a difference
between the two experiments; the
procedural format chosen has Poitiers has
allowed a greater freedom of action of
citizens, as we will see in the next chapter.
Note that such a limitation can be
interpreted either as the realization of a
hold of the theory of democracy random
(which sought to reduce the independence
of representatives) either as a sign of
failure those who call for their wishes of
sorpresentants masters of their agenda.
TO forced march toward the general
interest
" The problem is that we all put our
questions in a funnel. At the end, ca is
coming out in a barrel. Namely if the
concentrate will be good or the
concentrate will be vinegar, have
faith. ≪ (P6-6-4, 13).
A detailed look at the process has the
implementation in the two forums clearly
shows that everything is done to push the
citizens toward a position taking into
account all the interests. Thus, the mandate
has Aix-la-Chapelle was not the
formulation of recommendations for the
new tax but the formulation of
recommendations to make the new tax
more fair (A5-5, 18). The questions asked
in the various units of work were, they
also, the emphasis on this aspect, which
has default, perhaps there would be not
been mentioned or made priority by
citizens (cf. illustration 54, p. 266). A
Poitiers also, the mandate focused on
recommendations for action the regional
actors, issue non-neutral in itself which
gave a direction to the project. This finding
is at first sight trivial
since Planungszellen juries and citizens
have been specifically designed for the
purpose of allowing participants to make
recommendations of general interest. The
fact remains that such an observation led to
two conclusions about the test of
theoretical expectations. First, it confirms
that the two models chosen are not adapted
to the test of the proposals 265
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
In which deliberation is not a central
component. Secondly, this raises the
question of the real power of the speakers,
facilitators and organizers.
The power to the speakers, facilitators and
organizers?
" Ah ben the, this is a political forum, the
jury of citizens. We are in the midst, with
may-be even the influences of party and
lobbies, things like that. The citizen is in a
political forum, to serve a political
orientation. ≪ (P4-5, 05:20).
We have seen previously that the citizens
to act very independently of the individual
interests doors by the stakeholders. They
recognize as such, give them an
informative role central but have no
illusions about their neutrality that they do
wish to not even. On the contrary, they
consider that the influence they have is of
a positive nature, since it helps to advance
the debats34. In fact, it even seems that
stakeholders are more hard with
themselves and see themselves as
potentially dangerous and in ability to
influence citizens (A3-3, 07:00 ; P4-1,
20:41). The empirical material therefore
seems rather show that the power of the
stakeholders is fairly limite35. The
animators as has them, do not seem too
concerned about their power (P5-1, 45:00)
and are not seen as that can strongly
influence the decision-making process and
the deliberations of the citizens. They are
judges as neutral and competent in their
work of animation36. The
34P3-1 (16:23) : " Thinkest thou that the
stakeholders can influence the opinion of
citizens? " " Yes " " Is that what it is? ≪
" Ah yes ... ah yes, ca helps to advance
much more quickly the things. ≪
35We shall revert to this point as a cross in
the next chapter.
36For Poitiers see illustration 51, p. 255. A
Aix-la-Chapelle, 83 of the 89 respondents
to the final questionnaire consider the
neutrality of animators as " high " or " very
high " on and six the consider as " in the
average " (A5-5, 94). The interviews
confirm this impression. Cf. A2-10 (24:09)
or P3-3 (15:30).
266
Illustration 54: Example of questionnaire
for the work in a small group.
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Only strong criticism has their respect is in
reality has understood as a criticism of
their role of organizers. In effect, Poitiers,
the animators were also organizers and it is
this double quality which has been
criticized by some participants. A Aix-laChapelle on the contrary, one of the
organizers is remains purely in this role,
which has probably reinforced the sense of
neutrality of the organization team in the
eyes of the citizens. But we see here the
crucial question of the exact power of the
organizers on the mini-public. The latter
does not appear to be negligible since the
latter fix, in agreement with the
constituents, the list of stakeholders - it isa-say in reality the list of interests - which
may take the floor during deliberations.
They also define the program of work, the
intermediate questions, and can define the
methodology used to aggregate the
opinions. The real power to set the agenda
is therefore between their hands, which
begun strongly the independence of the
activity of representation of participants. A
situation that can be compounded if the
agents also play the role of organizers.
Specifically, it seems that a Poitiers certain
interests particularly critical have not had a
place in the debates. As well, a regional
association of fight against the
establishment of wind turbines has she not
been invited during the discussion with the
actors regionaux37. Of the same no
intervener " officially " on criticism on the
connection between global warming and
human activity has been invited during the
session with the three experts of the first
weekend. A choice openly assumed by the
constituents/organizers who argue that the
purpose of the jury was not to discuss the
problem of global warming but rather to
assess the action already carried out and to
propose new tracks (P4-1, 24:00 ; P5-1,
18:28). Even more critical was the fact
that some stakeholders are at the same time
constituents and organizers. A Aix-laChapelle, the situation seems to have been
more clear, although the organizers had
resorted - or rather have seen impose some speakers by the institution principal.
It can therefore be concluded that the
control of the agenda by the organizers and
facilitators is able to compromise the
theoretical expectation of a renewed
representation, without in so far as this is
automatic.
37Removing by the same any
contradictory nature to the debate given
that the other players were all three assets
in the field of sustainable development and
therefore little inclined to criticize the
regional initiatives that were going in the
direction of their interests. 267
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
2.2 .5Results
If one is now on the questions posed in the
introduction of the reflection on the
activity of representation in the two mini-
public, one can draw the following balance
sheet. A Aix-la-Chapelle as a Poitiers, it
has been observed nor a pure mathematical
defense of the interests of the constituents,
nor a game of reciprocity reflexive nor
even a single reconvergence of interests
but a mixture of the three in the form of a
definition of the general interest. The
participants are entered into the world of
complexity and have - guides by the hand formula what they thought was the general
interest taking into account not only their
interests but also a maximum of other
points of views sometimes divergent, of
times even absent during the forum. In
response to the question of the limitation
of adverse effects of the
professionalization of the political, we note
well a position of independence vis-a-vis
the interests in presence. If some are
reflected in recommendations or are
particularly put in before, it is because the
participants are convinced of their
legitimacy. In this framework, the
expression jury seems to take all its
meaning. Concerning the problem of
the Fraktionszwang, we can already note
the propensity of participants to reject the
policy develop an important agonistic and
has to put in a long-term thinking. By
report has the question of control of the
political agenda and has the concomitant
of the mandate, it has been observed that if
the citizens have a strong inclination to
exceed their original mandate and to
interfere more forward in the agenda, the
latter is, in the first instance fixed from the
outside and is reflected by an imperative
mandate. The efforts of the participants of
the effects within the procedure but little
has the outside.
2.3A accountability satisfactory in the eyes
of the actors
2.3 .1Translation of expectations
We have seen in chapter 3 that the authors
supporters of the prize draw are genes by
the question of the accountability of ex
post and they put forward a form more
diffuse accountability centered on the
representative character ex ante of the
sample as well as on the existence of a
relationship between the members of the
latter and the public opinion. Some authors
argue for their part that the accountability
is not necessary since the group drawn by
lot 268
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Represents de facto the whole of the
population and that the accountability
would put its impartiality in game. To
translate these expectations we will
proceed in such a way as inductive in
seeking what the actors of the two projects
define them-even as theaccountability in
light in each case if it took place at Aix-laChapelle and Poitiers.
2.3 .2a concept sum any classic of
theaccountability
" What was different in relation to other
forums where i rise of habit ... it was the
character of invested members of the jury
of citizens, to feel responsible for a mission
that they had been entrusted and to which
they had responded present virtually body
and soul ... they had a copy has make and
they felt responsible. In other forums such
as the academic conferences, there is more
to assert staff. The there was the
determination to bring about a common
work. ≪ P4-1 (14:06).
The empirical material gives a see that the
actors of the two countries rely, against the
theoretical expectations, on a classical
concept of theaccountability view as the
accountability of representatives to their
constituents objectives and subjective, by
formal and informal means, with the
possibility of sanctions and with an
expectation of reciprocity.
2.3.2 .1Accountable to constituents
objectives and subjective
The citizens learned the fate have received
in the two countries an official mandate
from the hand of the commune and the
region. Mandate endorsed by the signing
of a commitment in the two countries that
was the condition of payment of the
compensation for participation. The
campaign of interviews revealed that
participants have also had the feeling to
have to be accountable to the whole of
their fellow citizens (P6-6-4, 51). An
obligation of a moral nature based on the
fact that they had the feeling of having
been chosen to represent all the citizens of
their city or region (cf. illustration 47, p.
245).
2.3.2 .2by formal and informal ways of
" We are in the idea to be actors and full
citizens, that is the impression that we
have had and to be messengers also of
other citizens. ≪ (P6-9-1, 01:00).
To fulfill this mission the participants
reported having had several means at their
disposal. First of all, they are supported on
the report citizen who represented the
document 269
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Official and public by which they
responded to the mandate and rendered the
formal accounts. The remit of the report at
a ceremony remains in the two countries a
key moment of the accountability process
for all the actors. Such an event is an
opportunity for the participants to
terminate symbolically their work as
representatives and to entrust the outcome
of their deliberation to representative
bodies classics just as much as has the
whole of the public sphere (P3-3, 00:48).
On a more informal, they took the
initiative to make its accounts in the public
sphere, including the press (P6-13). They
finally have to most endorsed the role of
multiplier in their entourage by a process
of personal accountability (A6-1 has A610 PROBE and P7-1 to P7-9, 10.1 a 11.5 ).
2.3.2 .3with possibility of sanctions
In a representative framework classic, the
sanction of the accountability is the (non) re-election. The participants in the two
forums interpret as has them the notion of
sanction in the form of the taken into
account or not of their recommendations
by the representative sphere traditional
(A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 to P7-
9, 7.1 and 7.2 ). They articulate that the
whole exercise would be only a farce if the
recommendations are not considered (P2-1
to P2-22, in particular the question 8).
2.3.2 .4and reciprocal manner
Up to the present, it was therefore a kind
of parallel between
theaccountability classic and the one in
play during the mini-public. The empirical
study leaves however show a significant
difference since the representatives learned
the fate who are accountable to their
constituents elected by vote, are expecting
a " return ofaccountability " on the part of
the latter. It is-a-say that they continually
stress the importance that has for them the
fact that the commune of Aix-la-Chapelle
and the Regional Council of PoitouCharentes meet their recommendations.
This expectation is shared by the players
who have put in place the experiments in
the purpose, among others, to fulfill their
own obligation ofaccountability. It is the
final in the presence of a interactive design
and reciprocal accountability. The latter is
all of the same discount in question by the
opponents was the establishment of the
jury of citizens and of the Planungszelle,
who deny - as we shall see later - the
legitimacy of same sorpresentants and by
way of consequence their capacity and
their ability to render accounts. 270
2. Represented by the drawing and the
deliberation?
2.3 .3Results
The empirical investigation therefore tends
to show that accountability has the
implementation at the two mini-public is
of classic form with a character innovative
interactive. The expectations of the theory
therefore do not appear from this point of
view totally realized.
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
The texts studied in the chapter three of
which contain expectations very
enthusiastic in the area of political
participation. The draw should allow a
participation of all (3.1 ), mobilizing the
skills citizens (3.2 ) and initiating a process
of empowerment (3.3 ), while giving each
citizen the chance to become the decisive
voter (3.4 ). Now we will see what he has
been has Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers.
3.1All and not everyone: "We have a small
end of the world to our table "38
3.1 .1Translation of expectations
The authors supporters of the draw argue
that the participation of more and more
low of citizens by the conventional
channels is greatly due to the fact that the
latter are not interesting from a utilitarian
view. They bet that the use of the draw
would give a real power to the citizens and
would reverse the calculation. What has he
been has Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers?
How was the recruitment process? What
were the motivations to participate or to
refuse? The retribution of participating
citizens has she been a decisive factor in
their participation? What were the barriers
and professional family has overcome?
Who was absent? A second expectation of
theorists is that the drawing would broaden
the participation has new circles and would
result in a redefinition of the boundaries of
citizenship. What has he been in the two
countries?
38Presentation of citizens by themselves
during the first unit of work has Poitiers
(P1-1, 14).
271
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
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3.1 .2why citizens participate?
3.1.2 .1The subject, the model, the Context
" Was hat Sie letztendlich zur Teilnahme
bewegt? " On " Das Thema Mull Schon,
aber das Verfahren nicht wirklich. Das ist
eher ein allgemeines Interested year die
Kommunalpolitik. ≪ HAS2-10 (01:00).
" And finally why you participated? Rather
because of the subject or rather because of
the model? ≫≪ The subject. But also the
context, that we are being asked as simple
citizens. ≪ P3-10 (0:35).
The issue of motivations has the
participation has been an issue detached as
well during the two forums that during the
campaign of interviews: most of the
German citizens of the first and
second Planungszellen (respectively 13
and 18 people) have said be here because
they are interested primarily in the subject,
against 8 and 3 who said to be interested
mainly in the process (A1-1, 36-51 and 5457). In France, most of the participants
justified their presence as much because of
the subject that the model (P6-6-1, 1). The
analysis of the interviews helps to clarify a
little this attitude. Number of respondents
report that the decisive factor in their
participation has been the subject, which
was a concern of private order. But the
vast majority added quickly that the model,
i.e. for most the opportunity to give its
opinion, has also weighed in the balance.
Finally, for some, the political context has
been important. A Aix-la-Chapelle the
timeliness of a referendum on popular
initiative directed against a project of the
municipal council has been able to play a
role39. A Poitiers, it seems obvious that
the fact that SéGolã¨ne Royal is
chairperson of the Region has motivated
some participants to take part, whether that
be in a optical of support or criticism (P31, 43:00 ; P5-1, 01:02 AM:30).
3.1.2 .2False obstacles and real incentives
The theorists of the draw in politics are, for
the most of the opinion that the
participation should be remunerated, to
compensate the work, give a symbolic
character has the participation, expressing
the gratitude of the community but also to
motivate certain occupational categories. If
we are to believe the persons interviewed,
these three elements
39It was the construction of a museum in
the city center, near the historic dome.
During the Planungszellen and interviews,
the voting, which was held in December
2006, was still in the minds.
272
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Are combined has Aix-la-Chapelle and
Poitiers. Most consider that the sum
received is compensation justified and that
it plays a role of symbolic recognition of
the work done. In their majority, the
citizens also feel that the money can
motivate the poorest, the most wealthy and
most young people to take part. On the
other hand nobody said have been
motivated primarily by the argent40. This
opinion is found very widely shared by all
stakeholders, politicians and
organisateurs41. Contrary to what one
might think, the obstacles professionals
have not seemed hinder many participants.
This is explained in part by the proportion
of pensioners and members of the liberal
professions, although the latter have
stressed the constraint imposed after the
fact by the participation in order to catch
up the backlog (A2-1, 03:49 AM ; A2-2,
06:12). However, even the employees and
the workers were able to free themselves
for the time of the sessions without too
much difficulty (P3-3, 01:30). The family
obligations have posed a problem for the
young mothers (P3-18, 03:30) but they are
reached has to arrange with family or has
to organize grace to reimbursement of the
custody of the children by the forum
organizer. On the other hand, it is
surprising to note that a number of
participants had the feeling that their
entourage was, before the participation,
more skeptical that them-even on the
model (P3-4, 01:32).
3.1 .3The absent and the abandonments
3.1.3 .1The question without real answer
A Aix-la-Chapelle, 1200 invitation have
summers sent (A1-1, 6) and have helped to
recruit 96 participants. A Poitiers it took
nearly 1500 phone calls to bring together
26 participants (P1-1, 14). These rates of
return are certainly better than those
observed in other types of proceedings as
the polls or questionnaires, they
nevertheless remain weak. It is very far
from the expectation of a massive
participation of the population: the offer of
participation is not sufficient to create the
request. Beyond this finding, it should be
of interest to those who are absent. We
have seen previously that the foreigners,
the more young and the PCS lower and
40The two interviewees who were
unemployed during the mini-public have
not differed on this point. See A2-18
(05:30) and P3-5 (07:10).
41See A3-3 (03:40) : " Wenn das nicht der
Fall ware, wurden viã¨le absagen. Dann
hatte man: 'I ride with reprasentativen
Querschnitt, weil die Leute sehr wenig
saying goes haben oder ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung Arbeit
sehr angewiesen sind, wurden
absagen. ≪ Or P4-4 (10:45) : "For me it is
essential ... ] It must be the means and it is
necessary that people be compensated. It is
like someone who participates has a jury of
assize. ≪
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Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
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Above were - particularly has Aix-laChapelle - under-represented. In the two
experiments which we are interested, it is
very difficult to speculate on the reasons
general having pushed the citizens refused
to participate. And we will have to leave
this question largely unanswered. A few
elements have however could not be
gleaned during the recruitment has Poitiers
(P5-3, 36:37). The reason most often
given was the advanced age or a reduced
mobility. In second place came from
reasons of availability. The organizers say
that they have had virtually no refusal
based on a rejection of the model or of the
subject. They also found that few
individuals are backed out after a first
positive reaction.
3.1.3 .2Bit of abandons
This is also a central finding in the two
countries. Once the citizens have given
their agreement, they tend to come and
stay. In both forums, and therefore on the
124 participants recruited, there were only
five drop-outs (including two just before
and three during), all for reasons of health
or urgent family (two deaths, a work
accident, two diseases). Further note that a
participant non-German-speaking has Aixla-Chapelle who wanted to abandon has
finally been able to continue grace in
through his daughter who has played the
role of translator.
3.1 .4Results
The empirical material therefore delivers a
mixed picture which do partly satisfied the
theoretical expectations. On one side it has
not " all " on the citizens, and it is not
known why the absent Not participating:
the offer of participation is not sufficient to
create the request. On the other hand, when
the citizens respond, they are enthusiastic
and did not abandon more the approach;
they do not seem in addition not refuse by
principle the participation has a minipublic.
3.2" The opinion of Mr. all-the-world" ?42
3.2 .1Translation of expectations
It was pointed out that the authors of the
corpus theoretical defend a new definition
of citizen competence, characterized by its
multidimensional nature, relative and
dyna42P222, 8: " The opinion has the merit to exist,
to be apolitical and is the reflection of a
neutral jury and popular, the opinion of
Mr. all-the-world. ≪
274
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Economic. These expectations can be
translated in the following manner: what
knowledge the citizens have they
mobilized during the two forums? Was it a
knowledge of use or the participants-they
rather fact call has a citizen expertise
and/or technical? And what has been their
report to stakeholders: Have they had
recourse to a critical competence vis-a-vis
the experts? And how the different actors
have-they judge the competence of
members of the group?
3.2 .2lovers of policy, at Aix-la-Chapelle
and Poitiers
" I have a little boy who prepared the
business of plumber, I thought he could
turn to the new energies, but today it is
still studying the plumbing of grandpapa! ≪ (P6-6-1, 12).
" Without having the scientific knowledge,
everyone has at least the competencies
conferred upon his experience in an area
or the other. ≪ (P7-6, 6.3 ).
The citizens are mobilizing as well the
register of the good sense and knowledge
of use that the more technical and critical
of the citizen expertise, what is noted in
the plenary sessions but also during the
small groups: the personal experience
provides the basis for a question, given the
weight has an argument later, launched a
discussion which then becomes more
generale43. The analysis of a session of
questions in each of the forums will
illustrate this connection. A Aix-laChapelle, the work unit eight was devoted
was the regional incinerator. The
participants of the group three have asked
14 questions, and those of the group four
were asking 25. Among this set, 30 had to
subject the incinerator itself. Nine of these
dealt more specifically its technical
operation, nine had for object the
composition and the nature of the waste
treated, four were concentrated on the
question of costs and tariffs, four
addressed the report between the
incinerator and its environment, four
finally were relative to the rate of filling,
theme particularly sensitive has Aix-laChapelle44. Among the remaining issues,
seven had to object of broader topics
concerning waste in gene43See
For example A2-17 (50:30) : " War die
Alltagliche Erfahrung it? " On " Ja, ich
glaube Schon, dass es zunachst poorly ein
wichtiges Argument war. " ON Poitiers see
for example P3-4 (37:30) : " Thou hast
used thy own experience during the
discussions? " On " Yes, I saw what i was
doing and what I could do. Yes, personal
stuff. The experience ... there is nothing
better than the experience. ≪
44In effect the construction of an
incinerator if large for the single city of
Aix-la-Chapelle was the opportunity for a
broad debate, regarding his employment
and especially of the suspicions of
corruption.
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Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
RAL and the question of the yellow bag
(five questions) and two concerned the
waste policy has Aix-la-Chapelle. Finally
two questions were of nature
personnelle45.
A Poitiers we can take the first session of
questions in the presence of defectsregional presidents responsible for the
environment and for participatory
democracy. The citizens have asked a total
of 14 questions, of which seven were the
policy against global warming, three
involved participatory democracy, three a
field even more general and a was of
nature personnelle46. This example is
representative of the whole of the working
sessions and shows that the balance is
tipped pretty clearly on the side of the
generality. If the citizens are mobilizing
their own experience in the formulation of
their questions, these relate most often on
the subject of technical manner and
general. The citizens are also particularly
attentive and sensitive to the comments of
stakeholders. They are evidence of a
critical sense very pushed and if they are
of the opinion that the stakeholders should
not and cannot in all ways not remain
completely neutral, they do not hesitate to
put in the wrong position, a claim of
additional digits, has asked questions that
hinder (A3-4, 9:50 PM ; P3-2, 23:26).
This impression is also that that leave the
citizens among stakeholders and
politicians who have participated in two
forums, even when the latter criticize the
procedure itself or bring into doubt the
possibility for citizens to deal with such a
problem in so little time (A3-2, 01:15 AM
or A3-5, 09:14 AM ; P4-2, 12:16 AM and
12:41).
3.2 .3" not competent, but responsible"
Participant 1 (P1): " I think it is a little
incompetent; we had an information that
the regional council; we need conflicting
advice. ≪ P2: " we are being asked to be
novice not competent, we are asked to
have a next citizen. ≪ P3: " We are
competent; if we were not then democracy
would have no
45A1-2 (108-112) : " or do I throw my
paper has bubble? " On " What happens if I
do not sort? ≪
46A question of the first category was for
example: " That fact the region to raise
awareness among children? ≪, Of the
second: " Is there a follow-up to the money
spent in the framework of the GLP " and
the third " What would happen if i
chauffais to wood? ≪ (P1-1, 36-37). 276
Illustration 55: a participant has Poitiers,
working on " the climate crisis " on.
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Meaning; it is because the citizen is
competent that it can vote ; but we do not
have any the environmental
knowledge. ≪ P4:" I replace competent by
responsible, it is not competent but it is
responsible. ≪ (P6-3, 4).
A more particular attention has the whole
empirical material pushes however has
relativize the first impression. First of all,
the citizens do not feel capable of
mastering all the elements in play. They
often emphasize the limits of their
competence during the forum, in particular
when the discussions are to develop, in
plenary, on the meaning and the limits of
the approach. This process of frustration
by report has the procedure and the subject
reached its climax at the end of the second
day of work. The participants are asking
for figures, are discussing the interest of
their presence and the tension mounted.
The animators accustomed to the process
cannot be fooled yet not impress by this
development that they know as " the
frustration of the Tuesday " on and which
corresponds to the awareness on the part of
participants of the limits of the procedure
and the mandat47. In the French case, the
participants are of the opinion that they
cannot conduct an evaluation of public
policy, in all cases not within the
framework which was propose48. In both
cases, however, the citizens are a posteriori
satisfied by their work and the notice that
they have produced and they consider as
sufficiently good to be rendered to their
principal and serve as a basis for policy
publique49. Another limitation is the fact
of the presenters. The latter often stress to
the participants that their role is that
of " ordinary citizens " on, and that is not
expected of them a technical opinion but
an opinion citizen. They sometimes cut
short has requests for additional
information and regulate the field of
jurisdiction citoyenne50. Finally,
stakeholders felt that the participants are
interested, motivated, serious but question
their character of experts. They recognize
their capacity to produce an opinion
47The name comes from the German
organizers who in the conduct of the
Planungszelle which usually begins a
Monday.
48P6-6-4 (50) : " Michel, Jean and mesame, as citizens' juries, we have had the
impression of not having enough
explanation. There has been the impression
of not having enough data, and not be in
ability to assess the investment of the
region on the annual budget. ≪
49 (A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 to
P7-9, 7.1 and 7.2 )
50A1-1 (64): participant 1 (P1): " I want
the figures, we do not have enough ".
Facilitator 1 (A1) : " No, not of numbers,
you have done enough in head and thirty
years of experience have shown that this
does serves has nothing " on. P2: " How
can I work without numbers? ≪. A1
responds: " You are not experts but
experts-citizens, you have been drawn and
are the only for 4 days. ≪
277
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Of enlightened amateurs, based on their
daily experience51 and are sometimes
jealous of the chance they have to receive
such a diversity of information diverse and
specialized (A3-4, 26:40).
3.2 .4Results
The empirical study allows to conclude
that the theoretical expectations in terms of
jurisdiction are widely carried out. The
citizens are mobilizing a large diversity of
knowledge, font call has their own
knowledge and has their experience as the
basis of their argument but also has
registers more technical. They also adopt a
modest position vis-a-vis their own
jurisdiction which they consider as relative
and limited ; but sufficient to render an
opinion and responsible citizen. So they
look like well has these amateurs of policy
that the authors refer to their wishes.
3.3The empowerment of citizens
3.3 .1Translation of expectations
For most of the supporters of the draw in
politics, participation has a forum such as
the Planungszelle or the jury of citizens
would constitute a school practice of
politics and democracy, having at
minimum learning effects but which could
also be the spark of the awakening has the
citizen life. We will begin by analysing the
gain of knowledge (Fachkompetenzen).
Specifically, is it past of a
speech " layman " on a speech " technical "
on and there has been case has a raise in
generality? The citizens have they changed
their opinion during the process? Beyond
these knowledge, have they
acquired Handlungskompetenzen, that is to
say the social skills and policies? In one
case as in the other, what happened after
the participation? The citizens have they
acted differently just after the mini-public?
And in the medium term? Were they used
as a multiplier to change? All citizens have
they benefited from the empowerment or
has there been of inequalities?
51See, for example, A3-10 (11:53) : " Man
hat schon bemerkt, dass sie sich mit dem
Thema beschaftigt haben und auch ihre
alltagliche velocity Erfahrung
haben. ≪ For Poitiers see P4-2-2 (03:41)
: " Is it that you would say the citizens are
competent? " On " Non-this is not the way
that it must be said, they are concerned, it
affects their daily lives. ≪
278
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
3.3 .2The gain of knowledge
(Fachkompetenzen)
3.3.2 .1" MVA ", " KAG-NRW " and
" Grund- und Zusatzgebühr " on one side,
"VMC", "Prev" and "energy autonomy" of
the other52
" Infolge der Modernisierung wird nach
dem KAG-NRW und nach LAbfG
proportional, Typengenau, kosten-deckend
gearbeitet und der Wirklichkeits- und
Wahr-scheinlichkeitsmasstab eingehalten.
Soziale Staffelung, fehlende Gefasgrosen,
Mindestentleerung und die Pflicht-Bio-
Tonne fallen bei der Modernisierung
weg. ≪ (A5-5, 86).
" You had the impression of being able to
act and intervene in the beginning? " On
" not at the beginning. Then yes, I have
equated not evil of questions. And after we
can ask a few questions. But at the
beginning it was rather interest has to
listen. ≪ (P3-4, 36:00).
If it was noted previously that the citizens
are mobilizing a whole palette of registers
in their interventions and of their
discussions, it is undeniable that the mark
between the first and the last day a trend
has the mastery of more and more
important issues and of the topic. We note
that the citizens are appropriating little has
little technical terms employed by the
stakeholders. They begin by do not
understand, ask for clarification and
details. And then reuse the day after these
data for new questions, and even to
challenge the arguments employed by a
new intervenant53. There is also a slight
tendency has the rise in generality. The
notes taken during the observation show
that the general discussions appear
frequently that this is when small groups
of work or during the plenieres54. This
rise seems to culminate in the two forums
the last day at the time or the participants
are the record of their work before they put
it in the drafting of the final
recommendations. For example, a Poitiers
undertakes a discussion on of52All
These terms are present in the
recommendations of citizens and have
emerged during the presentations of the
speakers before that participants will do
the retrieve. In the order found
the Mullverbrennungsanlage (MVA incinerator),
the Kreiswirtschaftabfallgesetz des Landes
Nordrhein-Westfalen (KAG-NRW - Act on
the cyclical economy of waste of the Land
of North Rhine-westphalia ), mechanical
ventilation controlled (VMC) and the
regional plan energy climate (PREC).
53See, for example, A1-1 (79) : " Sie
sagen, dass die Prokopfgebuhr in Aachen
niedrig ist. Aber gestern hat der
Vortragende gezeigt, dass die Gebuhr im
NRW Spiegel hoch ist, insbesondere im
Vergleich mit Koln. Wie Sie erklaren
das? ≪
54See for example the debate in a small
group around the question " what system
of census of waste is just and appropriate
from the point of view of the producer of
junk? ≪ (A1-2, 106). During the
discussion, one participant
intervenes: " The debate here is to know
what is fair and what we want. These are
two different things ". A second participant
responds to this note and concludes " This
would be a just solution but is not
compatible with human nature ", what a
third participant responds: " The justice
that is good but too expensive. ≪
279
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Representative democracy and the
meaning of participatory democracy. A
Aix-la-Chapelle, the format of animation
leaves less place has such discussions, but
these are reflected in the small groups (A12, 96-97).
3.3.2 .2learning and change of opinion
" Ich war entsetzt vorher, dass eine Stadt
250 000euros as so ein Verfahren ausgibt.
Sie hat eine Verwaltung und muss in der
Lage stayed within Sichtpunkten zu
betrachten. Ich habe nachher die
Komplexitat of Themas gesehen und habe
Dabei Temple bemerkt, dass die
Verwaltung in gewissen befangen Sachen
ist ... Ich habe aussi meine Aussage
revidiert. ≪ (A2-17, 03:45).
" I have learned things about the subject,
on agrofuels, on the carbon sinks.
Otherwise, I have begun to read on
hydrogen. ≪ (P3-2, 32:00).
The gradual control of the topic past by
learning. In both countries, the vast
majority of citizens declared
having " learned things " on55 and feel
more competent at the end of the forum.
They also note that they know more now
that their entourage. The gain of
knowledge seems also result in changes of
opinions. 73 Per Cent of participants in
Germany, for instance say i have had a
change of mind during the Planungszellen.
In their explanations they underline the
fact that these changes are the result of the
discussion and of the presentation of
information and points of views varied.
3.3 .3The gain of skills
(Handlungskompetenzen)
3.3.3 .1The learning of soft skills
" Ich habe gelernt, dass Lobbies starkeren
einen Einfluss auf
Meinungsbildungsprozesse in der
Bevolkerung haben, als ich dies zuvor
hatte gedacht. Aus diesem Grund fand ich
die stetig wechselnden Gruppen in der
Planungszelle eine tolle Moglichkeit, das
Aufkommen von " Alpha-Tieren " und
Meinungsmachern zu unterbinden. Im
Rahmen meiner beruflichen Tatigkeit setze
ich aus o.g. Grunden wechselnde
Teamkonstellationen ein und hinterfrage
allgemein politische identifiable in
hoherem Mase im Hinblick auf die oben
genannten substitute. ≪ (A6-5, 12.1 ).
55The answer has the corresponding issue
of the survey later gave 94% yes and 6%
of no opinion. Cf. A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE
(12.1 ) and P7-1 P7-9 (12.1 ): " Have you
learned things during the jury? ≪. The
interviews involved very largely the same
opinion.
280
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
Beyond the thematic knowledge, the
participants declare having acquired social
skills. Most of the people interviewed said
as well having learned the group work, the
deliberative discussion, listening to
different opinions. Some participants use
the same techniques of group discussion
and deliberation in their professional life
after the forum. Some have the feeling that
the participation their has also allowed us
to see the world, to " get out of [their
shell " (P3-2, 03:00).
3.3.3 .2multipliers Enthusiastic
" During these days of work which have
been intense enough, we have been quite
close to each other by report has this
subject-the. It seems to me unfortunate that
one is left and that we parte all in the
nature and that we were lost from sight. I
would have liked, for those who want, that
there be a list of our names, addresses and
where you can join, our centers of interest,
or even our experiences in this area. It is a
little silly that there be at least one who
seeks people competent to do something
when one of us has done, etc. It is a start
of a network to combat global
warming. ≪ (A6-6-4, 35).
Once out of the bubble deliberative,
participants return to their life of all days
but are still marked by the experience not
only on the short-term but also in the
medium and even long term. Between the
working sessions and just after the forum,
they say they have spoken with their
entourage of the subject to inform (A2-10,
35:30), to argue, to " remove the
arguments of coffee trade " on which
circulate but also to convince others to
change their behavior (P3-3, 02:40). Two
and three years after, they say be still
influenced by the experience in their daily
lives. They act otherwise, font more
attention to the waste they produce, has the
energy they consume: a participant has
Poitiers installed same photovoltaic panels
was the result of the jury, another a pump
has chaleur56. The interviews reveal that
the deliberative experience in itself marked
a good part of the citizens. Capacitate is
undeniable.
3.3.3 .3an awakening to the paradoxical
policy?
" The fact of working with
people " ordinary " on a complex question
and produce a result demonstrates the
potential of compe56A
Additional index of this empowerment is
the rate of return in the inquiry posterior,
which is substantially higher than the
figures recorded in the comparable
procedures. A Poitiers it is mounted has
36% and has Aix-la-Chapelle has 40 %,
although these figures must be themselves
considered with caution.
281
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Democratic coexistence that conceals the
people. This makes it even more unfair
confiscation of power by the
policies. ≪ (P7-2, 10.4 ).
" Manchmal, muss ich sagen, ich wunsche
mir eine Planungszelle fur die Politiker mit
vielleicht eine aus When Politiker und
Burgern. Da wurde man ein bisschen mehr
Verstandnis fur handle identifiable der
Politiker haben. ≪ (A2-16, 01:08 AM:30).
For a good part of the theorists, the
employment of the draw in policy would
have as effect to contribute to re-enchant
the traditional policy. The empirical
material book on this point an image rather
contrasting color. On one side, the citizens
are convinced that the model is good, that
it allows you to fight against a crisis of
representative democracy which they agree
to say that it is preoccupante57. A Aix-laChapelle 100% of the respondents in the
final questionnaire declare that they would
advise has their entourage to take part in
such an experience. In Poitou-Charentes ,
the participation also seems to have had a
positive effect on the participants' opinion
toward the regional majority. Six of the
eight respondents in the inquiry declare
posterior as well as the jury has influence
their vote in the regional elections of
March 2010. In contrast, none of the ten
respondents Germans do said have been
influenced for the elections to the
parliament of North Rhine-westphalia . For
a part of them, the Planungszelle has even
become disenchanted yet a little more the
policy traditionnelle58. That is the feeling
that emerges from the other questions of
the survey. The confidence in the elected
representatives do not change (9 replies) or
even decreased (4 responses), the
impression that the policy is in ability to
change things follows the same direction
and confidence in the policy in general
stagnated (12 replies on 18). In addition, if
the participation pushes the citizens to act
differently in the life of all days, their
political behavior does not seem very
affected by the experience. In France, the
political effect seems however widely
more positif59.
3.3 .4of the " earth which makes noise" to
the "citizens who are deliberating "60
" The strength of the group is undeniable.
By his number it generates conflicting
ideas which derives from an idea
consensual. ≪ (P7-6, 2.2 ).
57See also infra 4.2.2.1 (p. 292) and
4.3.3.1 (p. 303).
58Cf. the emphasized or A6-9 (13.4
): " Meine Meinung von der Politik war nie
besonders hoch. Pound Veranstaltung hat
meine Meinung hochstens etwas weiter
negativ beeinflusst. ≪
59For example P3-1 (43:15) : " Thou hast
changed thy political opinions or on the
contrary confirmed ... " On
" confirmed! "Unknown" in what
sense? "Unknown" in the sense in which
these ideas are very very good. What are
the reliable projects and the jury has
enabled us to confirm the viability of these
projects. ≪
60 To resume the image used by Barber
(1984, 154-155) cited in chapter 3 (note
103, p. 153).
282
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
" About this document of individual
opinion, I find that it is
unnecessary. ≪ (P6-6-4, 14)61.
The participatory observation, the whole
interviews, as well as the results presented
so far allow to move forward that the
deliberative process strengthened among
the participants the feeling to feel citizens
and actors in their environment. We
attended really has the creation of a
community that the notice citizen - which
as we have seen it is powerfully
concentrated around the idea of general
interest - materialized. However, it cannot
ensure that this feeling is caused by the
mere participation in the forum and on the
contrary, it appears that certain additional
conditions are necessary (cf. infra, 4.1 , p.
285 et seq. ).
3.3 .5Results
The empirical study shows clearly that the
citizens have won not only technical skills
but also broader competencies that
influence their capacity to act, in the same
framework of the subject matter (waste,
the environment) or more widely (social
and emotional skills). The participants are
the multipliers of their deliberations and
recommendations, they are trying to act
accordingly, even on the medium term and
experience the lasting mark. On all these
points, the theoretical expectations are
fully satisfied. On a point on the other
hand we should rather conclude has a
reversal since neither
the Planungszellen nor the jury of citizens
have been the place of a unique
enchantment of the traditional policy.
3.4Become the decisive voter: The power
of individual citizens
3.4 .1Translation of expectations
Unlike the previous expectations
concerning the creation of a political
community consensus, an important part of
the authors that we have studied are hoping
for the employment of the draw the
increase of the individual power of each
citizen. Translate this assumption led has
two questions: what was the weight of
each citizen in the opinion citizen? And on
the final decision taken by the institution?
61Reaction of a participant has the
presentation of a table summarizing the
individual positions of the citizens on the
three questions posed by the region.
283
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
3.4 .2" All the world has been able to give
its opinion"
" Sindh went zur Wort gekommen? " On
" Ja, auf Karel Schwarzenberg will take
part Fall " on " Wurde darauf aufgepasst,
oder hat es sich ergeben? ≪ " Nein, es
wurde aufgepasst ≪ ≫ Und hat deine
Meinung gezahlt? " On " Ja sicher. ≪ (A216, 32:30).
" There was a little of all the world. There
was X which is very well, which is a
brain " on "Thou hast felt that thou tutored
elementary something by report has him? "
" Yes, he is scientific and we it is the
everyday life. It is a complement. For
example, the small Y she has made his
youth " ... " and all the opinions have
account? ≪ " Ah yes, the whole world has
been able to give its opinion. ≪ (P3-4,
12:30 PM and 29:50).
Almost all participants interviewed
reported having had the opportunity to
express themselves in the small groups and
consider their opinion has account. They
are certainly in front of the distortions of
the ideal conditions of deliberation (cf.
infra, 4.2.2.2 , p. 293) but none of them
said have been ignored. In addition, they
have the feeling of having made their own
competence to travail62. Finally if you
look at the votes intermediaries, for
example has Aix-la-Chapelle, those
outlined below reflect individual opinions
aggregated. The same applies to the notice
of the French citizens on the measures
taken by the Region and presented at the
start of the second session. Some opinions
pass through even the ordeal of the
deliberation virtually such what. As well,
participants has Aix-la-Chapelle put in
before the problem of wild waste (120
points on 385) of the second unit of work
before even having been informed on this
subject and this point is found prominently
in a large part of the plans of actions. In
the final opinion however, the individual
opinions, including dissenting, become
extremely rare and it is the opinion of the
working groups and drafting the last day
which dominates. When the discount, this
is the group that spoke. When we put the
two mini-public in context, the opinion of
each individual citizen has almost more
weight and it is the collective opinion of
the group that account. On this point, the
theoretical expectation is therefore not
carried out. This result is however the
result of the formula mini-public seeking
precisely to avoid the individual opinions.
6213 OF 18 respondents in the inquiry
later declare as well have brought their
own expertise to the work of the group
(A6-1 has A6-10 PROBE and P7-1 has P79).
284
3. Participate by the drawing and the
deliberation?
3.4 .3Results
Within the deliberative process, the
citizens exercise their individual power. In
contrast, the weight of each notice
decreased very strongly at the macro level,
when the opinion is drafted and submitted
to the authorities agents. Because of this,
these are rather the expectations of the
group of authors who place the emphasis
on deliberation which are carried out.
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
Unlike the previous expectations which
was concentrated on the effects of the use
of the draw on the participants, the
expectations that we will now test revolve
around the question of the relations
between the mini-public and its context:
are we witnessing a shift of power from
elected representatives to the
representatives learned the fate (4.1 ) ?
What is the question of the legitimacy of
the mini-public on the ground (4.2 ) ? And
we can measure of collateral effects on
society? If so, which ones (4.3 ) ?
4.1Make the power to the people
4.1 .1Translation of expectations
The question of the transfer of power is too
complex to be tested satisfactorily here.
But we can translate the expectations
concerning this field by means of two
series of questions. First, it is to
understand if the mini-public are the place
of the policy as a matter of all: is it " the
people " who has participated, or only an
elite citizen? And the two forums have
they fulfilled the expectations concerning
the simplification of the policy? Secondly,
what was the power of the citizens on the
policy actually implemented? That have
become the recommendations in the
representative bodies traditional? How
many of them have been accepted and for
what reasons? The citoyenne has she been
instrumentalized? 285
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
4.1 .2The policy as a matter of all
4.1.2 .1a people slightly biased
The analysis of the representativeness of
the participants through their political and
social commitment allows you to judge if
the people present was the one accustomed
to power and if it was balanced in partisan
terms. We note in both cases that there is a
certain gap in the average. A Poitiers,
supporters of the regional majority seem to
have been made redundant (P1-1, 46; P3-6,
1:33). The interviews and the observation
also reveal that the participants had, in
their majority, an interest and a sensitivity
to the issue of climate change before their
participation. On the German side, it is
rather a sensitivity for the communal
policy which spring and a dissatisfaction
vis-a-vis the waste policy, without being
able to locate a distortion of partisan
affiliations.
The profile of commitment of the
participants on the other hand is different
from the national averages in France, as in
Germany and the people who participated
is slightly more politicized than the
average (cf. illustration 56 p. 286). If such
a state of fact is explained mainly by the
voluntary nature of participation, it
remains that the theoretical expectation
which is carried out here is closest to the
vision of a Burnheim and its advice to
interested volunteers that from that of
a Citizen Legislature has the Callenbach &
Phillips.
Non-member
Member of an association
Member of a party, of a municipal
council or a Bürgerinitiative
Multiple Affiliation
Jury of citizens (N= 22)
50 %
32%
5%
13%
France
33%
Planungszellen (N= 89)
41 %
47%
4%
Germany
30 %
~ 2.3 % (party) and ~ 3% municipal
council or Burgerinitiative
Illustration 56: Activity socio-political of
participants63.
63Sources: the figures for the participants
to the Planungszellen and the jury are
derived from the evaluation questionnaire
(P2-1 has P2-22 and A5-5, no. 94-96). For
the associative commitment, the sources
are the INSEE and the Deutsches Institut
fur Wirtschaftsforschung. Numbers
preceded by ~ are personal estimates based
on the referencing of information of
political parties, the voluntary sector and
of different official sources. 286
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
4.1.2 .2simplification of the language
policy
" I did not understand what was the
expression in English: two-step flow of
communication. " On " in the surveys of
opinion, in the American studies in
psychosociology, the opinion is not done
like that. This is done in several steps, i.e.
in several levels of communication. Some
people quite influential are interested in a
problem that they broadcast around them.
This can be done only by the influence of
intermediate persons. " On " at this
moment, it might be the call relay of
information. ≪ (P6-6-4, 44).
" Es muss eine stringente Uberwachung
... ≪ " Was bedeutet stringency washing?
Konnen Sie Bollard es ins deutsche
ubersetzen? "≪ Aussi stringency washing
heist genaue Uberwachung. ≪ (A1-1, 75).
The participatory observation has given of
the elements which are consistent in the
sense of a relative simplification of
political language. On one side the citizens
often ask of translations of technical terms
and complex during the deliberations, and
their opinion is written in large part with
the common terms. However, they did not
hesitate to employ the technical
expressions and scientific when it should.
In addition, the opinion citizen is itself
translates into legal measures which are as
complex as usual. The simplification takes
place but it is limited to the debates and
has the opinion.
4.1 .3The become of recommendations:
The real power of the people drawn to the
fate
4.1.3 .1The heart of the recommendations
implemented
" Dennoch war es letztendlich immer nur
ein Ideensammeln und Meinungsaustausch
und kein Beschluss. ≪ (A6-2, 1.2 ).
" The region has taken more than a year of
study and explained why some
recommendations have not been able to be
followed and why others have
been. ≪ (P7-9, 8.3 ).
A Aix-la-Chapelle, the opinion citizen
translates in two documents:
theAbfallwirtschaftssatzung (stopped on
the economy of waste, A5-8 -1) and
theAbfallgebuhrensatzung (stopped on the
taxation of waste, HAS5-8 -2). To find out
what the new rules were based on the
recommendations citizens, we can resume
the 10 elements of the action plans
proposed by the citizens and see what they
have become (illustration 57, p. 291). The
conclusion is fairly 287
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Net: in all cases except one, the city has
put in place the solution preferred by the
majority (relative or absolute) of the
participants. The only exception concerns
the pace of lifting of the dustbin of residual
waste, for which the citizens advocated a
reduction in the rate. A Poitiers the
situation is quite comparable. In the
official response that the region has made
the jury citizen, she resumed point by point
the recommendations and declined its
actions in the field concerned or expressed
his reservations vis-a-vis the opinion of
citizens (A6-12). The again, we can see
that a large majority of the
recommendations is accepted or that the
measures already in place and judged as
positive by the participants are maintained.
Some proposals are also rejected but only
on the basis of an argument.
4.1.3 .2The symbolic power of the
citoyenne
Beyond the recommendations themselves,
we can judge the authority of the citizen in
is interesting to become of the opinion as a
discursive object face which the actors
must react. The empirical study reveals
that no one player has been spared by
the " citoyenne " and that all of them have,
at one time or another, take a position. A
part of them accepted completely the
notice including critical recommendations
and/or contrary to the beliefs propres64.
This is the case of the regional majority
and of the leadership of the service
environment in Poitou-Charentes as well
as Grunen has Aix-la-Chapelle65. Another
part of the actors began by rejecting the
instrument before to take up some of the
results has their own account and to use
the opinion as the basis for argument. This
is what is observed in the case of the CDU
and the FDP has Aix-la-Chapelle. While
these two parties criticize the
establishment of the model as serving the
interests of politicking before and shortly
after the forum, they will eventually
resume the results has their account to
criticize the policy of the
coalition Grunen/SPD66. A third pattern
of positioning appears if one is interested
in the regional opposition in PoitouCharentes who without denigrating the
model or its results in private (interviews)
in minimizes the importance in public (P68 -2-1, 15). A last diagram is more
suffered, it mainly affects the
administrative services which
64 Cf. for example the reaction of the
president of the Poitou-Charentes region
during the delivery of the opinion (P6-8 -21, 5) : " We are going to enter, we will say
what we are potentially vulnerable, what
also we cannot retain, to ensure, through
this approach to citizenship, better keep
our commitments. ≪
65A3-10 (22:35) : " Und wenn die
Ergebnisse die Idea der CDU unterstutzt? "
On " Das mussen wir akzeptieren und wir
mussen few damit abfinden. ≪
66See, for example, A1-1 (91) on the
criticism of the procedure during
the Planungszellen. On the critical
posterior see A3-8 (01:16 AM:00). Finally
on the employment of subsequent results,
see A5-6-7 (1-2).
288
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
Without having the freedom to express
their views on the results of the process are
obliged to apply the political decisions
arising therefrom. However, they make up
with this situation and seek in the opinion
the proposals which can help facilitate
their work (P4-1, 37:20 ; A6-11 -1). The
empirical study thus shows clearly that,
regardless of the positioning chosen or
suffered by the actors, they are forced to
react: the floor citizen acquires a great
symbolic value. The latter is confirmed by
the combined effect of the
recommendations and of the decisionmaking: a Aix-la-Chapelle the problematic
of household waste was under discussion
for a decade and
the Abfallgebuhrensatzung was changed
each year without a substantive reform
either realisee67. The Planungszellen have
by their results and by the very fact of their
establishment creates a new legal status
and symbolic that the actors have taken
into account and which they believe it will
be difficult to deviate in the short terme68.
4.1 .4Results
The jury of citizens as
the Planungszellen are the opportunity of a
transfer of power effective since the
recommendations the most central of the
participants are put in place by the
constituent institutions that, in addition,
are linked by the symbolic dimension of
the word citizen. The latter creates a
discursive balance sustainable and linked
the institutional actors despite its nature
officially optional.
67The previous text dated from 1992 and
was the 18th version in 2007.
68 Cf. for example the opinion of one of
the politicians: " Und wenn die Ergebnisse
nicht umgesetzt werden, 'stellt 'es das
Verfahren infrage? " On " Ich halte es as
unwahrscheinlich, dass die nicht umgesetzt
werden " on " Warum? " On " Ja, weil das
politische Setting so ist, dass [now what
belongs irgendeine Entscheidung getroffen
werden muss. Da haben sich gone
Beteiligten' committed .Sie konnten sich
nicht einigen, welche Entscheidung treffen
sie wollten und [now what belongs gibt es
ein Burgergutachten. Da kann ich mir nur
schwer vorstellen, dass man ein
grundsatzlich anderen Weg
geht. ≪ HAS3-1 (22:56). 289
Action Plans
N plans
The Abfallwirtschiftsatzung 12.10.2008
(AWS) and Abfallgebuhrensatzung of
01.01.2009 (AGS)
(1) pace of lifted / residual waste
Reduced Pace
Twice per month
5
Dismissed in part
AWS-§14-1: is possible but is not the
standard. In addition no difference
between center and periphery
Two times per month on the outskirts and
once a week in the center
4
Dismissed in part
Once a month
1
Adopted in part
AWS-§14-1: for the dustbin of 60 Liters
Reduced Rate and possibility of increasing
against payment
Two times per month with the possibility
of reducing a once
2
Dismissed in part
Cf. infra
Two times per month with the ability to
increase was four times
1
Adopted in part
Once a month with the ability to increase
has two times
2
Dismissed in part
Four times per month with the possibility
of reducing has twice
1
Adopted
AWS-§14-1: becomes the standard
Free choice without overhead
3
Adopted in part
AWS-§14-1: for the dustbin of 1100 liters
(2) pace of lifted / organic waste
Former pace
Once a week
5
Adopted
AWS-§14-1: the dustbin of organic waste
is picked up each week
Other pace
Once a week in summer and twice a month
in Winter
4
Rejected
Twice per month
4
Free Choice
3
The center four or two times per month. In
periphery one or two times per month
1
At the center once a week. In periphery
twice per month
1
(3) pace of lifted / paper
Fixed Rate
Once a month
10
Adopted
AWS-§14-1: the dustbin of paper waste is
picked up once a month
Twice per month
3
Rejected or in part rejected
Variable Rate
Free choice without overhead
3
The center two or four times per month. In
periphery one or two times per month
1
The center two times per month. In
periphery once a month
1
Choice between two and four times per
month
1
(4) Size of bins
Keep the system (60/120/770/1100 liters)
8
Adopted
AWS-§11-4: the city provides the bins of
60, 120, 770 and 1100 liters
Add a dustbin of 240 liters
2
Rejected
Eliminate the dustbin of 770 liters
1
Rejected
Pair the size of bins at the pace of the lifted
3
Rejected
Decouple the size of the dustbin of organic
waste and paper to that of the dustbin of
residual waste
Not to mention (means no)
14
In part adopted
AWS-§11-4: the size of the dustbin of
organic waste is coupled to that of the
dustbin of residual waste, the size of the
paper bin is decoupled
Yes
5
(5) electronic identification system
Against
15
Adopted
AWS and AGS: not to mention
For
2
Rejected
Not to mention
2
(6) allocation key of the tax
A column
8
Adopted
Action Plans N
plans Abfallwirtschiftsatzung of
12.10.2008 (AWS) and the
Abfallgebuhrensatzung
01.01.2009 (AGS)
AWS-§24 and AGS-§2: a single tax is
levied to cover all the costs of the
collection of household waste. There is,
however, not to base tax
A basic fee plus a column
9
In part adopted
Two columns
1
Rejected
Three columns
0
Rejected
Other
1
Rejected
(7) Bulky
Free as before
6
Adopted in part
AWS-§15 : In the city center, the bulky are
picked up free on rendezvous. In the
periphery, the collection is done once a
month by appointment telephone.
AGS-§1-4 and AGS-§2-3: it is possible to
request a pickup express against a tax of
50 euros
Free as before but with an appointment by
telephone
3
Adopted in part
Surcharge for each removal
5
Rejected
Free once a year only
4
Dismissed in part
Free twice a year only
1
Dismissed in part
Mcs express against payment of 10 euros
1
Adopted in part
(8) Full Service
Keep the system (mandatory-fee to the
center and possible-surcharge at the edge)
10
Adopted
AWS-§14-2: in the city center, the
complete service is standard and surcharge
but an exemption is possible. At the
periphery, the service is possible against
payment.
The full service is not concerned that the
bins of 120 liters or more in the center and
of 770 liters or more in the periphery.
Possibility to cancel the service in city
center
2
Adopted
Service to the city center remains fee but
less expensive
1
Rejected
Free Service everywhere
1
Rejected
Compulsory and Free for the center and
possible against tax elsewhere
1
Rejected
Cancel everywhere
1
Rejected
(9) Inclusion of shopping
No recommendation in this area
9
§12-2: the shops are included in the tax
Yes
8
Adopted
Non
1
Rejected
More information is needed before
deciding
1
Rejected
(10) Other
Possibility to
create Entsorgungsgemeinschaften (" com
munity of jetage of junk ")
3
Adopted
AWS-§9
Produce additional documentation for
raising awareness of the sorting
11
Not to mention
Reduce the tax rate for the people who
produce less garbage
* 69
Adopted
AGS-§2-1: discount of 15Euros
Put in place of the detectives of the waste
to check bins (sorting and waste tourism)
6
Not to mention
Illustration 57: Aix-la-Chapelle. The
recommendations of the citizens and their
implementation.
69This recommendation is not found in the
final plans but in the vote of the unit of
work 11. It is noted here that point because
it has been put in place by the city.
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
4.2The mini-public and its environment:
the question of legitimacy
4.2 .1Translation of expectations
The authors of the theory of democracy
random consider that the body learned to
the fate will draw down their legitimacy in
a double source: the procedure and
advertising. We can translate these
expectations by three sets of questions, the
first concerning the procedural legitimacy
intrinsic: the prize draw is it seen as
legitimate by the participants? The
conditions for the proper deliberation are
collected? And how the participants see
their legitimacy? The second series of
questions concerns the contextual aspect of
the legitimacy: how organizers,
stakeholders, politicians, and facilitators
perceive the legitimacy of the two minipublic? What is the role of the concept of
transparency? Finally third, how the " rest
of the population " that is to say the nonparticipants as well as the " public sphere "
On do they consider the juries
and Planungszellen ? What is the tone of
the media discourse? In short, what is the
relationship between mini-public and
maxi-public?
4.2 .2The intrinsic legitimacy
4.2.2 .1The mini-public and the draw as
procedures
" From the moment it is considered that all
citizens are equal (principle of democracy)
we must also admit that any which can
occupy any function - the draw is therefore
legitimate. ≪ (P7-2, 15.2 ).
The vast majority of participants
considered the procedure of mini-public as
legitimate (A6 and P7, 5.1 has 5.3 ). More
concretely, the German citizens consider
that the use of the model is legitimate
because all citizens are affected by the
problem of waste and that it is therefore
normal to ask them what they think: it is in
the framework of the Betroffenheit70. A
Poitiers, the legitimacy of the model is
designed in more general terms of
opportunity to consult the citizens in a
democracy (cf. highlights) although some
participate70Cf.
For example A6-6 (5.2 ) : " Mull is
connected im Erfahrungsbereich relies on
Burgers, so dass yesterday durchaus eine
Meinungsbildung und sinnvoll ist
moglich. ≪
292
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
Participants noted that too vast a subject
may harm has this legitimacy. Similarly,
the optional value of recommendations is
sometimes seen as a limit: to questions
14.8 and 14.9 of the survey later, a not
insignificant part of respondents consider
that the Planungszelle could and should be
used in a more formal framework in order
to ensure a legal legitimacy (A6-2, 14.8 ).
Concerning the legitimacy of the draw
itself, people seem to have in the two
countries the same intellectual
development. They begin by declaring that
it is the instrument theoretically very
satisfactory because it allows you to put
together a heterogeneous group of
participants. They note, however, that the
optional nature of the participation created
a hiatus between principle and reality:
those who accept to participate have a
particular profile and are not perfectly
representative of the population as a
whole. Despite this limitation, the draw
remains the " least worst " on solutions to
choose of citizens during mini-public and
the procedure is therefore legitime71.
4.2.2 .2The conditions for the proper
deliberation
The heart of the procedural legitimacy
resides for a large part of theorists in the
torque draw + deliberation. This last must
however satisfy conditions of quality that
we will focus. Six items match to establish
that the two forums have been satisfactory
from this point of view. First of all, they
left place has a diversity of opinions
regarding the problems under discussion.
We cannot talk about unilateral
information. Then, the program of work
alternating information and deliberation,
work in large and small group, discussion
time and aggregation of opinions is the
sign of a deliberation of quality. The
participatory observation has delivered the
results very clear on the matter. The
discussions in small groups have been in
the two countries marked by an egalitarian
distribution of speaking time and by the
opportunity for each participant to
manifest themselves to give his opinion,
process maintained so aware in the form of
reminders, of specific issues, of
revolutions of tables before the drafting of
the elements has reporter in the sessions
plenieres72. These latter have naturally
leaves more room has of phe71See
For example A2-14 (08:00) : " Das Prinzip
ist schon in Ordnung. Aber nur jeder
zehnte hat sich bereiterklart und das fuhrt
das Prinzip ad absurdum ', weil sich nur
diejenigen gemeldet haben, die Interested
tatsachlich haben. ≪ AND A2-1 (08:29)
: " Ich halte es fur die beste met Art einen
reprasentativen Download This From zu
bekommen. Man kann zwingen, aber das
wurde das Verfahren grundsatzlich andern.
Unter den aktuellen Bedingungen ist das
die einzige Moglichkeit. ≪
72See, for example, A1-2 (96-99) or A2-2
(25:14) for Germany and P1-1 (58) or P3-4
(29:30) for France. See also the illustration
51 p. 255.
293
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Elecâ tronic of monopolization of the floor
and this despite the efforts of the animation
to the curb. However, this does not seem to
have gene the other participants who feel
the " ringleaders " as useful for advancing
the discussion and ask questions
critiques73. The two mini-public have also
combined deliberation and aggregation in
such a way as to leave room for the
individual opinions while giving a priority
to collective formulations. From the point
of view of transparency
procedural, Planungszellen as the jury of
citizens seem satisfactory: the two forums
were the results open and are proven using
reflex that is-a-say that the participants
have been able to criticize the procedure
and influence the course.
The whole of these observations must
however be relativized by the taking into
account of three points more controversial.
First of all because, as we had the
opportunity to see, there are the ringleaders
who can influence the course of the
deliberation. Then, because when it comes
to draft and write, the hierarchies of
education appear to emerge. This
phenomenon is more marked in France or
the drafting is more " literary " on74 and
less visible in Germany, or a greater part of
the training of the collective opinion is
done by aggregation of individual votes
and or the drafting is done by the
animation team. Finally, in each of the two
cases, the choice of stakeholders was able
to play a role limiting the diversity of
points of views: Aix-la-Chapelle, the
citizens have had no ability to influence
the agenda concerning the stakeholders. A
Poitiers, they have certainly had that
opportunity and have used, but the
scheduled speakers were less porters of
conflicting interests.
4.2.2 .3the right decision as the key to
legitimacy
" Den Ratsmitglieder und den
"sachkundigen Burgern" of zustandigen
Ausschusses standen die vielfaltigen
Informationen nicht zur
Verfugung. ≪ (A6-1, 5.2 ).
The empirical material has left appear a
third source of procedural legitimacy,
under-estimated by the theorists: it seems
that the participants are very aware that
they do not have legitimacy elective and
that their opportunities for accountability
are very limited since they are not formally
judges on their acts by the rest of the
constituents
73 Cf. for example P3-1 (23:41) : " Are
there any dominant persons in the group? "
" Yes " " And you think what? " On " It is
well precisely, ca allows you to lead and
influence the rest of the group. ≪
74See for example the opinion of one of
the organizers (P5-1, 29:04) : " Thinkest
thou that everyone can participate in the
group? " On " Non, on participation in the
drafting of the opinion, not. It was totally
uneven. There are people who listened but
who have not produced. ≪ See also P3-6
(50:45) for the opinion of a
participant. 294
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
But also because their recommendations
are optional. In order to get around this
limit, they are doing everything to put in
before a new source of legitimacy based on
the formulation of good recommendations.
As well, they claim to have worked by
taking into account all the interests, in
having discussed the set of subjects, after
having weighed the advantages and
disadvantages of each solution. They have,
they say, taken into account the general
interest.
4.2 .3The legitimacy in context
4.2.3 .1Mini-public and maxi-public
" Die Berichterstattung der Idea und die
Durchfuhrung der PZ waren in den
Medien prasent. Weiterhin habe ich mit
einigen Beteiligten'wahrend of Verlaufs
der PZ gesprochen und festgestellt, dass
auch sie als Multiplikatoren tatig Waren
und Freunden, Bekannten und Kollegen
von dieser Arbeit erzahlt haben. ≪ (A6-5,
4.1 ).
The empirical study shows that the two
mini-public were present in the public
sphere has three times and through as
many channels, but that this presence has
been modest. Before the start of the forum,
the municipal government of Aix-laChapelle and the parties in the coalition
have presented has the press the
establishment of the Planungszelle (A5-61 and A5-6 -2). During the two times four
days, Planungszellen were supposed to
work a camera, plan foiled by the
participants of the first group who had
invited the first day a journaliste75.
Finally, the discount in February 2008, has
also caused the interest of the local press
and there are nearly a dozen articles on the
subject, and one is the critical testimony of
one of the participants. A Poitiers, the
treatment of the jury by the press has also
been mainly concentrated around the
discount, the also with an article in the
form of testimony from one of the
participants the most critical vis-a-vis the
procedure. The audiovisual press and radio
does not seem to be interested at no time to
the subject. We must therefore conclude
that the interest of the media is rather
limited and that the theoretical waiting on
this point is little performed. This lack of
interest of the conventional media could be
offset by a wide dissemination of the
citoyenne itself, i.e. the citizen report. The
further the empirical study rather tends to
show that the diffusion remains
confidential: the German report was pulled
has
75A1-1, (72). This event has been highly
discussed during the first week. The
organizers for the presence of a journalist
was a danger vis-a-vis the confidentiality
of discussions. For the citizens on the
contrary a guarantee of transparency and
publicity of the process.
295
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
500 Copies, for most distributed during the
awards ceremony, the French report has
been copied and distributed mainly to the
participants, and of journalists. If the two
texts were accessible on the internet on the
short term, this has not been the case in the
medium term. Concerning on the other
hand, the publicity through the multipliers,
we can without hesitation move that the
exercise has been a success (cf. p. 281 et
seq. ). Overall, therefore, the relationship
between mini-public and maxi-public is
rather held in the two empirical terrain.
This state of affairs is problematic if one
takes into account that the citizens
surveyed based part of their legitimacy
precisely on advertising their travaux76.
4.2.3 .2citizens and politicians
A shared distrust
" Es ist interesting aber man sollte keine
falsche Erwartungen wecken. Es ist ganz
klar Empfehlungen und es gibt gute
Grunde, warum man nicht davon went
realisiert. ≪ (A3-8, 02:30).
" What offends me about me this is the
word jury who has a legal connotation and
I think that the citizens must judge their
elected and the sanction by the elections. It
is in a democracy and the strong
expression of democracy, it is the election.
In a country where the rate of abstention
mounted seriously, I think that give the
illusion that democracy can express
otherwise it is encouraging in my opinion
the abstention at the elections. ≪ (P4-2,
00:29).
The mistrust of the participants vis-a-vis
the politicians that the one observed
previously is not unilateral, since a part of
the political actors is also skeptical about
the legitimacy of the company
participatory. In Germany, this distrust is
presented in the same row of the
supporters of the project (cf. the statement
of a member of the green party who had
launched the model highlights). In his
speech of introduction during the first
working session, the representative of the
SPD certainly justifies the use of the
model by the need to associate earlier and
more often the citizens in the process of
public decision-making (A1-1, 41) ; it
emphasized however do not make a blind
trust to the modele77. This position is
76A2-19 (43:20) : " In die Offentlichkeit
zu treten ist das einzige auf der Hand
durch pound Planungszelle. Man trifft
VERBINDLICHE
ZOLLTARIFAUSKUENFTE " ( binding
keine Entscheidung und wenn further
discussion of Vorschlag uberhaupt nicht in
den Medien und geht davon against
erfahrt, dann ist es unwichtig. Das met lebt
davon, dass pound Kontrolle durch die
Offentlichkeit nachher da ist. Und das
inthe ich gut. ≪
77His speech continues thus: " Sie mussen
few zeigen Flagge, dass es eine gute
Entscheidung war, sharps Modell zu
benutzen. ≪ (A1-1, 41). He added in an
interview in the press that the municipal
council will feel 296
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
However moderate in comparison to that
of the opposition that in the two countries
formulated three fundamental criticisms.
Firstly concerning the legitimacy of the
tool, opponents note that the employment
of a mini-public is the sign of a cry face
the responsibilities of elected
representatives which is the work and
competence to take decisions regarding the
community. In France this argument takes
the form of a charge of demagogie78. The
second line of criticism concerns the
legitimacy of the results. A Aix-laChapelle CDU and FDP shall bring the
finger on the fact that the solution chosen
by the citizens is that of the status quo so
that the Planungszellen have nothing been
more than " money thrown by the
windows " (A3-11). A Poitiers, the
criticism concerns the simple character and
consensual recommendations which would
not require such a methodological tools.
The financial argument there is, however,
less present. Finally, some politicians
bring into doubt the legitimacy of the draw
as a selection procedure, and based on the
fact that the legitimacy in a democracy is
the outcome of the vote and of him seul79.
This position is however very much a
minority and rarely definitive, as shown in
this excerpt from interview conducted with
one of the political actors the most critical
vis-a-vis the mini-public (P4-1, 05:41) :
" They have been chosen by chance, what.
Then the, what legitimacy do they have? "
On " You think what precisely of the
draw? " On " Not much, because that is
when even leave the fate the choice to
decide for people who ... What legitimacy
do they have to represent the population?
On the other hand, if the appeal made to
the associations, neighborhood
committees, it is may be too politicized ...
Finally, it may be not the bad formula, the
prize draw. ≪
Democratize democracy
Has the inverse of the previous positions, a
part of the political actors are enthusiastic
and confident in the legitimacy and
appropriateness of the mini-public. Two
arguments are used as a basis in this
position. First and foremost, it is the draw
as a
Not be obligated to implement all the
recommendations of the citizens (A5-6 -1).
78Cf. A-5-9-1 (1) : " Ratsherr Pabst weist
darauf hin, dass sharps Thema seit Jahren
in total EU quota und Gesprachen
uberfraktionellen behandelt wird und halt
es fur einen Offenbarungseid der Politik,
dass pound keine Entscheidung
herbeigefuhrt habe, sondern pound
Verantwortung [now what belongs dem
Burger uberlassen wolle, der zudem auch
noch die Kosten fur das aufwandige
Verfahren zu zahlen habe. ≪ For France
see P4-2 (03:50) : " The citizens' juries, it
is a little demago when same. ≪
79This is also the opinion of some citizens
(A2-16, 54:30) : " Manche wollen
TeilnhemerInnen aufpassen, dass die
Ergebnisse umgesetzt werden und wenn es
nicht der Fall within sollte, wollen dann
zur Press gehen. Wurden sie da
mitmachen? ≪ ≫ Sehen , Sie, das ist das
handle the device the wrong way, was ich
von Anfang year kritisiere. Man macht
eine Planungszelle und sagt den Burgern
sie hatten eine Legitimation, die sie nicht
haben. Die Legitimation hat der Stadtrat.
Ladt Man die Leute ein und Sie Später
denken dann subjektiv: "Wenn wir
eingeladen sind und es ist so toll yesterday
dann musst das auch legitim within". Aber
es ist nicht so. ≪
297
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Procedure of choice, torque to the system
of deliberation which founded in their
speeches the legitimacy of the forums. The
fact of having a representative sample of
the population which offers solutions after
deliberation. Secondly, the politicians put
forward the theme of the crisis of
representative democracy and the need to
find viable alternatives for decision. A
Poitiers is added the idea of a more
dynamic assessment of public policies (P11, 26 or A1-1, 41).
A reciprocal dependence
" Später denken Sie im Nachhinein, dass
die Planungszelle ein geeignetes
Instrument darstellt, um Empfehlungen
aufzustellen? Wenn ja, in the trennen? "
On " Ja, in jeglichen trennen der
Kommunalpolitik, in denen extrem
Communication unterschiedliche
aufeinander treffen, da Politiker is as easy
as making vielfach nicht mit genugend
widerstrebenden Communication
konfrontiert werden (konnen). ≪ (A6-5,
14.7 ).
Beyond the two previous positions of
criticism and support, the exercise seems
to create a reciprocal dependence between
citizens and politicians. We have seen
previously that the citoyenne acquires a
symbolic power that binds the political
actors who can no longer do as if the mini-
public had not existed. A Aix-la-Chapelle
this spill-over effects seems to have had at
least two consequences of medium term on
the traditional policy. First, the opponents
of the former project have seized of
recommendations for the use in their
speeches against the initiators of the
project (A5-6-6, 1). Secondly, and even if
it is less easy to reconstruct, it seems that
the exercise taken in its context iea
inspired the coalition came to power in
2009. Indeed, there is in the coalition
agreement between the CDU and
the Grunen intention to defend the tax
template has a column because it is " good
and effective " and desire to make the
participation of citizens the first priority of
their program of government (A5-10-1, 34 and 14). A Poitiers, such effects are less
visible, probably because the regional
majority had long incorporated
participatory democracy and that the latter
was already a major element of its action.
However, the experience has had the effect
of " convince has the inside of own ranks "
on, and some politicians in the majority
noted during the discussions that the
exercise has convinced of the legitimacy of
participatory democracy (P4-3, 17:00).
There's also the participatory democracy in
the program of the socialist party for the
regional elections 298
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
Of 2010 (P6-11 -1). The Planungszelle as
the jury of citizens thus acquire a
legitimacy own through their presence in
the political space. The citizens also say
they feel dependent vis-a-vis the elected.
First of all, they consider for much that
their legitimacy lies in their role of council
to the elected representatives to break the
deadlock of the policy develop an
important agonistic (cf. highlights). Then,
they pose systematically the issue of the
implementation of their recommendations
and seek a portion of their legitimacy in
the representative system itself, through
the taking into account of their work (A11, 91 and A1-2, 118). It is the acceptance
and the account taken of the
recommendations by the representative
system which is able to reassure them of
their legitimacy.
4.2.3 .3The other actors and the legitimacy
Speaker 1: " seien Sie mutig, sharps
Burgergutachten wird von den Politiker
dieser Stadt gelesen. Sie haben die Chance
eine Langfristige Perspektive
vorzuschlagen. ≪ (A1-2, 114).
The organizers and moderators have on the
legitimacy a speech similar to that of
politicians supporters of the model and
find that it is based on the prize draw
torque has the deliberation80. This is also
the opinion of all stakeholders albeit that
the latter shall bring forward that the
legitimacy is not based on the technical
competence but on deliberation and the
position of independence of participants
(A3-6, 22:00).
4.2 .4Conclusion: a legitimacy after the
complexity
We can draw three conclusions from the
development perspective of empirical
observations. First, the legitimacy of the
mini-public is felt in a similar way by all
players, and it is based on the equation
legitimacy = draw + deliberation + results
+ optional translation of the
recommendations by the representative
sphere classic + advertising. Secondly, and
contrary to theoretical expectations, the
procedural legitimacy and advertising is
not enough to base the legitimacy of minipublic in the eyes of the actors present.
Thirdly and in accordance with the
theoretical expectations,
the Planungszellen and juries
80See for example the instructions of a
moderator (P6-6-4, 31): " for example, i
give you the recommendations. For
example, avoid to write, we the citizens
Picto-Charentais . If you start as ca, you
will be demolished if the opinion is
published in the regional council or
elsewhere. I recommend that you do this,
because often in approaches such as this,
the legitimacy of the group is something
which is important and which is put into
questioning. The or you are legitimate, is
that you are a group which has been drawn
by lot. It is important that you stay within
the framework of this legitimacy-the. ≪
299
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
Citizens seem to be able to go to the
legitimacy of establishment created by the
election smoothly. The players construct a
new form of legitimacy which is based on
the interdependence between the
representative sphere classic and the
deliberative process of a group of citizens
learned the fate working has the search for
good solutions, in opposition to the
electoral policy and develop an important
agonistic.
4.3A new society without new Man
" The jury of citizens, is to enable people to
return at a given time in a universe in
which they would repatriate never and by
which they are affected each day. With a
non-obligation to participate has life
(Silence). It is like an exhibition, it is an
ephemeral space, a place where people
talk of values outside of the political
world, religious and voluntary
organizations. It is very particular and
unlikely (Silence). ≪ (P5-1, 53:50).
4.3 .1Translation of expectations
At the macro-social level, the supporters of
the draw hoping a multitude of changes
more or less radical. His employment
should give birth to new social institutions:
it would blossom again popular education,
a new economic sector would take its
flight and the draw itself would become an
institution. Specifically, we will be able to
ask five questions: can we detect, has Aixla-Chapelle and has Poitiers the emergence
of these social institutions? What do the
different actors of the draw? Have they
learned something? And what are the
financial volumes that have been in game?
Can we talk of an economy of the
participation? The second series of
theoretical expectations, broader still,
concerns the emergence of a new society
more cooperative and sustainable, has
anarchist trend, based on the love of risk.
Can we move that the Planungszelle and
the jury of citizens have reshaped the
company in such a way? More concretely,
if we observed the process has the
implementation, the citizens they behave
in a manner more cooperative and
deliberative during the forums? Has there
been in a collaborative framework and not
develop an important agonistic? What has
he been after the participation? If we now
look at the opinions of actors, the
participation does it among the citizens a
greater empathy for the political
work?Have they changed their assessment
of the activity of politician and on general
policy? More generally, the set of actors
do they have the impression to create the
foundations for a new society? Are
they 300
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
Of the opinion that their activity before
during and after the forum is a stone made
has a live together renewed? Has there
been a case of anarchists in power?
Finally, what is their position in relation to
the risk, have they proved of the
Babylonians was the Borges?
4.3 .2The embryos of new social
institutions
4.3.2 .1The draw: high potential, many
obstacles
" I see it as the role of a second Chamber
(Senate) composed for part of elected
members and learned to spell with,
surrounding of experts, the role of
enlighten the first house (regional council /
National Assembly) on the technical
issues, the social and economic impacts of
the projects of laws and the effects of longterm of some choice. ≪ (P7-2, 5.3 ).
" Man konnte sagen: gone Vorschlage die
uber UNFF Millionen sind, werden nicht
mehr uber die Fraktionen sondern uber
eine Planungszelle entschieden. ≪ (A3-2,
18:00).
It was already pointed out that the whole
of the actors considered that the drawing is
a legitimate procedure to recruit jurors
citizens and Burgergutachter. For some,
however in ultima ratio ,for other in prima
ratio. The subsequent survey has also
enabled us to judge the mental associations
that the citizens are binding on the draw
(see illustration 58, p. 302). The two
strongest are those with the
terms " impartiality " and " independence "
on. Conversely the associations the less
strong are those with the
terms " mandate " and " power " on. These
latter are in contrast highly correlated with
the vote elective. In addition, respondents
associate vote and draw
a " democracy ", " fair
procedure " and " legitimacy " in the same
proportions. The interviews involved a
similar picture. The citizens do not seem
prefer a procedure has the other in petrol
and have from this point of view a
pragmatic approach. This does not prevent
the however not to consider that the
drawing is a procedure with a very
democratic potential in the context of our
liberal societies. The citizens will moult
sometimes even into theoreticians of
democracy random, as shown in the
highlights. They point out, however for
most that the drawing may not be that a
procedure among others. It has already
seen the position of politicians supporters
and opponents of the mini-public: for the
ones the draw is a solution to the crisis of
representative democracy, for the other it
is an obstacle to the elective democracy.
For most of the stakeholders the draw is
the " the least worst solution " on 301
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
(A3-6, 06:15). Overall, therefore the
theoretical expectation is to be carried out.
All the actors develop a speech on the
procedure, the equipping of advantages
and disadvantages and for most call his
wider employment of their wishes.
15.3 If you had to compare the drawing
of lots and elections, what expressions
would you association:
With the draw
With the election
With the two
None of the two
SO / NSP
FR
OF
Ʃ
FR
OF
Ʃ
FR
OF
Ʃ
FR
OF
Ʃ
FR
OF
Ʃ
Transparency
2
2
4
0
3.5
3.5
2
1
3
0
2
2
4
2
6
Impartiality
5
7
12
0
0
0
0
2
2
1
0
1
2
1
3
Equality
4
3
7
0
0
0
2
5
7
1
0
1
2
2
4
Responsibility
1
1
2
3
5
8
2
1
3
0
1
1
2
2
4
Representativeness
2
2.5
4.5
2
2.5
4.5
0
3
3
1
1
2
3
1
4
Participation
5
1
6
0
1
1
1
4
5
0
1
1
2
3
5
Power
0
0
0
4
5
9
1
2
3
0
2
2
3
1
4
Rotation
3
3
6
0
0
0
2
1
3
0
2
2
3
4
7
Corruption
0
0
0
1
3
4
1
0
1
3
4
7
3
3
6
Elected
0
2
2
5
3
8
0
1
1
0
1
1
3
3
6
Economic
2
3
5
0
1
1
0
2
2
2
2
4
4
2
6
Destiny
2
5
7
0
0
0
1
0
1
1
3
4
4
2
6
Manipulatable
0
1
1
2
1
3
2
6
8
1
1
2
3
1
4
Expression of a preference
0
2
2
5
5
10
0
1
1
0
1
1
3
1
4
Mandate
0
0
0
3
8
11
3
1
4
0
0
0
2
1
3
Unpredictable
3
4
7
0
2
2
1
2
3
1
1
2
3
1
4
Independence
4
6
10
0
0
0
1
2
3
1
1
2
2
1
3
Competence
1
1
2
2
4
6
3
1
4
1
3
4
1
1
2
Legitimacy
2
1
3
0
4
4
5
3
8
1
0
1
1
2
3
Rationality
2
1
3
1
4
5
1
1
2
2
2
4
2
2
4
Democracy
1
1
2
1
5
6
5
3
8
0
0
0
1
1
2
Aristocracy
0
1
1
3
1
4
1
0
1
2
6
8
2
2
4
Oligarchy
0
0
0
2
0
2
0
0
0
2
8
10
4
2
6
Fair Procedure
2
1
4
0
0
0
3
6
9
0
0
0
3
2
5
Other associations you do they come
from in the spirit?
Parity H/F - young
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Delegation of Authority
Old
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Individual Involvement
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
Careerism
0
0
0
1
0
1
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
0
TOTAL
43
48.5
92.5
36
58
94
37
48
85
20
42
62
62
43
105
With the draw
With the election
With the two
None of the two
SO / NSP
Illustration 58: Associations between
drawing, vote and a series of concept.
302
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
4.3.2 .2a people's university: When
citizens, stakeholders and organizers learn
For the authors of the theory of democracy
random, the corps learned the fate would
be the place of a common learning, of
popular universities for the participants.
The empirical material is quite conclusive
on this point, as has been shown by the
results of the preceding paragraphs (2.2 3.2
and 3.3 or 4.1 ). The study also reveals
that the stakeholders and the organizers are
not spared by this process (A3-4, 26:40)81.
The mini-public also have educational
effects outside the process through the
multiplier role played by the participants
who shall transmit the information they
received in their entourage and font has
their turn work of education. The
theoretical expectation is therefore
achieved, even if this remains in the highly
restricted framework of the two forums.
4.3.2 .3an economic niche
Some of the authors of the corpus have the
hope that the establishment of mass their
models will create a new economic sector
of the participation, comparable to the
development of the whole railway sector
or automobile has their respective eras. On
this point, the interviews with the
organizers and facilitators of the two
countries involved a panorama contrast.
On the one hand, they declare that this
activity could theoretically allow them to
live and that the economic potential and
the request exist of latent manner. On the
other side, the critical mass of experience
does not seem reached. As well, in
Germany no moderator cannot live entirely
on mini-public. Has a level more macroeconomic, the two experiments show that
the economy of participation must be
understood in term of potential sector
whose two experiments studied here are
the embryos.
4.3 .3a society remodelled in a situation of
exception
4.3.3 .1exceed the Politikverdrossenheit
" Ich war sehr erstaunt. Ich fand die
Politiker zum de Teil sehr Alle informiert.
Sie hatten doch die Entscheidung treffen
konnen. ≪ (A2-10 (17:57).
81The observer that i was not more than
elsewhere, and I have learned a lot on the
household waste and climate change.
303
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
"For them (politicians), they have been
able to confront has of the citizens of all
circles which has allowed them very
certainly to gauge a little pressure. And for
us, it has been able to judge of what is
happening above so this has been
beneficial in both directions. ≪ (P3-1,
18:52).
It was previously noted that
the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens
are not automatically the place of
enchantment of representative democracy,
under its form partisan and electorale82.
Can we however find in the empirical
material of the elements supporting the
hypothesis that the drawing and the minipublic work has a level more diffuse, that
of democracy as a regime? The citizens
interviewed consider in their whole that
representative democracy is in crisis. But
for the vast majority of them,
the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens
are instruments has same to help has
exceed this crisis. If in addition we look at
the opinion of citizens on general policy
we realize that they consider that the
policy as a profession is not an evil in
itself and all emphasize that there must
be " qualities " and " skills " to exercise
such a business, so they don't have any
apprehension of principe83. Finally, the
participants see in their great majority the
tool mini-public as appropriate way to
formulate public policies. Overall,
therefore, the trend is the following: the
citizens recognize has
the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens
the potential to exceed the crisis of
representative democracy by stressing that
a one-time use is not sufficient. The two
models therefore have the potential to fill
the theoretical expectation of a
rapprochement between representatives
and represented, between normal citizens
and policy makers.
4.3.3 .2Consensus and dissensus
" I find that not much that it is seeking
consensus at any price. I do not think that
there is a consensus. I have known the
company seminars or he had to be the
opinion of the boss at the end of the
day. ≪ (P1-1, 48).
" Die Kleingruppen waren unterschiedlich.
Das hing davon ab, wer in der Gruppe
war. Konnte Das manchmal sehr
kontrovers within und manchmal globall
ging. das schnell zum Konsens. Am letzten
Tag war unsere Gruppe sehr Herr
Salmutter und das war ein groser Job, den
wir machen mussten. Wenn wir da
diskutiert hatten oder few gestritten hatten,
waren wir nicht zum Schluss
gekommen. ≪ (A2-14, 19:33).
82Cf. supra 3.3.3.3 , p. 281 et seq.
83See for France P7-1 (14.2 ) : " It is a
good thing because the policy becomes a
matter of professionals: the folders are so
complicated that it must have the time. " In
Germany, A6-3 (14.2 ) : " inthe ich
prinzipiell nicht falsch. Nur bedeutet das
noch lange nicht, dass jeder auch geeignet
fur seinen Beruf als Politiker ist. 304 ≪
4. The mini-public, the new minicompanies?
The empirical material leaves seem a
strong trend of citizens has to be oriented
toward consensus in their work in small
groups, and to a lesser extent in the plenary
sessions, then even that for most they were
grouped at the beginning of the process a
strong objection has such a search (cf.
highlights). This transformation is
particularly striking after the experience of
the debate with politicians who represents
for most of the participants a running
deliberative clear: they reject then the
policy develop an important agonistic and
fall completely in the collaborative policy.
If one adds to this the propensity of
participants to work for the general interest
studied previously, we can clearly
conclude that the theoretical expectation of
a mini-society more cooperative than
competitive is achieved during the two
experiments. However, we cannot judge
the persistence of this attitude on the short
and medium term. The subsequent
investigation showed that the participants
to change their behavior, have learned
things, have changed their minds, etc. but
nothing really helps to know if the
participation the has transformed into
citizens more inclined in the consensus and
the cooperation in their daily lives. In
addition, even during the forums, if
citizens seem put aside their partisan
opinions, the splinters are not absent of
travaux84.
4.3.3 .3nor anarchists, or Babylonians
" With the draw thou art in the difference:
you do not know what is going to
happen. ≪ (P3-3, 45:27)
" I think that I am serving a cause
humanist who is going toward a new
democracy. ≪ (P5-1, 48:20)
The hold the most ambitious and utopian
view of a part of the authors of the corpus,
that of the establishment of a new society
of petrol aleatorienne, amatrice of risk and
anarchist, is particularly delicate has test.
Three elements of the survey seem has
same to deliver tracks in response.
First, when the participants were asked
their opinion on the generalization of the
model of the mini-public and on the idea
of pull to the fate members, the answer is
clear: the mini-public are an effective
instrument but at the local level and the
use of the draw for positions
84Cf. for example in France P6-6-4 (22)
: " has the question: what is it today? Why
are we the? Will we serve has something?
Is it that we go further? If your answer is
no, or thou remnants and then thou say yes
... or not ... and then you go. By contrast, I
ask thee to stop to be negative, because ca
fout a little the bourdon has all the
world. ≪
305
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
More important would not be a good idea.
This opinion is widely shared by other
actors.
Secondly, we can analyze the answers data
has the question 17.1 of the survey later on
the wishes utopians of citizens in matters
of policy. For most these last wish a
political class more likable, more direct
democracy and participatory, more of
mini-public but not revolution, not of
generalization of the draw, not of Random
angulation has the Goodwin.
Thirdly, a part of the actors, mainly the
organizers and moderators have the feeling
to work for the advent of a new society (cf.
highlights) but emphasize that
participatory democracy is a complement
to representative democracy. The empirical
material shows therefore that the actors do
not have become nor anarchists or
convinced that the drawing is a
comprehensive solution capable to regulate
the whole of social interactions. The
theoretical hold the most radical of authors
is therefore far from being carried out on
the ground.
4.3 .4Results
The survey thus allows to draw four
conclusions concerning expectations
macro-social of the authors of the corpus.
First, it is undeniable that in their internal
functioning, Planungszelle and jury of
citizens represent alternative modes of
policy work with which human beings
such that they are but the transformed:
within the deliberative bubble, they are
working in a more collaborative and
altruistic. Secondly, we realize that in
context, the mini-public however, do not
change greatly the society in which they
take place: they have at most a potential.
Potential which is - thirdly - recognized by
all the actors who agree to say that the
drawing as an institution and the minipublic as a procedure have a potential
educational and economic strengths and
that all two could constitute the seeds of a
social transformation and major policy.
These same players are on the other hand,
quite in agreement also for not wanting to
leave the power at random. They would
therefore more aleatoriens that
clerocrates. 306
5. Conclusions
5. Conclusions
The empirical study qualitative of
the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens
allows you to draw conclusions on the
achievement of theoretical expectations
that we identified and presented in chapter
3. As was to be expected, some of them,
once translated into context had been
exceeded, other realized and of other nonfulfilled, as the synthetic table below
summarizes. Some questions that remain
open: what are the reasons for these
results? What are the limits? How to
improve the models and is it necessary to
adapt and update the theory? The
development in context of the two
experiments in the sixth and last chapter of
the study will deliver elements of response
to these questions.
A BETTER STELLVERTRETUNG
Expectations
Translation of expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle
Poitou-Charentes
Result
Better geographical representativeness
The participants are representative of the
population of whole in statistical terms and
of diversity.
60% OF inhabitants of the center and 40%
of the periphery (but by means of a quota).
20.4 % Deux-sèvres , 20.3 per cent
Charente, 24.2 % Vienna and 35.1 %
Charente-Maritime . The latter department
is over-represented.
The queue is filled, with a low distortion in
Charente-poitou .
Better representativity socio-economic
Over-representation of the middle classes
and under-representation of people of
foreign origin. The categories of age 40-49
and 60-69are over-represented. Men and
women are in equal proportions.
Absence of farmers and underrepresentation of " Inactive " on. Category
of age application No 40/59 shall be borne
is slightly over-represented. Men and
women are in equal proportions.
The waiting is fulfilled only if one takes as
a reference a cross-section and not " the
people in miniature " on.
Better representativity symbolic
The participants feel they are
representative and are seen as such by the
rest of the population.
The participants feel representative and
representatives at the local level.
The participants feel representative and an
index suggests that they could be seen as
such by their fellow citizens.
The hold is carried out internally, there is a
lack of information to confirm or reverse
definitively in context.
A NEW FORM
OF REPRÄSENTATION
Expectations
Translation of expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle
Poitou-Charentes
Result
A defense of mathematical interests
The majority ex ante imposed its will and
its interests.
The participants recommend that the single
tax by taking into account the general
interest. The interests of the majority
statistics are not necessary. The fairest
system
The participants will evaluate positively
the regional policy. They make
recommendations in the direction of the
general interest and ignore greatly the
criticisms of the opposiaucune
The theoretical expectations is carried out
such that it. We assisted in fact has a tilt of
the mandate giving birth 307
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
A NEW FORM
OF REPRÄSENTATION
Translation expectations expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes
Result
In economic terms not more. The citizens
recommend the system regarded by them
as the more egalitarian and the more
simple.
TION.
Has representatives of a new type: the
citizens' representatives. They seek the
general interest in the golden cage of their
mini-public.
A defense of the interests through the
reciprocity reflexive
The citizens are put in the place of their
fellow citizens and defend the most
disadvantaged by a mechanism of selfish
altruism.
The reconvergence of political interests
Citizens and professional politicians are
defending the same interests.
The independence of representatives
There is no Fraktionszwang within the
forums, opinions are changing, the fixing
of the agenda is flexible is dynamic. The
interests of long-term are taken into
account.
The citizens are not subject to partisan
logical, they change their minds. The
special interests are judged critically by the
citizens and are not necessary. The
interests of long-term and those of absent
in contrast are taken into account. The
agenda is fixed from the outside and it is
not flexible. The participants have only a
very limited power on the agenda even if
they are trying to appropriate it for
themselves.
Hold of independence carried out
internally and not performed if one takes
into account the question of the fixing of
the calendar.
A cooperative process and deliberative
The citizens behave in a more cooperative
and less develop an important agonistic.
The participants reject very strongly the
policy develop an important agonistic.
They stand out from the professional
politicians in their work. They act
collaboratively during the working
sessions.
The waiting is done.
A mandate not imperative
The citizens do not receive an imperative
mandate strict and have certain freedoms.
The citizens receive an imperative mandate
on the part of the authority which the
prompt, are conduits has forced march
toward the general interest, and are
delivered to the hands of the facilitators
and organizers: their margin of maneuver
is therefore very small. However, during
the forum, they exceed their thematic
mandate and to interfere in the process
itself.
Hold carried out internally and not
performed in context.
A new form of accountability
The representatives realize a priori by their
representativeness and a posteriori by their
link with the public sphere.
The actors are based on a classical concept
ofaccountability : the citizens are receiving
a mandate and make their accounts to the
elected representatives through the report
citizen in the loading to implement their
recommendations. They are also in
relationship with the public sphere through
the media and by their role of multiplier.
The waiting is not carried out such what,
we observed a conventional mechanism
ofaccountability to complete an interactive
dimension: the citizens expect a return
ofaccountability. 308
5. Conclusions
A PARTICIPATION quantitatively and
qualitatively STATISTICSFOR
Expectations
Translation of expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle
Poitou-Charentes
Result
All and not each
There is a quantitative and qualitative
augmentation of the participation. The
utilitarian calculation between cost and
contribution of participation becomes
positive and the citizens are motivated to
participate by the subject.
It was not " all " on the citizens
(cf. Stellvertretung), and it is not known
exactly why the absent do not participate.
When they meet, the citizens are as
interested in the subject itself that the
model and no more abandon the approach;
they do not seem in addition not refuse by
principle the participation has a minipublic. The arrangements like the
compensation are important, symbolically
but also substantially.
The theoretical expectations are partly met:
the participation is wider than in other
types of process even if the offer of
participation is not sufficient to create the
request. The methodological arrangements
are important (remuneration, child care,
etc).
The political context communal played a
role (incinerator, previous referendum on
an architecture project).
The regional political context played a role
(S. Royal as figure national policy which is
looming with participatory democracy).
The opinion of Mr. all-the-world
The citizen competence is
multidimensional and relative: each brings
its own knowledge.
The citizens use in the two countries has
their knowledge of use but also employ
registers more technical and professional
correspondents has their center of interest,
and specific competences. They declare
themselves to be more responsible than
competent and relativize their competence.
The expectation is fulfilled. The
participants are real amateurs of policy.
The empowerment of citizens
The participants gain
of Fachkompetenzen on the short, medium
and long term and the mobilizing during
the work. They are ready to change of
opinion
The citizens are appropriating the language
of actors and their debates rise in
complexity and slightly in generality. On
the medium and long term, these skills are
evolving
toward Handlungskompetenzen and a
general interest in the subject. During the
forum they change of opinion on the basis
of debates.
The expectation is fulfilled.
A Aix-la-Chapelle, the skills are more
technical and detail because of the subject
highly specific and technical.
A Poitiers the rise in generality is more
important, probably because of the subject
and its level of issues.
The participants
acquire Handlungskompetenzen on the
short, medium and long term.
The citizens to change their behavior and
are transformed into effective multipliers
in their entourage concerning the topic.
Some earn and use of skills more indirect
(concerning the group animation), politics
(political commitment after the forum) and
social skills (exceed the timidity). On the
long-term remains an interest for the
subject for the most part.
The expectation is fulfilled.
Of the participation germ an enchantment
of the traditional policy.
The policy develop an important agonistic
partisan is rejected. On the other hand, the
participatory democracy is appreciated and
recommended.
The expectation is not met in the two
cases. The difference is explained by the
context: has Aix-la-Chapelle the model
assumed a blocking situation of the policy
develop an important agonistic and Poitiers
has a pro-active policy.
Confidence in the elected tends to decrease
and the participation has no effect on the
political opinions of the participants.
Confidence in the elected increased a little
and influence the political opinions of the
participants.
The participants shall cease to be
individuals fragmented and are
transformed into a political community.
The group work and the methodology of
the participation create a community of
citizens who work in the research of the
general interest.
The waiting is filled under condition (the
methodology of deliberation). 309
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers,
the theory in action?
A PARTICIPATION quantitatively and
qualitatively STATISTICSFOR
Translation expectations expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes
Result
Become the decisive voter
The opinion of each individual citizen
account more than in the conventional
process of participation.
Within the deliberative process, the
citizens exercise their individual power. In
contrast, the weight of each notice
decreased very strongly at the macro level,
when the opinion is drafted and submitted
to the authorities agents.
The expectations of the group of authors
who place the emphasis on deliberation are
more realized.
DÉPOLITISER THE COMPANY
Expectations
Translation of expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle
Poitou-Charentes
Result
Make the power to the people
The political power and participation
expands beyond the conventional circles.
The policy becomes the case of all.
The people present is politically biased.
The assets in politics are slightly overrepresentation in the two mini-public.
Hold the partially completed. The
participants are far more varied than in the
tools of conventional participation but on
average more active in politics than their
fellow citizens.
Many of the participants have an interest
prior to the communal policy.
The participants close to the regional
majority are redundant.
There is a simplification of the policy and
its language.
The citizens are asking for clarification on
the concepts and resume the stakeholders
when they do not understand. They write
in clear terms. Once handed over, the
opinion is translated in terms of
administrative and legal and becomes more
complex.
Hold filled in part. The simplification takes
place but it is limited to the debates and
has the opinion.
The recommendations of the citizens are
taken into account by the politicaladministrative.
The heart of the recommendations of the
citizens is put in place in the two cases.
The refusal of certain proposals is justified.
In addition, the floor citizen acquires a
dimension and a symbolic force that the
other players cannot ignore and vis-a-vis
which they must position themselves.
The wait is exceeded: even when the
recommendations are optional no one actor
can ignore. The transfer of power takes
place.
The intrinsic legitimacy
The mini-public and the drawing are be
procedurally views as legitimate.
The mini-public is seen in the two
countries as a procedure has even in part to
remedy the crisis of liberal democracy
because of its intrinsic qualities. A Aix-laChapelle the legitimacy is designed more
in terms of Betroffenheit and in PoitouCharentes more in terms of the defense of
the general interest. The drawing is seen in
both cases as a legitimate tool despite the
fact that the voluntary participation
resulted in a through socio-economic
among the participants. However, it
remains the " least worst " of the means of
selection.
The expectations are realized. The minipublic and the drawing are seen as
legitimate by the participants.
The conditions for the proper deliberation
are met and provide legitimacy to the
procedural model.
The conditions for the proper deliberation
are presented: we observed an alternation
between deliberation and aggregation and
between information and discussion.
Working in small groups allows each to
express themselves. Speaking times are
relatively well distributed.
The queue is reached even if some
procedural weaknesses are a same to call
into question the legitimacy of the
procedure.
The citizens may not choose the
stakeholders which gives an important
power of manipulation to the organizers.
The drafting group leaves appear the
hierarchies of education and injured the
procedural equality.
The result of the mini-public is legitimate
because the procedure is legitimate.
The participants seek to produce the best
possible decision in order to ensure
legitimacy on a basis not as procedural.
They believe that they must compensate
for their lack of legitimacy of
establishment (because they are not
elected) by the search for the correct
decision.
The theoretical expectation is reversed.
The participants are not confined to a pure
procedural legitimacy. They are seeking a
substantial legitimacy. 310
5. Conclusions
DÉPOLITISER THE COMPANY
Translation expectations expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes
Result
The extrinsic legitimacy
There is a strong relationship between the
mini-public and the maxi-public and a high
level of transparency is reached.
The two mini-public are modestly present
in the public sphere and media. The
opinion citizen remains quite confidential.
Citizens act in contrast as multipliers in the
maxi-public.
The expectation is fulfilled in part: there is
a relationship between the mini-public and
the public sphere but which remains
limited.
The other actors in the presence (partisan
politics, organizers, facilitators) consider
the mini-public and the draw as legitimate.
The actors are very divided on the model:
some are defending from the beginning,
others are there align themselves after
having seen the operation, others remain
skeptical even after, a last group finally
rejects the principle of the mini-public.
The idea of the prize draw is sometimes
criticized on the form (quotas, lack of
representativeness) but not on its principle
of suitable tool for the selection has the
entry of mini-public.
The wait is greatly achieved.
A NEW LEAGUE WITHOUT NEW
MAN
Expectations
Translation of expectations
Aix-la-Chapelle
Poitou-Charentes
Result
Of the uselessness of change human nature
The model can be used in the current
framework, as such. Without revolution.
The mini-public was able to be used
without need for new regulations and with
the citizens as they were.
Hold done.
New social institutions
The draw in either is perceived as a
symbolic institution endowed with unique
characteristics.
The participants combine the draw with
concepts such as the impartiality and
independence. They see as legitimate and
democratic in itself that the vote elective.
The other actors also to develop a speech
on the procedure. It acquires an important
place as such.
The expectations are carried out at the
micro-level and not carried out at the
macro level. It was embryos of social
institutions.
The training continues: the mini-public are
mini-universities.
Citizens as stakeholders and participants
say they have learned during the four days
of work. The mini-public are a place for
learning.
The use of the models revealed a new
economic sector.
The financial volume in game is important
on both sides of the Rhine, there is an
economic activity, but very limited in time
and invisible at the macro-economic level.
A remodelled society
The mutual understanding between
citizens and politicians increased.
The participants put in before it must be of
quality and skills to make the policy and
does not call into question the idea of
politics as profession. They reject in
contrast the policy develop an important
agonistic. Politicians recognize the
usefulness of the mini-public for most.
The expectations are carried out within the
mini-public: the participants are working
in a more collaborative and altruistic. In
context, the mini-public do not change
greatly the society in which they take
place: they have at most a potential.
The society becomes more harmonic and
consensual.
During the forums, the citizens behave in a
consensual manner and collaborative. It is
impossible to say if this attitude persists
after the forum.
The citizens like the risk and the game.
They have trends anarchists.
The participants refused the generalization
of the drawing as a mode of selection and
do not see the drawing as a holistic
solution.
Figure 59: Summary of the results of the
empirical study.
311
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
The conceptual and empirical investigation
of the previous chapters can now be
contextualized to bring elements of
response to the questions remained open.
First, those concerning the real potential of
the theory and practice, i.e. their strengths
and weaknesses in a overall political
context, once out of the libraries and the
bubble deliberative. Secondly, those
concerning the well-founded and the
conditions of realization of a policy
aleatorienne. Thirdly, those around the
agenda necessary to the advent of such a
policy if it is deemed desirable. Reply to
this set of questions asked to employ a grid
of reading based on two dimensions, the
first of which is that of the levels which is
structured around three levels: the two
empirical experiences, the mini-public as
instruments aleatoriens and the theory of
democracy random itself. The second
dimension, that of the contours, asked
successively the questions of the potential
(strengths and weaknesses), the conditions
of realization and the agenda of
institutional engineering and research. We
will therefore successively in the potential
of the mini-public (1) and has the question
of the institutional engineering the
concerning (2), prior to broaden our
thinking to the potential of the draw in
politics (3) and has a possible agenda in
this area (4).
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver
to Wenling: The potential of mini-public
1.1Methodology
In order to contextualise the better the
empirical study, we chose to spend 23
empirical studies comparable to those of
the previous chapter in the sieve of the grid
of reading of theoretical expectations in
order to see if the results obtained tend to
confirm or if on the contrary the two
experiences of Aix-la-Chapelle and of
Poitiers must be regarded as exceptions.
The case, presented in the following table
(cf. illustration 60, p. 315), have been
selected to reflect the diversity of the
models presented in chapter 4 as well as
the variety of subjects and of political
contexts and temporal.
Model
Theme and Country
Year
Participants
Source
Planungszelle
Urban Planning - Germany
1976
129
Garbe (1980)
Planungszelle
Urban Planning - Germany
1978
150
Dienel & al. (1984)
Planungszelle
Energy policy - Germany
1982
482
Renn & al. (1985)
Consensus Conference
Human Biotechnology - Denmark
1995
15
Mayer & al. (1995)
Planungszelle
Assessment of social risks (energy policy)
- Germany
1996
220
Wienhofer & al. (1996)
Planungszelle
Genetically modified organisms (GMOS) Germany
1996
194
Planungszelle
Land Use Planning - Germany
1993
198
Carius & al. (1996)
Citizens' Jury
Environment - United Kingdom
1997
16
Aldred & Jacobs (2000)
Conference of citizens
GMOS - France
1998
14
Joly & al. (2000)
Consensus Conference
GMOS in the food chain - Australia
1999
14
Hendriks (2004)
Crombie & née Ducker (2000)
Hybrid: Citizens' Jury (CJ)
and Televote (T)
Environment (setpoint) - Australia
2001
400 (T) 11 (CJ)
White (2001)
Carson (2001)
Planungszelle
Consumer Protection - Germany
2002
423
Hendriks (2004)
Planungszelle
Family Policy - Austria
2004
73
Hrach Melkumyan (2005)
Citizens' Jury
Environment (traffic and air pollution) Italy
2006
63
Carson (2006)
Bobbio & al. (2006)
Deliberative Poll
European policy - Denmark
2000
364
Andersen & Hansen (2007)
Hybrid
Land Use Planning - European Union
2007
340
Guiheneuf (2009)
314
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to
Wenling: The potential of mini-public
Template Theme and Country Year
Participants
Source
Deliberative Poll
European policy - European Union
2007
362
Luskin & al. (2008)
Hybrid
European policy - European Union
2007
1800
Goldschmidt & al. (2008)
Citizens' Jury
GMOS - India
2001
19
Kurunganti & al. (2008)
Mini-public
General
Wakeford & al. (2008)
Citizens' Assembly
Electoral reform - Canada
2004
160
Warren & Pearse (2008)
Lang (2008)
Citizen Jury
Household waste - France
2004
12
Barber & al. (2009)
Citizens' Assembly
General
Smith (2009a)
Mini-public
Energy Policy (nuclear) - Sweden
2006
135
Gronlund & al. (2010)
Deliberative Poll
Urban Planning - China
2005
257
Fishkin & al. (2010)
Illustration 60: Corpus of empirical
studies of mini-Public Notices.1.
1.2The Repräsentation
1.2.1Stellvertretung and symbolic
representation: The cross-section is
confirmed
The observation of the results of the draw
in a large number of experiments
confirmed the results of the empirical
survey: this is the cross-section which
dominates with bias toward an age higher
than the average (Hrach Melkumyan 2005,
79) and to the socio-professional
categories median (Luskin & al. 2008, 3;
Warren & Pearse 2008, 10). It does not
seem to be a correlation between the gross
number of participants and the quality of
the representativeness of the sample. Small
groups can be very diverse and the great
show some significant biases vis-a-vis the
overall population. On the other hand the
diversity seems to depend heavily on the
recruitment model chosen for the minipublic. The draw without quotas on lists of
inhabitants double of a written invitation
and a visit or a phone contact seems the
most efficient models in order to achieve a
formal representation faithful of the base
population (Dienel & al. 1984, 58). The
introduction of quotas seems to be the
preferred route in most of the experiments
in part to control the danger of an
imbalance too strong, especially when a
particular characteristic of the basic
population puts in danger the ability has
1It was limited literature has a maximum
of two studies by case and introduces some
sectional studies concerning several jobs of
a model. 315
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Enter into a process of dialog control2.
However, it was seen that in the case of
Aix-la-Chapelle the variable " centerperiphery " chosen by the organizers and
regarded as central to the
recommendations has proved nonpertinente3.
The symbolic representation is little
addressed in the studies taken into account
here, and it is necessary to supplement the
research in this area. When a few elements
the concerning are reported, they tend to
show that the citizens not learned the fate
were not of rejection in principle against
the representation by drawing and are even
inclined to recognize as legitimate. This is
for example the result of Cutler & al.
(2008) concerning the voters in the
referendum has consecutive the citizens
assembly of British Columbia. The
participants, on their side, acquire in many
cases the feeling of representing their
fellow citizens (Dienel & al. 1984, 175 ;
Andersen & Hansen 2007, 550). The
results of chapter 5 are therefore
confirmed, on a basis of results however
few in number.
1.2 .2The Repräsentation : representatives
citizens in a golden cage
1.2.2 .1The forces of the representation by
the drawing and the deliberation
The combination between drawing and
deliberation transformed in the vast
majority of cases the participants who put
themselves in a position to formulate what
they consider be the common good, the
dipped beam and sometimes well beyond
the individual interests in the presence
(Carius & al. 1996, 99; Warren & Pearse
2008, 80-81). The mathematical
representation of interests and altruism
selfish do not dominate the
recommendations of participants (Fishkin
& al. 2010, 6-7). During the forum, they
tend to play the game and become the
representatives, they exceed their
imperative mandate (Kurunganti & al.
2008, 19; Barber & al. 2009, 198) and take
a position of critical listening (Wienhofer
& al. 1996, 67; Aldred & Jacobs 2000,
228). What the empirical studies show
with force, is that the theoretical
expectation that the draw can give birth to
a new type of representatives is fulfilled in
the mini-public. The figure of the citizen
representative of a day,
the " sorpresentant ≪, is not only a view of
the spirit, it is a reality confirmed by the
practice. Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are
therefore not of exceptions of point of
view.
2See for example (Gronlund & al. 2010)
Concerning an experience on nuclear
energy.
3Cf. point 2, p. 325 et seq.
316
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to
Wenling: The potential of mini-public
1.2.2 .2a closed process in too short a time
or the limits of the representation by
drawing
The activity of representative within minipublic is however subject has five major
limitations that we had been able to
identify in the context of experiences
provence and picto-charantaise and which
confirm elsewhere. First, the mandate is
limited and fixed from the outside (Smith
2009a, 89). Because of this, the activity of
representative of the participants takes
place in a reservoir. Secondly, the
facilitators and organizers have a position
which makes possible a degree of
manipulation in the preparation of the
forums (Dienel & al. 1984, 94-99). A
third limit linked to the first two is that of
the time constraint. Some forums will only
last a day (Fishkin & al. 2010, 5) and even
when an exceptional period of one year is
sometimes reached (Warren & Pearse
2008), the average is rather around 3 to 5
days, and this raises the question of the net
capacity gain of connaissances4. This
element, added to the observation of the
rejection of the policy develop an
important agonistic, resulted in addition on
a certain directional signs toward
positions " centrists " and made of
common places (Wienhofer & al. 1996,
70; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 101). If
added to this the danger that the general
interest is put forward to the detriment of
the interests of the weakest (Hendriks
2004, 232). The fear of a dilution of the
real political issues in a desire for
cooperation has any price formulated by
certain theoretical approaches (Phillips
1995; Young 2000) is therefore not
without foundation.
Concerning the individual power of the
citizens, the table is contrast: if in most
cases the participants declare that their
opinion has been taken into account
(Warren & Pearse 2008, 71-77), it is
almost impossible to criticize the
procedure and its conduct otherwise than
by exposing himself to the criticism of the
rest of the group or even that in before to
exclude themselves (Barbier & al. 2009,
205). This case of figure, that we had been
able to observe a Poitiers and has Aix-laChapelle, is reproduced in many
experiments (Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 96).
4THAT is to say the difference between
the point of departure and the point of
arrival of the deliberation (Price 2000).
317
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
1.3The participation
1.3 .1Present and Absent
From the point of view of motivations has
the participation, Aix-la-Chapelle and
Poitiers were no exception to the general
trend: the subject and the model are the
major determinants in all cases. The
money can play an important role,
especially among young people (Hrach
Melkumyan 2005, 83) and in the socioeconomic layers the least favored regions
(Garbe 1980, 240) and filled as well the
role that was assigned by the creators of
the models. As in Germany and France, the
assets in politics are over-represented but
in proportions not alarming (Mayer & al.
1995, 113 ; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 81).
Once entered in the procedure, the
participants remain there and the dropout
rate observed in the field is very low
(Warren & Pearse 2008, 10) except
exception (Barbier & al. 2009, 198). The
question of the rates of participation is a
recurring theme in the empirical studies
and although it is impossible to note a
trend unambiguous, it seems that the
response rate declined with the time: while
the team of Dienel came at the beginning
of 1980 has the participation rates higher
than 25% (Garbe, 1980 200 ; Dienel & al.
1984, 58), the average seems today more
close to 2 has 5% (Wienhofer 1996, 78;
Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 77). China is an
exception to this trend (Fishkin & al. 2010,
4). If the recruitment method chosen there
is probably to much (Andersen & Hansen
2007, 535), it does not appear to be the
explanatory variable unique and more
research are desirable in this field.5. The
general finding is the following: the people
did not wait with impatience the
opportunities of participations, you are
going to get it has major reinforcements of
telephone calls, invitations and financial
arrangements: Create an offer is not
enough, it must generate the demande6.
1.3 .2The citizen competence
If one is interested in the way in which the
participants deliberating, the registries to
which they appeal and to the level of
sophistication of their recommendations,
we note that the results of all the studies
confirm those of the previous chapter: the
citizens are mobilizing their knowledge of
use, but also the technical and social skills
that infuse the comprehen5See
Infra, 2.3 , p. 338.
6Cf. infra, p. 325 et seq.
318
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to
Wenling: The potential of mini-public
Final recommendations (Hendriks 2004,
209). These latter are evidence of a level
of jurisdiction, sometimes judge higher
than this that the instances of traditional
planning had been able to put in place
(Garbe 1980, 217). Some of the studies
arrive however has the conclusion that the
technical level of the discussions is high
that if one considers that it is of ordinary
citizens, especially when the participants
receive a complex mandate or concerning
the evaluation of a public policy (Price
2000). It is therefore not surprising that
the participants in Poitiers felt in difficulty
to evaluate the regional policy on a subject
so vast that the warming climatique7, all
the while achieving during the debates
themselves a level of competence
important on the specific points has the
agenda (bio-fuels, wind turbines, etc). The
research therefore supports the hypothesis
that the competence of the participants in
the mini-public is located halfway between
the competence and multifaceted
spontaneous expected by the authors
theoretical and total incompetence fear by
opponents of the model.
1.3 .3a effect of empowerment important
The mini-public were devised by their
inventors as the place where laymen
receive balanced information; it is
therefore not surprising that the whole of
the empirical studies confirm the
observation carried out in Germany and in
France: the citizens earn during the few
days of their participation a large quantity
of Fachkompentenzen (Joly & al. 2000, VI
; Fishkin & al. 2010, 7). When a
subsequent survey was conducted, it shows
the effects of activation, on the short but
also in the long term, comparable to those
observed in Aix-la-Chapelle and has
Poitiers (Dienel & al. 1984, 151 ; Psotta
1981, 132-145 ; Modrow-Thiel 1988, 168170). However, in some experiments, the
effect of activation is low, which suggests
that there is a correlation
between empowerment and variables as the
topic or methodology, assumptions which
remain a check.
7For background, see P5-1 (32:30) : " ca
would have changed things if we had taken
a theme in environmental policy, such as
renewable energy. And we would have
asked the group to express as an
assessment on this specific subject.
Whereas, the term evaluation is a little
usurped because the document that they
have been produced to make an
assessment, it is not one. ≪
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Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
1.4The deliberation and the power of the
people
1.4 .1Information, discussion,
aggregation: a situation enviable
deliberative
The entire set of studies on the mini-public
arrive has similar conclusions to those of
the experiments of Aix-la-Chapelle and of
Poitiers. During the forums, the
participants are immersed in a situation
which allows them to return in a
argumentative process constructive and
collaborative (Andersen & Hansen 2007,
540): the conditions for the proper
deliberation are met. This situation knows
of variations and some micro-procedures
seem more has even to guarantee the
quality of the process. The combination of
moments of deliberation and aggregation
which characterize
the Planungszellen more than many other
models seems particularly effective has to
emerge from the lists of clear priorities
(Renn & al. 1995 ; Wienhofer & al. 1996),
without terpret the sidewall to the dangers
of the polarization of opinions. Such a care
brought to the deliberation can sometimes
be similar has been a phenomenon of
overprotection, in the meaning or the
content develop an important agonistic has
reduced its minimum removed a part of its
strength to the process which is likely to
become more administrative than political
(Hendriks 2004, 160-164). All minipublic seem to be the place of a meeting
with the other and the acceptance of the
otherness. It is even possible to deliberate
in a transnational framework that show
with force the European experiences
(Luskin & al. 2008 ; Goldschmidt & al.
2008). From this point of view,
deliberation seems to know no borders.
1.4 .2The power of the word citizen and
manipulation
The analysis of the corpus of studies tends
to show that the recommendations made
by the citizens are more likely to be
translated into action when the topic is
concrete and the geographical referent
locates. Thus, the projects of urban
planning (Garbe, 1980 220 ; Fishkin & al.
2010, 11) or those limits has a binary
proposal for rejection or support are
quickly integrated into the sphere classic
representative while the larger projects are
needed more difficult (Guiheneuf & al.
2009, 219 et seq. ; Joly & al. 2000, VII).
In both cases, however, the word citizen
tends to become autonomous and has taken
a place in the speech and the games of
administrative actors and policies (Garbe,
1980 219 ; Joly & al. 320
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to
Wenling: The potential of mini-public
2000, VII) which at a minimum are forced
to take position vis-a-vis the citoyenne, but
often also incorporate in their speech as a
source of legitimacy for their words and
their actions (Fishkin & al. 2010, 11) or
then the fight strongly because it is clearly
opposed to their interests: this is
particularly the case when the positions of
the industry are at stake by the citizens
(Hendriks 2004, 86-87). What we had
been able to observe a Aix-la-Chapelle and
has Poitiers could therefore be confirmed
although there are cases of complete
failure at this level, the best example is
perhaps the project
of Planungszellen organized on the future
of the German energy policy in 1982
which was knowingly ignored by the
political and administrative officials even
where it remains to this day the most
important in terms of participants and
scientific accompaniment. It is difficult to
believe that the recommendations of the
citizens, against the increase in the energy
expenditure and against nuclear energy do
not counted for nothing in this
implementation has the gap (Renn & al.
1985).
Concerning the possibility of manipulation
of the procedure by the organizers,
speakers and facilitators, the danger is
unanimously recognized by the latter who
put forward the necessity of an ethics but
also suggest that any attempt of
manipulation is quickly relieved and
denounced by the participants, particularly
by the ringleaders of opinion (Wienhofer
& al. 1996, 68; Guiheneuf 2008, 120-126).
In the same way, participants generally
consider it the conduct of the proceedings
and the delivery of facilitators in a very
positive way. Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers
do not thus appear to have been of
particular cases. The power of the
facilitators is however undeniable and can
have significant consequences, as has been
the Show Lang (2008, 92). This distortion
seems more present when major projects
during which the methodological errors are
likely to multiply because of the number of
actors, of places and languages
(Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 27).
On the other hand, it is difficult to judge
the exact intentions of commissionaires of
mini-public. The qualitative research study
carried out in France and in Germany has
shown that they could go to the desire to
democratize democracy was that of a
deadlock of politicking. We cannot know
with certainty how many experiences have
summers put in place for these reasons and
how many other have summers launched
by authorities wishing to manipulate
opinion, to make the communication or to
exploit the tool given that empirical
research has rarely dug in this direction.
Wakeford & al. (2008) give examples of
instrumentalisation, Hendriks (2004)
seems to detect the motiva321
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
TIONS similar to those of the PoitouCharentes . Numbers of experiments have
also been the result of the willingness of
scientific experimentation (Gronlund & al.
2010). It can reasonably be assumed that
the establishment of such forums is
generally outcome of a combination of
intentions without being able to detect
trend unambiguous. Aix-la-Chapelle seems
in contrast be unique: there is no trace of
similar motivations in the 23 studies.
Concerning the legal power of the citizen
deliberation, Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers
are located in the average but are far from
having the strength of models such as
the Citizens' Assemblies (Smith 2009a, 75;
Warren & Pearse 2008). In the
experiments in which the
recommendations have no binding force,
i.e. in the vast majority of cases, the risk
that they could " disappear in the
drawers " seems more important to the
higher political levels and when the subject
is too broad (Guiheneuf 2008 ; Luskin &
al. 2008).
1.5 Toward a new society
1.5 .1of the long-term effects diffuse but
undeniable
The research carried out in PoitouCharentes and has Aix-la-Chapelle have
left see that born in the forums of new
practices and new social institutions. The
comparative perspective brings to this
point of view of concordant results. The
mini-public are moments during which
elected representatives and learned the fate
learn has to know (Gronlund & al. 2010,
108). For the citizens, it becomes clear
that the planning and the establishment of
public policies are complex exercises and
it often happens that their confidence in the
policy increases (Wienhofer & al. 1996,
60; Barber & al. 2009, 202) which
contradicts in part the results of Aix-laChapelle. All actors acquire technical
skills and sometimes political (Dienel &
al. 1984, 158; Smith 2009a, 100). For the
stakeholders, the participation has a minipublic is also often an important step that
has consequences on their internal
organization (Hendriks 2004, 116-117).
Finally, an economic niche is well in train
to develop, which, if it remains a modest,
is no less promising and could reach a
critical mass (Guiheneuf 2008) has same to
attract players to the considerable financial
means (Wakeford & al. 2008, 6)8.
8See for example the case of the
Bertelsmann Foundation who accompanied
since a decade of process of participatory
democracy, some of which are minipublic. 322
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to
Wenling: The potential of mini-public
1.5 .2Mini-public = mini-policy?
1.5.2 .1a nascent legitimacy ...
The twenties of empirical studies tends to
confirm the results of the previous chapter
concerning the legitimacy. First of all, the
importance for the participants to take
a " good decision " is to be found almost
everywhere and played for the citizens a
central role in understanding their
legitimacy (Garbe, 1980 218 ; Warren &
Pearse 2008, 81). Then, the need to take
account of the results by the representative
sphere classic is seen by the participants,
but also by the organizers as a fundamental
element of the legitimacy ex-post of the
model (Barber & al. 2009, 193 ;
Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 56). Another
very characteristic recurring is the aversion
of the participants for the policy develop
an important agonistic when they are
located in mini-public or when they talk
about a possible commitment in the policy
after the forum: in these cases their
preference is clearly toward the
associational activity (Andersen & Hansen
2007, 537 ; Dienel & al. 1984, 148).
Without wanting to prejudge here of the
desirability of this attitude, it may be noted
that it represents for the citizens a major
source of their legitimacy in most cases. In
the same way, the great majority of
participants judge positively the minipublic and the draw as procedures and
consider as legitimate regardless of the
temporal context and macro-social: the rate
of satisfaction of the participants remains
remarkably stable in Sydney has As Well
As , of Wenling has Berlin, either in 1978
or in 2010 (Dienel & al. 1984 ;
Goldschmidt 2008, 49-50). On the side of
the agents, the print is the same: the
establishment of mini-public is considered
a posteriori as beneficial (Fishkin 2010, 11
; Hrach Melkumyan 2005, 104) because it
allows you to better know what the needs
are and the opinion of the people. The
citoyenne mark his entourage. It may even
sometimes that the mini-public has an
impact causing a failover of the political
balance (Kurunganti 2008, 13)9. That is
what we had been able to observe a Aix-laChapelle or the solution preferred by the
political parties and rejected by the citizens
had finished by be abandoned.
9In this case concerning GMOS in Andhra
Pradesh (India), the citizens had taken a
position of rejection is the opposite of the
government and the British program of
development assistance. Position widely
relayed by the press, which had the effect
of calling into question the agricultural
policy of the State and the guidelines for
aid to agricultural development in the
United Kingdom.
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Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
1.5.2.2 ... In a niche
The legitimacy thus gained is yet still
fragile. Three criticisms of the emerging
corpus of empirical studies. First, the
recruitment by drawing optional mine, for
a part of the political actors traditional, the
legitimacy of the tool (Smith 2009a, 100).
The draw is not yet enough employee and
accepted as a method of recruitment to
dispose of an intrinsic legitimacy.
Secondly, the transparency is not gained a
priori and media impact very variable of
mini-public poses a problem. It seems that
if the " first jobs " on enjoy a significant
coverage (Joly & al. 2000, 136 ; Smith
2009a, 102-105) the subsequent jobs lose
in interest for the media generalists and
weaken the procedural legitimacy of the
whole. A good planning of events to
launch the project and rehabilitation of the
report may counter-balancer this trend
(Goldschmidt & al. 2008, 58). The
situation is a little different at the local
level or the media seem to be interested in
the subject even when the model is not
presented as a total innovation. The overall
opinion is rather than the mini-public have
had trouble out of the deliberative bubble.
In addition, they are sometimes criticized
by the experts for their lack of technical
competence and by the policies because
they lack the legitimacy outcome of
suffrage (Guiheneuf 2009, 189; Renn & al.
1994, 203). The attacks also come of
organized interests who put forward that
the market is a better way to know what
are the actual preferences of citizens rather
than a forum built of all parts (Hendriks
2004, 150). The citizens themselves feel
without concessions and consider that a
mini-public is a framework too restrictive
to achieve a sufficient influence on the
representative politics (Andersen &
Hansen 2007, 547). The observations
made in Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers are
repeated therefore in the other mini-public
studied here.
1.6Balance Sheet
The contextualization gave concordant
results to those of qualitative studies
conducted in France and in Germany. Most
of the expectations are carried out within
the mini-public and in their immediate
environment. When this is not the case,
when the mini-public do not meet the
expectations, one has the impression that
the difficulty is located at the level of the
interface between the model and its
environment. The theory successfully
passed the test bench but penalty once 324
1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to
Wenling: The potential of mini-public
Output of the lab environment. The major
challenge of a job in institutional
engineering is thus situated as much in the
optimization of models as in the creation
of a solid interface between participatory
democracy and representative democracy
classic.
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
2.1Exceed the weaknesses in based on
practices
2.1 .1a democracy of projects?
All of the weaknesses highlighted
previously suggested that the mini-public
work on the mode of the democracy
project, because they are introduced to the
gre of circumstances, are top-down and
therefore granted. The discussion will
focus as well for four days on a problem of
garbage but we will leave carefully aside
the fact that the problem of garbage is in
reality that of the consumer society. We
can discuss the labelling of GMOS in food
but not the drama of the land
grabbing operates by the companies
multinationales10. The citizens about has
them do not seem be particularly eager to
participate a priori, and make a mini-public
a legitimate tool is a tightrope has renew
perpetually. The fact that the participation
is optional gives the drawing a aristocratic
color as far as democratic, and we saw
earlier that the case it is has a cross
section and not a real representative
sample. Still less has a body of
representatives (formal and substantial) of
the poor and the excluded. It has also been
seen that the weakness the more recurring,
signed that there is more in a logic of
project that in a global context, is that of
the interface between the mini-public and
their environment. This is the stumbling
block between representatives elected and
drawn and the main fault of the model
which prevents the procedural legitimacy
to be recognized has its full potential. One
has the impression that the danger
highlighted by Barber (1984, 263-264)
becomes reality:
10This was the case for example when the
draft Planungszellen on GMOS in 1995
which focused on the modalities of the
introduction and dissemination of GMOS
but not on their same principle. On similar
cases of manipulation, see Wakeford & al.
(2008, 7 et seq. ).
325
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
" Tea institutions depicted below are
inseparable features of one integrated
agenda - not a cafeteria menu from which
items can be selected at whim aim has
dinner menu with a fixed price that must
be accepted in full. Historically, the great
reform movements have been organized
around a series of innovations whose
radical character lay in their common
vision and force ... In short, the potency of
the reforms offered here related almost
entirely in their capacity for mutual
reenforcement when implemented in
concert ... Adopted piecemeal or partially,
such innovations will at best only be
assimilated into the representative
adversary system and used to further
privatize, alienate, and disenfranchise
citizens. At worst, they may even
undermine the safeguards of liberal
democracy without achieving any of the
benefits of participation. They must be
adopted together or not at all. ≪
However, if one takes into account that
each mini-public is an ingredient of
the " menu " on participatory, then we
must look to the best practices in the field
and update the quality criteria of the minipublic, in order to strengthen the interface
between mini- and maxi-public.
2.1 .2best practices
2.1.2 .1The recruitment and employment
of the draw
The draw the more has even to create a
balance between rates of participation and
representativeness formal seems to be that
without quotas on a list of inhabitants.
Given that this last is rather an exception
than the rule, and the recruitment was from
phone lists seems a compromise. The
quotas do not make sense that for smaller
groups but open a possibility of
manipulation on the part of the organizers
even if on some topics they could help to
anticipate potential conflicts or ensure the
representativeness of some disadvantaged
groups. Concerning the invitation itself,
the most efficient system is one of the
letter of invitation coupled has a visit at
home as in the Planungszellen oldest. An
exemplary practice more recent is that of
the Deliberative Poll danish on the Euro
which combined a television spot has a
telephone call, a sending of documentation
and a telephone callback for the persons
contacted by letter (Andersen & Hansen
2007). Concerning the stakeholders , it
must arrive has achieve what Hendriks
named the " zone of tension productive ",
that is to say that in which the subject
acquires a media visibility important and
in which the stakeholders feel forced to
participate not to miss the opportunity of
participation (Hendriks 2004, 318-323).
326
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
2.1.2 .2The opening theme and the issue of
the agenda
We saw earlier that the issue of the
mandate and of the mastery of the agenda
are clear limits on the model of minipublic. The most promising practices seem
to be emerging when process has
consecutive levels as in some projects in
german Planungszellen : one or several
groups secure the subjects discuss or offer
models of planning which are then
evaluated by a later series
of Planungszellen (Dienel & al. 1984).
Has a more modest level, the practices
observed in Poitiers consisting a leave of
thematic blocks free that the participants
can fill and has split the deliberation in
several sessions seem positive. This is also
the case during processes of long-term as
in the citizens' assemblies during which the
participants have more room to maneuver.
In a any other logic, it seems that the
existence of mini-public ascendants, i.e.
originating in the civil society, can be a
powerful factor in placing on the public
agenda of topics until then consensual in
the circles politico-administrative
(Wakeford & al. 2008). The Citizens'
Jury on nanotechnologies launched
by Greenpeace in the United Kingdom is
of the people and it will be important to
see how it can contribute to the definition
of quality criteria for mini-public.
2.1.2 .3The conditions for the proper
deliberation
If all the mini-public font office of good
practice in the field, some microarrangements seem particularly effective.
In the first place the fact of alternate
modes of decision according to a cycle
debate, dialog and aggregation, such as
practice in the Planungszellen and juries
citizens, is one way to increase the
interactions among participants on
differentiated modes in which everyone
has a chance to participate. In this
alternation, it seems important to choose
carefully the mode of decision that the
citizens can adopt: the forced consensus
the deliberation but short the danger to
eliminate certain opinions, whereas the
vote makes emerge the priorities but with a
legitimacy more low (Gronlund & al.
2010, 103). In the second place, the fact of
anchoring the forums in a local dimension,
even when transnational processes, is a
guarantee of quality. As well during the
project on the future of rural areas in
Europe, the combination between the
regional panels formulating proposals for
their government and a panel of eu
synthesis for the level of the Union, seems
particularly bearer (Guiheneuf 2008).
327
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
2.1.2 .4The creation of legitimacy
The practice the more effective in this field
is that of the citizens assembly leading to a
referendum. But all the practices that
involve reciprocal commitments between
participants and agents, as well as all
measures which are intended to create
transparency and publicity are also central.
The fact for example to enable the
participants to return to other citizens
during the sessions of the mini-public that is still the case of citizens' assemblies
or of certain conferences of French citizens
- creates a logic of reflection among the
representatives and citizens in the public
sphere. The experience of Aix-la-Chapelle
also tends to show that the employment of
a mini-public to get out of a blockage of
the politicking seems to have a
legitimizing effect important.
2.2Toward the criteria of quality renewed
By relying on the results of the
implementation context, of the review of
weaknesses and best practices, it is
possible to supplement the criteria of
quality of the mini-public present in the
literature on the subject. We will rely
mainly on the work of Dienel (1978),
Fiorino (1989), Renn & al. (1995), Carson
(2006), Smith (2009a), Manin (2011),
Mansbridge & al. (2011) and Sturm
(2011). In total, we identified twenty
criteria divided into four groups (figure 61,
p. 329). For most of them you can
distinguish between a minimum quality
(" this below of what we should not go "),
a quality standard (" what is most often
done ") and a desired quality (" best
practice or better yet "). Sometimes we
must simply present the criterion without
possibility of assessing how the set at best,
especially because it is still the result of
discussions between practitioners and
within the scientific community.
328
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
Illustration 61: Criteria of qualities for the
mini-public.
2.2 .1Inclusion
The inclusion criterion is based on the idea
of political equality and means that the
procedure is accessible to a maximum of
citizens and of interests formed and that
they can be exprimer11.
2.2.1 .1The representativeness
The draw of the participants
The draw is, it has largely had the
opportunity to see in this work, the heart of
the procedural mini-public. It allows you
to include participants non-professionals of
the policy, to achieve a satisfactory
representativeness of the population and to
promote the emergence of a group of
citizens' representatives. A minima - but it
is also the standard quality - it should be
on the basis of quotas and the group of
citizens should have at least twenty
members, about thirty to maximum.
Beyond the limit it would be good to form
several groups or to work in sub-groups.
This practice, if it is far from being the
norm, is a foster especially if it is
associated with a drawing without quota.
In this case, a
11Smith (2009a, 12) : " Inclusiveness turns
our attention to the way in which political
equality is realized" in at least two aspects
of participation: presence and voice. ≪
329
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Group of 400 has 500 people divided into
sub-groups seems the best solution. In the
ideal, the draw would be without quota on
lists of inhabitants.
The invitation of stakeholders and elected
representatives
It has been seen that the legitimacy of the
tools type mini-public is based in large part
on their integration in the traditional policy
and that the inclusion of stakeholders is a
central factor in the deliberative quality
and of the impact of mini-public. In order
to reach the area of tension productive able
to motivate the stakeholders but also for
the sake of inclusion, it is important to
allow them to provide information to the
participants. The practice also wants that
they can play a role in the preparation of
the program in order to ensure the
transparency of the latter. Ideally, the
participants should also have the
possibility to invite speakers, experts or
resource persons, during the process to
satisfy their own need for information.
Concerning the politicians, the minimum is
their inclusion in the preparation of the
forum. In practice, they are also invited to
submit their position during the debates.
The issue of the invitation of the extremist
parties remains ouverte12.
2.2.1 .2The offer of a role interesting
The draw and the invitation of
stakeholders are essential tools but not
sufficient to achieve a sufficient inclusion.
We have seen in the previous chapter, and
in the comparative study that motivate the
citizens to take part in mini-public will not
of itself and three elements must therefore
be the subject of a great deal of attention.
Invitation and mandate
At a minimum, the participants should be
invited in writing by an elected
representative with a legitimacy of
establishment. The mandate should be
formulated in a broad manner in order to
interest a maximum of citizens during the
invitation since it is the most critical time
of the decision to participate or not. The
standard seems rather be that of a
invitation unnecessarily12If
One may want to reject the involvement of
extremist parties for reasons of democratic
ideology, the practice would show they
probably are not in capacity to provide the
arguments at the level of the debate,
especially after the citizens have received
an important information on the subject.
Their inclusion would have then rather the
effect of the discredit in their cutting the
grass of the criticism under the foot. 330
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
Picnic which gives low returns and run the
risk of biasing of the departure the
representativeness of the sample. The
solution the more desirable would be to
pair call and letter on the basis of a broad
mandate after having launched a public
awareness campaign in the local media.
Retribution of participants
The remuneration of the participants is a
criterion of quality is the guarantor for the
citoyensde the importance and the
seriousness of the approach. This
contribution also allows reducing some
biases of representativeness. A
compensation indexed on the minimum
wage or the compensation of elected
representatives, which is not yet the
standard, should therefore be the norm. In
addition, it would be desirable to introduce
compensation for loss of wages in order to
stimulate the participation of citizens
engaged in a liberal profession.
The release of the obligations
A fundamental factor in the participation
for many citizens is the opportunity to free
themselves for the duration of the minipublic. In the direction of a better
inclusion, recognition by the institution
authorised representative of the
participation as a vocational training or
civic, is a minimum of the same that the
disposal of replacement workers and
childminders. The discussion is deep to
know if the mandatory participation would
be an advanced (institutionalization) or a
decrease (domestication of the instrument).
2.2 .2Deliberation
The mini-public are the forums batis on the
ideal of a good deliberation whose quality
can be translated into four criteria: the
debate, the discussion, the production of
results and the question of the methods.
331
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
2.2.2 .1The debate
The debate as time develop an important
agonistic of presentation of information is
fundamental to make emerge the points of
disagreement on a issue.13. A debate of
quality assumes that the participants are a
minima faced a variety of information and
the best contradictory. It is not necessary
that such information be transmitted by
natural persons, textual materials or
audiovisual are equally legitimate.
2.2.2 .2The dialog
Has the inverse of the debate, the dialog
allows you to create the common sense, to
co-construct. That is why the mini-public
should as a minimum include the work in
small groups in which the citizens bring
their expertise to use and professional.
Most of the experiences already meet that
criterion. Ideally, the dialog is also a time
for creativity and the one during which
each can take the floor without that the
conventional hierarchies of participation is
not able to prevent. It is necessary and
desirable, but non-standard, that a part of
this work is done in small working groups
regularly changing and comprising no
more than five people.
2.2.2 .3The duration and the production of
results
The mini-public are employed for the
purpose of producing accurate results in
accordance with their mandate, which
implies certain standards very widely
shared and implemented. It must
particularly ensure that citizens will have
an opportunity to aggregate their personal
opinions and group in the form of
recommendations usable by the authority
representative. The discussion is on the
other hand deep on the duration necessary
has such a process: two days, four, one
month, more? If the mandate chosen is an
essential factor in the time required, it can
be argued that for reasons of group
dynamics and deliberative, it is imperative
that you do not drop below two days. So
the participants can learn has to know and
the process of joint production can actually
be exploited.
2.2.2 .4The methods of deliberation
In order to make happen the debate and
discussion as well as the production of
results, the mini-public should respect
certain methodological standards in their
midst, to whom we are
13On this precise point see ADELS)
project (2009, 82).
332
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
Could achieve by techniques of animation
recognized, whether it is for the
establishment of an open space, of a
photographic work, of a role-playing game
of votes, etc. It is desirable that these
methods are used in order to adapt to the
goals of the deliberation (phase of
creativity, planning, reflection,
construction of empathy, etc).
2.2 .3Relevance
The mini-public must make sense beyond
the deliberative bubble that was
developing in her womb and generate an
interface with the traditional policy and
society in general. It has been seen that this
link between the model and its
environment is its main weakness and it is
therefore particularly interested has these
criteria that can decline in three categories:
effectiveness, integration and efficiency.
2.2.3 .1Effectiveness
Material Efficiency
From a material point of view it is
necessary that either produces a document
summarising the results of the mini-public
and that the latter be handed over to the
authority having mandated the project. In
the field of the ideal - but this is still rare this last should respond to the
recommendations made by the citizens, i.e.
put in place a process of follow-up. The
authority should also carry out the
suggestions of the participants to the extent
that these are accepted, which is already
the practice but could be largely improved.
The effectiveness ideelle
From one point of view wildly unrealistic,
the mini-public should have a media
impact important and stimulating public
debate in order to strengthen their
transparency. Such a dissemination is also
the condition of a accountability more
complements and strengthens the
democratic legitimacy of the process. The
common practice is quite diverse and the
discussion is ongoing on how to achieve a
media coverage and therefore a maximum
efficiency in this area. In a more diffuse, a
mini-public of quality should offer an
opportunity for empowerment for citizens
the wishing. This criterion of quality is
discussed and some practitioners domi333
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Consider for example that the
empowerment is in reality the opposite of a
quality criterion because it means that the
citizens are taken out of their role of
planners for temporary return to that of
professionals of the policy. It may on the
other hand mean that the mini-public has
been a success in the creation of a stronger
democracy based on more active citizens.
Taking this assumption as a basis, a minipublic should then a minima allow
participants to acquire technical skills and
policies and to the better to give them the
means and the inclination to pursue their
activity of citizen after the forum.
2.2.3 .2Integration
A criterion of quality important for the
mini-public is their possible integration in
the political system in order to increase
their effectiveness and legitimacy.
A predefined mandate
It must be first of all for this that they have
a predefined mandate. This does not mean
that the latter must be closed, or suggest
the results, nor even that we cannot
conceive a mini-public having precisely as
mandate to identify issues on which other
mini-public could work, which sum any
would be desirable. It does mean, however,
that the process must be directed toward
the production of results. If the purpose of
the participation is not the former, then it is
better use another model. On the other
hand, it is desirable that the participants
have a margin for maneuver on the
concrete issues that their are raised,
especially in the sub-groups. It has
particularly been able see a Poitiers that
this possibility is a sign of quality
demonstrating a procedure reflexive.
The incorporation in the existing processes
Beyond the mandate, it must be that the
mini-public fit into the existing processes
of decision-making, without what they run
the risk of being left without impact. The
fact that they are integrated does not
guarantee they will have significant
effects, but increases the probability of
such an outcome. It is also desirable that
the mini-public are incorporated in a string
of the participation in order to concentrate
on their forces (production of results,
information, deliberation) and compensate
for their weaknesses (few participants,
little of 334
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
Decision-making power). The practice in
this area is still in its infancy but
encouraging as the show certain practices.
The criterion of incorporation fact however
the object of important discussions whose
first rotates around the mini-public
ascendants, i.e. doors by civil society,
sometimes in opposition to power in place
to create a against legitimacy. Such
experiences are effective in terms of
stimulating public discussion but run the
risk of being ignored by the politicaladministrative, or even to be combated by
lui14. They also call into question the idea
of extra procedure partisan and the criteria
for inclusion and deliberation may be
sacrificed at the price of a politicization
greater. The minimum qualitative in this
area would be to distinguish between two
variations of the model mini-public ascending and descending - each fulfilling
a well-defined role. The second question
under discussion concerned the
compulsory employment of the process in
some projects, as is the case for example of
the procedures of the public debate. If such
a criterion could lead to a remedy more
massive in the model, it may trigger jobs
counter-productive. This is the issue
of meta-matching.
The meta-matching
The mini-public should be before any
employees in the situations in which they
are evidence of a maximum efficiency. As
a minimum it should be that the
organization team and the trustee should
be a condition of places of process already
employed and the constellation of actors in
the presence as well as the subject, which
is a treat. Such an analysis may show that
it is not necessary to put in place a minipublic of a day with 500 participants to
discuss the renovation of an urban district
in mutation, but that it would be better to
put 100 people during 5 days by pairing
this process with a series of round tables
and public information meetings before,
during and after the mini-public, even with
a conference of the future. The practice in
this area seems to be quite satisfactory,
although the promoters of the models have
sometimes trend has ignore this issue in
order to propose at any price a single
model in every case, which in the end may
prove to be counter-productive. The metamatching is also the opportunity to assess
the need for support and/or to organize a
mini-public ascendant in the case where
the public authorities seem to ignore a
problem.
14See for example the case presented by
Kurungati & al. (2008).
335
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
2.2.3 .3Efficiency
The efficiency of the mini-public concerns
mainly the issue of control of costs. The
standard is dictated by the weakness of the
means available to strengthen public
participation in comparison with other
sectors of social activity. It remains that
the mini-public should include certain
practices. For example organize two
parallel forums starting with a one-hour
offset, making it possible, two working
groups for a single place, a single series of
speakers, a single coordinating team in
place, a single recruitment procedure, etc.
The employment of new technologies of
communication is becoming a standard
allowing the aggregation process quick and
relatively inexpensive to the unit. But it is
not desirable to cut back on other
expenditures because it puts in danger of
other criteria. Thus radically restrict the
number of participants or not paying,
disqualified the process and if it becomes
less expensive, it cannot yet more deserve
the name of mini-public. The process is
not expensive but it has a cost related to
the holding of the standards.
2.2 .4Equity
This is to ensure that the process meets a
certain procedural requirements has same
to make a democratic object and difficult
to manipulate.
2.2.4 .1career coaching
A large part of the quality of the minipublic relies on the team responsible for
the organizing and the animate. This team
should be independent of the authority
which mandated the mini-public as well as
all of the stakeholders. It must be
composed of professionals of the
animation. It is both the minimum and the
standard which guarantee in large part that
the inclusion and deliberation are of good
quality. The professional coaching can also
provide a scientific assessment of the
process, an approach which is fairly
widespread but non-standard. If the means
of achieving such an assessment is
possible, it is desirable.
2.2.4 .2transparency and the financing
Transparency is a fundamental criterion
which comes first in the form of the
publication of the report citizen emerged
from the deliberations. The latter should as
a minimum contain a 336
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
Number of information on the participants,
the course of the procedure, the
stakeholders, the organizers and well on
the outcome of the deliberations. If the
animation team and organization is
responsible for drafting the report, it would
be necessary that it be submitted to the
corrections of participants. The
transparency also requires an official
ceremony for the presentation which
sealed the process and by which the
citizens can get out of their role of
representatives once the work
accomplished. It would be desirable that
the report is available online, which is the
usual practice. Transparency is also the
product of a work of communication of
quality. We had the opportunity to see that
the media coverage of these mini-public is
a major test of their effectiveness and their
legitimacy. In order to achieve a maximum
impact it is desirable that the
communication be a post has fledged the
conduct of a mini-public. This practice is
not yet standard. A mini-public of quality
costing around 1200 euros per participant
for four days of deliberation, all inclusive.
Thus arises the question of financing. The
minimum qualitative resides in a partly by
public funds. This is the best way to
deprive them of the accusations of
manipulation of the procedure by
individual interests and this represents the
current standard. It would be desirable that
the money came from a specific budget has
the participation and is less and less from
the research (funding which minimizes the
political effectiveness). If the mini-public
is ascendant, it is funded by private funds
which it must publish the source.
2.2.4 .3reflexivity and the sustainability
A mini-public must be a reflexive instance
it is-a-say open has the critical and seeking
a constant improvement. The participants
should be able to express their views on
the procedure and have the opportunity to
evaluate the approach, which must be
documented in the report citizen, which is
the practice standard15. In a broader
perspective, the discussion is underway to
determine whether the mini-public should
make evidence of reflexivity in the context
of the meta-matching, which corresponds
concretely has the question of ethics. The
fact to organize a process concerning the
choice of a location of a nuclear plant or a
plant of armament mine he the democratic
quality or ecological process? Or is it on
the contrary the only possibility of
introducing a minimum of democracy in
questions usually closed to such concerns?
Accept to accompany forums quar15On
The concept of reflexivity in report with
the drawing, see Buchstein (2000, 43). In
the context of mini-public see Hendriks
(2004, 230).
337
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Thy, as has been the case for some of the
mini-public on GMOS, does it not the
whole of the approach in danger? If yes,
how do we avoid that to happen? The call
has the ethics is it sufficient? These
questions arise with more force still in the
mini-public ascendants. Finally, there
arises a discussion on the need to make
mini-public procedures consistent with the
objectives of sustainable development. If
this is already the case in part (especially
from a social and political point of view),
the question arises: is it desirable to take
into account the objectives of reduction of
greenhouse gases or of sustainable
consumption in the conduct of the minipublic?
2.3The open questions
The description of the quality criteria as
well as the whole of the empirical analysis
have left a number of outstanding issues
that we will present here by limiting itself
to those likely to find an answer by means
of empirical research. Firstly concerning
the representation. The most important
question, the more burning hot, and whose
response would be most suitable to provide
innovative results in this area, is that of the
mandatory participation: what would
happen if a mini-public was recruited on
the basis of a draw compulsory as in the
case of a jury judicial? Who would take
the risk of not coming? We would be still
in the presence of a cross section ? And the
participants would they be so motivated at
work? For less ambitious way, a second
open question is that of the correlation
between the method of recruitment and its
outcome in terms of the representativeness
of the participants in order to put in before
the variables which play the most
important role in the acceptance has an
invitation: is it the sum of money? The
formulation of the topic? Of the form of
the invitation? The method of drawing? A
third series of questions is articulated
around the symbolic dimension of the
representation. If it has been able to give a
few elements of response in chapter 5, it
seems interesting to look at it again with
quantitative studies more targeted on the
feeling of the population on the activity
of " sorpresentant " on and on the sense of
the participants.
We have seen repeatedly that deliberation
is the best-known aspect and the more
research of mini-public. It remains that
there are three questions. In the first place
of the reintroduction of the develop an
important agonistic in the model. Such a
maneuver does it help crystallize the
debate in opening? Or is it better to
separate the spheres by pressing 338
2. What institutional engineering for the
mini-public?
Their articulation: develop an important
agonistic outside the mini-public, cooperative in inside it? In the second place,
that of the inclusion of parties and
extremist positions during the information
phase: could it be beneficial? What would
be the possible contribution of legitimacy?
And the dangers involved? In the third
place, the question of the possible
influence of facilitators is often asked and
elucidated by interviews with the
presenters themselves as well as by that of
the assessment provided by the
participants. However, it would be
interesting to test, during a mini-public
with two parallel groups, the capacity for a
moderator " malicious about ≪ it is-a-say
voluntarily manipulator, to direct the
debate. Such a device would probably be
very interesting to observe but its
implementation poses significant
problems.
We discussed the subject of the legitimacy
of the mini-public and many beginnings of
response could not be formulated.
However, specific research could further
clarify the situation by means of
correlation tests between the perceived
legitimacy of the experimentation and the
criteria such as the topic, the duration of
deliberation or the type of results. It could
be based on the approach of Cutler & al.
(2008). Finally, it has been seen that the
mini-public are not always a place of
empowerment and that they do not affect
all citizens permanently. An important
question is therefore that of the correlation
between empowerment and variables such
as the topic, the duration, the intensity
deliberative or the implementation of
recommendations.
3. The conditions for achieving the
policy aleatorienne
There was a limit up to present the test of
the expectations in the area of the sortition
of deliberative posts and seen that there are
models of satisfying a large part of the
latter. What is it in other frameworks? The
practices of sortition or legal executive,
lotteries and of making prints do they have
comparable benefits? What expectations
are fulfilled in these cases? More
generally, the conditions of realization of
the theory are collected? This question
returns has to ask of a side if the printout is
a desirable tool and the other if it is seen as
such. 339
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
3.1A change desirable?
3.1 .1a potential far from exhausted
3.1.1 .1juries, yet
Four books published in the last ten years
have analyzed the judicial panels under the
angle of the theory of democracy: those of
Vidmar & Hans (2001 and 2007), of
Abramson (2000) and Gastil & al. (2010).
That gives the test of expectations in this
framework? In terms of representativeness,
juries are judicial has both more
satisfactory on the principle and
problematic in practice. In fact, the
compulsory recruitment torque has a
progressive expansion of lists of sorteables
creates a higher potential of
representativeness formal (Gastil & al.
2010, 71). But this ideal is limited by the
procedure for disqualification: the parties
can " do their jury " (Abramson 2000, 131139 ; Vidmar & Hans 2007, 89-105) and
the issue of justice is then shifts of the trial
itself was that of the selection of jurors.
The mathematical representation of
interests seems sometimes dominate within
the juries through their social composition
(and in particular ethnic: AfricanAmericans condemn less often a afroamerican and vice versa a jury of
caucasians) but which is not yet a factor
unique explanatory verdicts (Abramson
2000, xi). The representation of
type " altruism selfish " is presented in a
part of the juries. With regard to the
representation that we had characterized
research of the general interest, it can also
be found frequently and will sometimes
even up to take the form of a protrusion of
the clear mandate when juries have
recourse to the procedure of nullification,
that is to say that they refuse to render a
verdict in agreement with the judge's
instructions regarding the law; the jury
may acquit a defendant convicted on the
grounds that the Act on which is based the
conviction is unjust (Abramson 2000,
XXV). Finally, if the mandate of the
jurors is in general limite16, their
deliberation has a binding force which can
have serious consequences, particularly in
countries such as the United States in
which the death penalty is in force. It is,
moreover, one of the two major
weaknesses of the representation in the
juries: in the trial involving the death
penalty, jurors are more than
proportionally inclined has condamner17.
The second
16More in all cases than the number of
participants has mini-public.
17Vidmar & Hans (2007, 341) or
Abramson (2000, 12-13). If you couple
this trend to bias of ethnic representation,
this may give the explosive situations and
resets very widely in question the
legitimacy of cer340
3. The conditions for achieving the policy
aleatorienne
Heavy trend concerned the civil trials in
which enterprises are involved and which
are more than proportionally decided in
favor of the complainants prives18.
The judicial panels do not seem meet all
the conditions of the good deliberation. If
the changes of opinion and debate took
place, the discussion, she, is not
necessarily to the appointment: the
ringleaders can impose their views on the
rest of the group (Abramson 2000, XI), the
opportunities for participation are not
equal for all, and the hierarchies of
decision of speech are presented. In
addition, the jurors do not have the
opportunity to play an active role during
the trial, since they do not have the right to
ask questions or take notes, at least in the
United States . It remains that the decisionmaking process is evidence of a quality
important deliberative (Gastil & al. 2010,
73-105) and that it increases with the
socio-economic diversity of the jurors,
quality still increased by the need to render
a unanimous verdict (Abramson 2000,
205). In addition, it seems that the jury
either in ability to provide competent
verdicts: the empirical studies show that
the explanatory factor the more fort of a
verdict is well the force of the evidence
presented and that the professional judges
approve the verdicts in their large
majorite19. If one is interested in the
question of the power to the people, it can
be seen that the jury is probably the tool
aleatorien the more radical and effective in
this sense since its members are taking a
decision which has the force of law, it
is " the power of the people " (Abramson
2000, 1-3)20. This force is an important
basis of the legitimacy of the tool which is
double of a legitimacy of establishment
based on the draw more widely accepted
than in other tools, in part because the
instrument is integrated into a broader
process and framed by professional judges,
particularly in systems such as that of
France. For the jurors, the search for the
correct decision is a major source of
legitimacy (Hans & Vidmar 2001, 340).
More generally, the arguments of
representativeness and judgment by the
peers are perceived as positive by the
citizens who support greatly the institution
and - if we take the case of the United
States - would prefer
Some juries.
18Vidmar & Hans (2003, 341) interpret
this trend as the willingness of jurors to
restore the balance of power between
companies and ordinary citizens.
19Vidmar & Hans (2007, 339-340): " Very
significant to us are the research findings
that identify the strengths of the evidence
presented at the trial as the major
determinant of jury verdicts. Civil jury
damage awards are strongly correlated
with the negligence and degree of injury.
Thesis reasonable patterns in jury
decisions go a long way to reassuring us
that jury, by and large, listen to the judge
and decided check boxes on the merits of
the evidence rather than the biases and
prejudice. Furthermore, in systemic studies
spanning five decades, we find that judges
agree with jury verdicts in most boxes. ≪
20 It thus plays a role in procedural
prevention as defined in Chapter 1:
because judges and lawyers know that a
case could happen before a jury, they are
trying to adjust otherwise (Abramson
2000, 6-8). 341
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
For 75% of them be tried by a jury rather
than by juges21. The resonance of juries in
the public sphere is a last element which
tends to show the importance that they
occupy in the framework of a justice
transparent and democratic. The overall
effects of juries are also remarkable. First,
in terms of quantitative participation, it is
estimated that one third of us nationals are
brought has become de jure has a time in
their lives (Gastil & al. 2010, 4).
Secondly, the participation was a jury is a
factor of empowerment,as Gastil & al.
(2010) have been the show: the jurors earn
not only technical skills during the trial,
but also the social skills (Gastil & al. 2010,
129-130). They also remain deeply
marked by their experience which changed
their behavior: they engage in the political
life and tend to participate more
systematically to the elections (Gastil & al.
2010, 128). Thirdly juries are the meeting
place between the justice professionals and
citizens or develops a respect and a mutual
understanding and a sense of justice and
the common good (Gastil & al. 2010, 10).
3.1.1 .2lotteries in education
For the last ten years, more and more
universities and schools employ a draw to
distribute the seats they have. These
lotteries seem to have an effect of major
inclusion (Stone 2008, 267). They limit
the perverse effects induced by methods of
selection based on a review on geographic
criterion (Boyle 2010, items 57-72) or of
competence (Boyle 2010, 107-120)
described his contributions ) thus
minimizing the role of the economic
capital, social and cultural life of the upper
classes. Concerning the opinion of actors
in the presence, the press and the media
seem largely hostile has the idea of the
drawing and the qualify of unjust and
illegitimate (Boyle 2010, 51). The citizens
about has them are more moderate. Thus,
in the Netherlands, the students who have
undergone the draw are not opposed
(d'Hofstee 1983), the USA parents prefer
sometimes even a lottery because it gives a
chance to return to a " good " school (Stasz
& Stolk 2007, 9-10). Finally, when we
asked the British what is the method of
choice the more just to select the children
at the entrance of the school among a list
of seven or eight possibilities, the drawing
is located at the end of grading. On the
other hand, if they are asked to compare
the drawing with only one other method,
then the latter
21Vidmar & Hans (2007, 345).
342
3. The conditions for achieving the policy
aleatorienne
Is located has equal or even before (Sutton
Trust 2007). Such a result makes emerge a
fundamental issue of conditions of
achievements of the theory of democracy
random, that of the framing it is-a-say of
the creation of a discursive space in which
the printout may be compares ceteris
paribus with other procedures, problematic
to which we will return.
3.1 .2Comparative Approaches
It had been pointed out in the first chapter
that the drawing is one of the four methods
of selection in the side of the market, of
the vote and of the examination. The result
of the work took us has we concentrate on
the printout, and the election and then on
the drawing only. The reflection initiated
in the first part of this chapter has
remained in this framework and the
strengths and weaknesses of mini-public
have been evaluated for intrinsic manner,
without appeal has a comparative approach
with other decision-making procedures.
This entry comparative inter-procedure
(pulling/vote - drawing/review draw/market) is yet a fundamental pillar of
understanding of the emergence of the
theory of random democracy but also
procedures employing again the draw.
That is why, although this is not the
objective of this work, it is interesting to
present a few succinct elements of a
comparative nature. Boyle (2010)
mobilized for example a wide series of
studies which tend to show that the choice
by examination is not more effective in
terms of outcome that the choice by draw
when it comes to selecting candidates at
the entry of a university: the learned the
fate are not significantly less efficient than
the candidates chosen " on the merits "
on22. The same remark applies widely has
the comparison between drawing and
market: the programs of vouchers , i.e. is
the choice of a school based on a market
are ineffective in the prediction of
academic success. The more general
comparison between drawing and market
has been made by Kornhauser & Sager
(1988) who argue that in a situation of
economic inequalities, the draw is more
just than the market. Regarding the vote
and the draw, we saw in the first part of
this chapter that the sorpresentants were in
ability to produce results just as competent
as the elected representatives. In another
registry, it is interesting to ask the question
of costs. In effect the patterns based on the
drawing are often critical for
22Boyle (2010, 137) : " The interview is in
generally the ultimate decide of who has
'merit'. In reality it merely reflects the
prejudices, witting gold use Goffmann s
terminology i.e. of the interviewer. It is on
this basis that a lottery becomes not just
acceptable, goal has more just, even a
more efficient process than the highly J.
relies can be compared with those
applicable interviews that are usually the
final arbiter of merit. ≪
343
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Their cost financial and moral, without a
real serious evaluation of net costs would
be realized. The mini-public are an
obvious case of this bad faith. The cost of
25,000 euros per decision (a jury of
citizens) seems far too high has many
critics. But the cost of operation of the
French parliament stood for example has
EUR 741 million in 2002 to 122 laws,
either 218 times more by " result " on23.
The question of the jurisdiction of the
judicial selection boards is also done
largely without taking into account the
judicial procedures without a jury even
though the difference between the two
procedures is, in terms of results,
insignificant (Vidmar & Hans 2007, 151159).
3.1 .3Balance Sheet
The widening of the perspective book of
the concordant indications on the first of
the conditions of realization, that of
relevance. When the draw is employee, he
seemed to be able to have positive effects.
Effects which are also present in a
comparative dimension. The draw may be
more effective, less expensive, more
representative, more democratic, less
biased than the other procedures of choice
and therefore has a political potential.
Despite these successes in some areas, the
tools aleatoriens do not diffuse. By
continuing in a quantitative manner the
comparison procedural, we must go to the
evidence clearly shows that the tools based
on the drawing are insignificant. Only 8%
of the trial in the United States include a
jury, 99.99 per cent of the universities
continue to select candidates on the
academic merit, the mini-public are a
phenomenon of niche reserve has rich
countries, the tie-breaker elective are
curiosities and the decision-making prints
on serious issues are non-existent.
Therefore, even when it is efficient, the
printout is not a standard procedure which
pushes has be interested in the second part
of the conditions of realization, the one
concerning the political actors: the draw is
it desired? Is it desired? A return on the
history of the dissemination
of Planungszellen will provide a first
lighting.
23Calculation dating back to 2005: cf.
Vergne 2005.
344
3. The conditions for achieving the policy
aleatorienne
3.2A desired change?
3.2 .1" Tausende von Planungszellen "
" Ich denke year morgen, wenn du
Tausende von Planungszellen stattfinden
werden und Millionen von Menschen
Master Corporal Daran teilnehmen'
werden. ≪ Peter Dienel (Vergne 2005, 2).
The analysis of the questionnaires and
interviews conducted for the study of
diffusion24, as well as from the literature
allows you to move forward seven
elements explaining why the thousands
of Planungszellen whose Peter Dienel
revait yet in 2005 have never seen the light
of day. The first cause of nondissemination could reside in the poor
quality of the model, what the results of
the empirical study contradict. Another
explanation is based on the assumption of
the procedural competition, i.e. is the fact
that other models equivalent but less
expensive and/or more efficient will be
developed and disseminated. This vision is
defensible since, as we have seen, the 1990
have seen the models of participatory
democracy multiply. However, it is noted
that participatory democracy is not
imposed in global terms. It remains a niche
and the Planungszelle represents a small
share of this small part. A third hypothesis
focuses on the inability of the model to
emerge from its product image scientific
and academic. The figures however,
contradict this explanation. In Germany,
24% of projects have been carried out as
research projects25 on the whole of the
period ; rates which mounted a 50 per cent
for the first two decades but which drops
to 13% over the period 1992-1998 and has
only 5.5 per cent between 1998 and 2011.
The explanation would then perhaps be a
seek from the side of the political scale:
the Planungszelle would not have managed
to exceed the local level. In fact, and
contrary to what might be expected, the
distribution is wider and if 63% of the
projects have had a local theme, 11% were
from regional level (Land ), 19% national
and 8% dealt with global themes /
supranational.
Has the reverse of these four assumptions
little explanatory, three factors can
enlighten the finding of the nondissemination. First, the model has not
been able to convince the decision makers
and agents given that the correlation
between successful projects and
dissemination of the model is
24 Cf. chapter 3, 2.1 , p. 186 and Annex
2.1 , p. 398.
25Three types of projects fall into this
category: those financed by a specific fund
has research, those made up entirely on a
university budget and those supported in
part by the trustee recipient of
recommendations but declared by the
organizers as a research project.
345
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Extremely low. In Germany, only eight of
the forty two agents have launched more
than one project and only three of them
more than three. Secondly, strong logical
networks have been has the
implementation. We know from the
literature that the networks of stakeholders
play a central role in the success of the
diffusion of an innovation: the
interpersonal contacts between the
inventors of the model and the actors
academic, political and social form the
basis of the process (Rogers 2003).
However, in the opinion of the vast
majority of the members of the
network Planungszelle, Peter Dienel has
has the time been the biggest engine of the
spread of the model but also one of the
major obstacles posed has its
dissemination. His missionary attitude
of " Saint Paul of the Planungszelle " has
sometimes been strongly discredited the
tool. In the same way - albeit at a more
global level - we note that the structure of
the German network, highly integrated,
was the most important factor of
dissemination but also of nondissemination. All projects carried out in
Germany, with the exception of one, have
in effect been conducted by connected
persons has one of these institutions, a
control that has probably limited the
possibilities of making projets26. The
network for the promotion of the model
therefore seems not to have managed to
impose and has win the necessary support.
In addition, and this is the third
explanatory hypothesis, the dissemination
of the Planungszelle if is based on the
offer: its supporters have approach the
political and administrative leaders to
propose their standard model then that
there was no request: the model has not
received the overwhelming support of the
elite preventing a broadcast top-down, nor
that of social movements blocking the road
has a dissemination bottom-up. In the end,
the idea of Planungszellen is increased by
the channels side-up and side-down of
academic origin. In a 1985 report,
conducted with collaborators at the
University of Wuppertal, Dienel attempted
to analyze the reasons for the failure of the
dissemination of its model and concludes
that what is lacking are
the Anwendungstrukturen : of the same
that the automotive industry has been able
to largely do accept his innovation that,
with the establishment of corresponding
infrastructure (paved roads, garages and
fuel supply system), the proponents of
the Planungszelle must convince the
political system that a new infrastructure
of participation are necessary (Dienel &
Mehlich 1985, 75-90). It is therefore in
the social and political environment more
broadly that it is appropriate to seek the
causes of the non-distribution of
the Planungszelle and may-be well also of
the whole range of models based on the
drawing.
26But clearly ensures the quality of those
made, unlike countries such as the United
Kingdom.
346
3. The conditions for achieving the policy
aleatorienne
3.2 .2Ignorance and rejection: the absence
of a society aleatorienne
It was widely had the opportunity to deal
with all of the actors who wish the
introduction and the reintroduction of the
draw in politics, it is time now to see who
does not wish this change and for what
reasons. The first of them and the most
widespread seems to be simply the
ignorance. There is, of a few criticisms of
the theory of democracy random but the
latter are all the more spontaneous
reactions has the writings of supporters of
the tirage27. In reality, there is no trace of
a discussion highly reasoned in the theory.
Ignorance also seems at first sight be the
attitude more generally widespread in the
population. However, there are some
groups likely to reject the institution
drawing, in the first rank of which are
located the political elite who would have
much to lose has a widespread use of the
instrument and which seems particularly
react violently to the proposals in this
direction, when they are informes28. The
interest groups and economic actors also
have good reasons to fear of instruments
such as the mini-public on which they have
only a reduced oversight and they choose
to put in before the legitimacy of the
procedure of market, only one has even to
reveal the real preferences of citizens-29. It
may even happen that the supporters of a
greater democratization of democracy are
likely to oppose the establishment of
institution aleatoriennes30.
However, the rejection is not limited to the
elites. The experiences of Aix-la-Chapelle
and Poitiers have shown that the
participants, despite their rejection of the
representative political current, their
positive sense vis-a-vis the draw as a
method of selection for the mini-public
and their judgment on the model itself
were not envy of a democracy
aleatorienne. They
27Classically the authors very thinly
populated a chapter containing the
reactions that they have received during
the presentation of their text. See for
example Callenbach & Phillips (1985, 7378), Barnett & Carty (2008, 109-123) or
(Boyle 2010, 86-94). See also point 3.5 of
chapter 3, p. 160 et seq.
28It returns has Sintomer (2007) who has
presented an anthology of reactions has the
announcement by SéGolã¨ne Royal of
its willingness to put in place citizens'
juries. Reactions which, from the extreme
left to the extreme right, were almost
unanimously negative, sometimes violent
and was often evidence of ignorance vis-avis the model of mini-public which it was
question.
29See for illustration the reactions very
violent of the packaging industry after the
jury on the deposit system that we have
studied at the beginning of the chapter.
Hendriks (2004, 84-85).
30Carson & Martin (1999, 116) : " It's
worth mentioning one additional source of
resistance: many prominent figures in
social movements and dissenting political
groupings. In terms of their own
principles, many of these individuals are
committed to promoting increased citizen
participation. However, they occupy
positions in which they have status and
power within an organization and peut
wider visibility as spokespeople for a
cause. To promote random selection might
undermine their own status. ≪
347
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Consider that the policy should remain a
profession and that it request the skills and
vertus31. More generally, and in
incorporating the categories of analysis of
the first chapter, the pejorative speed of
reception of the coincidence in our
societies strongly prevents the
dissemination of idee32. Liberal societies
have modern fact of merit and of a certain
form of rationality their credo, which is
taught and internalized since the more
early childhood (Carson & Martin 1999,
118). However, as noted in the Elster
(1987, 173) based on Thomas (1971), the
draw deeply questioned this approach:
" Thomas allegedly infringing that one
cause of the decline of magic in the late is
the editor of seventeenth century was the
anacronym "ability to tolerate ignorance,
which has been defined as an essential
characteristic of the scientific attitude."
(790) It follows that explicit lotteries
should be more frequently used, with no
attempt to dress them up as an expression
of fate or God's will. Purpose Thomas
aussi suggests that people in contemporary
societies are just as downpour to the
recognition of uncertainty, ignorance, and
indeterminacy. "The investment programs
of modern industrial firms ... require
decisions to be taken about future policies
at times when it is often impossible to
form a rational view of their outcome. It is
not surprising that industrialists sometimes
worn barely falling within statistical
projects to justify what is essentially a leap
in the dark." ≪
The central place of the concept of merit as
legitimate key and unique of any selection
procedure33 and the willingness of
reasoning in terms " rational " on without
recognizing the contingency of human
reason are probably the two most
important barriers to the diffusion of the
idea of drawing in politique34. The
psychological barrier is also semantics: the
draw is linked to the ideas of chaos,
lottery, game, etc. associations who abduct
has the method its credibility. The results
of the empirical studies are returning here
in head: the liberal society is neither
Babylonian nor anarchist.
3.3Balance Sheet
A highlighted the potential of the drawing
and the weakness of its dissemination have
shown that the conditions of realization of
the theory are not all together. If the cleros
has of procedural benefits and may be
powerful, it is-a-say desirable, it is not
force31Inquiry
Posterior, cf. chapter 5, 4.2.3.2 , 298.
32 Cf. chapter 1, 3.2.2 , p. 67 or Goodwin
(2005, 55): " However, the association of
the lottery principle with gambling and
vice, especially in strongly Christian
countries, has in general vitiated its
reputation and blinded many people to its
fairness and usefulness as a versatile
instrument of social justice. ≪
33Even though a combination between
drawing and merit is everything has done
imaginable by the establishment of a
procedure topnotch a draw and a review on
criterion of merit.
34See also Buchstein (2009, 457)
: " Machen wir few aber keine Illusionen:
Um der Lottery in modernen Demokratien
mehr Raum geben zu konnen, bedarf es
eines gesellschaftlichen
Mentalitatswechsels bezuglich der
Akzeptanz "Zufalligen". ≪
348
3. The conditions for achieving the policy
aleatorienne
MENT wants: it is greatly ignored and the
reluctance - more or less virulent and
aware - are numerous. Then how do you
reconcile these two aspects? How do
happen the change? And what agenda
concerning the theory of drawing in
politics does it mean?
4. What agenda for the theory of the
draw in politics?
4.1The scenarios of change
We had in the third chapter class the
authors supporters of the draw depending
on the nature of the frame was debate that
they employed and the tools that they were
proposing. While maintaining this
distinction in memory, we will now detail
the strategies and scenarios imagined by
them for that come hell or high water the
change. We can distinguish three
positions: do, reform and combat.
4.1 .1Do: Dienel, Crosby and company
The first strategy is pursued by the creators
of the mini-public for whom it is before
any to do. As the announced Dienel in a
text to the programmatic style:
" Wir werden noch sehr viã¨le Versuche
unternehmen mussen. Die Erfahrungen
werden wir sammeln und systematisieren.
Das wurde few helfen, for Versuche
gezielter anzusetzen. Es wird sich als
notwendig erweisen, Planungsprozesse, die
in unserer Gesellschaft sowieso vonstatten
gehen, using als Modellvorhaben fur die
Beteiligung von Betroffenen zu using. Die
Vergabe von etwa Stadtebaumitteln muss
mit der Auflage verbunden werden,
bestimmte Wirkstoffe
'Partizipationsformen experimentell
anzuwenden. Die formen, die sich als
praktikabel erweisen und die wir
weiterentwickeln, werden Bezeichnungen
s so wie heute Flugzeugtypen: pound
Beteiligungsform fasst 30 Personen, pound
120 und jene 400. ≪ (Dienel 1971a, 29).
This is the number of jobs which will
make the change. The proponents of such a
strategy are little appeal has the theoretical
arguments but much more has of success
on a case-by-case basis. The main
objective is to produce the supply of tools
for drawing, which seems to be effective if
you look at the process of dissemination
on the mini-public. This is, in effect, the
employment category of the draw 349
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Who has the more branched out in recent
years, in particular owing to the existence
of a network of promoters of the
deliberative democracy and participatory
are seized of the model and which have
door. It is also a strategy which has the
advantage of being very pragmatic. It does
not presuppose a citizen theoretical ideal supporter of the first hour of the draw - and
does not consider that the cleros suffice it
has create the conditions of a renewed
democracy. On the contrary, for its
proponents and to the early pioneers of
participatory democracy, the motivations
of citizens are multiple. Dienel (1971b,
153) quoted by example the motivations
has the participation in the following
order: Finanzielle
Vergutung, Objektbezogenes
Interested, objektunabhangige
Communication, moralische
Werte, Spielreiz, Gruppenzugehorigkeit. In
this approach, the reward of the
participants, the facilities of organizations
temporal, the limited mandate, are so many
contradictions in the theory of the pull and
policy described in the third chapter, but
which allow the concrete experiences to
take place and be successful. It is this
which also explains that the drawing has
played in this strategy a secondary role,
unlike the central place it occupies in the
theoretical constructions of a part of the
authors of the corpus.
Two questions arise concerning this tactic.
Firstly, the question of its force has
convince to have recourse to the draw in
fields other than that of the mini-public in
which there is no standardized instrument
ready-a-employment, door by a network of
actors having a professional perspective.
Secondly, that of the ethics. Some as
Fishkin did not hesitate to
organize Deliberative Poll in China.
Dienel about has him has always refused to
accompany the process within private
businesses while taking the reindeer of a
project funded by a research center on
atomic energy. No in contrast may be
reluctant to work with all the actors of the
political spectrum supporter, extreme right
placing a hand. Do has any cost may
however lead to anchor the draw and its
practice in a context spam making its
dissemination in other frameworks widely
less easy. It has been seen that the
existence of a suitable speech and a
positive perception35 are elements
absolutely central to the dissemination of
any procedure of choice. However, a
strategy of " make " on ready the sidewall
has any associations negative discursive drawing and dictatorship for example which could impede the dissemination of
the idea of the theory of random
democracy.
35On these concepts see chapter 1, 3.1 and
3.2 , p. 54 et seq.
350
4. What agenda for the theory of the draw
in politics?
4.1 .2pontificating and infiltrate, without
being politicized
This strategy is opposed to the previous
one in the sense that it focuses on the
production of a speech pro draw,
encompassing, and macro from the theory
and not of the practice. Its proponents
develop normative pitches and thus
designed a strategy for medium term
consisting of a infiltrate the institutions
and has reinvest the meanings associated
with the selection procedures (operations
of reframing). From an operational point
of view, it is to infiltrate the existing
institutions lack legitimacy in the blow by
blow:
" What I hope is that it may be possible to
get the process started by finding areas of
responsibility where the present ways of
doing things manifestly fail. It will be in
the interests of those who bear the stigma
of that failure to try to get rid of those
responsibilities to whatever institutions are
willing to accept them. One of the great
virtues of demarchy is that it can, les autres
centralized forms of socialism, be gasnot
in a piecemeal way, provided there is
sufficient agreement that it is worth trying
in a perticular area. ≪ (Burnheim 1985,
160).
This approach has involved the production
of a subframe favorable ideological the
draw and ready therefore less sidewall to
the abuse that the strategy of the do but
may prove particularly unproductive. The
study of chapter 2 has shown that the
proposals for reform have multiplied since
40 years, each year brings its lot of authors
who proposed to revolutionize democracy
by the use of the draw but the calls are
piling up and the liberal democracy has yet
beautiful days before it. Everyone seems to
reinvent the wheel, in a world which does
not seem to need it. Such a strategy runs
the risk even that she denounced: the right
to remain an intellectual pleasure reserve
has the progressive elites steeped in history
and ancient knitting woolen socks complex
scenarios combining prints, on elections,
exams in the radiance. A ludic activity in
sum then that normal citizens are burdened
with debts, unemployment and insecurity
on a daily basis.
4.1 .3become a political movement
" Many of the beneficial changes in society
have been pushed along by social
movements, such as those against slavery,
for universal literacy, for women's rights,
for workers' rights, against torture, and for
environmental responsibility.
Representative systems were not gasnot by
benevolent monarchs, goal were the
outcome of a complex process that
included energetic advocacy. So, let's set
up the "Movement for Random Selection in
Politics". ≪ Carson & Martin (1999, 126).
351
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Unlike the two previous strategies, a last
series of actors offers a tactic based on the
creation of a political movement. It is no
longer to introduce experiences but to
present a program consisting of and of the
porter in the arena develop an important
agonistic. This position is very largely
minority among the university and the
partitioning between activists and
researchers and practitioners of the draw
seems very waterproof. A notable
exception is Barber, which has the inverse
of Burnheim, pleaded for a battle front:
" Strong democracy looks to wage a
second war for suffrage, a second
campaign to win the substance of
citizenship neutralise goal never achieved
by the winning of the vote. We have the
same interest in a substantive victory that
we had in the original formal victory: the
liberation of women and men from
bondage to others, and tb privatism,
through the legitimization of participatory
self-government and the democratic
establishment of a common
good. ≪ (Barber 1984, 266).
For the proponents of this strategy, the
experimentation, useful as it is, is not
enough because it is not linked to a
platform broader reforms politiques36.
What is needed is therefore a party, such as
the one door by some activists French and
Belgian, aimed at anchoring the draw in
the public discussion as the theme has
hand entiere37. The proponents of this idea
are nourished of past experiences,
especially those of the fight for suffrage or
the drawing at the Italian renaissance when
the popolani took to the streets to claim the
prize draw, then attempts successful.
The continuation of such a tactic however,
raises serious questions. First of all,
concerning the relevance even to a party
for a movement which in its overwhelming
majority criticized the system supporter.
Moreover, if this form of action is any of
the same deemed acceptable, the question
arises as to its anchor policy: the theory
and practice of drawing in politics must-
they resolutely anchor in the progressive
camp, has left, for example? In the
affirmative, rather color of socialist or
anarchist? Or on the contrary take a pace
deeply or even liberal libertarian? If the
solution of the party is more comparable to
the historical cases such as that of the
struggle for the extension of the right to
vote, follow the track non-partisan is
closest to the spirit who breath in most
practices aleatoriennes. The politicization
also raises a major question: the anchor in
a political camp and the integration in an
electoral program allows a wider
dissemination in case of victory,
36Martin (1995, 45) : " Tea
experimentation with policy juries and
planning cells is vital in gaining
experience and spreading the idea of
participation through random selection.
The limitation of these approaches is that
they are not linked to major social groups
which would be able to mobilize people to
work for the alternative. ≪
37See Amanrich (2006) or Grabzinsky
(2007). 352
4. What agenda for the theory of the draw
in politics?
But causes a rejection more systematic of
the opposition. That is what the example
compares of France and Germany gives a
see concerning the mini-public. With the
gradual integration of the theme of the
participation in the platform of the socialist
party and its victory in many French
regions, participatory democracy, and by
ricochet the practice of drawing, has
developed considerably in a very short
time, but has resulted in a systematic
rejection of the part of the conservative
camp. In Germany, on the other hand, all
the parties of the political spectrum have
and continue to put in place instruments
based on the drawing, but in a manner
more sporadic and without project
consisting in the long term. A last poll
concerning this strategy is that of its scope.
It is quite obvious that a political
movement which battle against the whole
of an established system, based on the
worship of merit and the vote, must expect
has a widespread resistance and has be
ignored and mocked more than listening
and understood.
4.2Research Questions
4.2 .1theoretical research: Densification of
the platform discursive
The work done in the previous chapters
has been widely demonstrated that
develops for forty years a set of arguments
which may have been condensed in the
form of a theory of democracy random.
This first step is however not sufficient and
the stakes of the theoretical research future
lies in the creation of a discursive
legitimacy for the draw. Using the same
categories of the first chapter, it is to
produce regimes of justification raising the
draw to the rank of legitimate procedure in
itself, as is the case of the vote today. In
this framework, we need to tackle issues
such as theaccountability which has not
yet been satisfactorily addressed. It must
also carry out operations of metamatching, it is-a-say bind regimes of
justifications has of possible uses. It must
seek here what speech is being combined
with better with what practice and vice
versa what practice has no speech
convincing. Such research may be the
opportunity to propose new instruments
aleatoriens hybrids, although this does not
seem a priority in view of the large number
of publications of this type. At the level of
the regime for reception, the important
seems to reinvest the meanings associated
with the drawing. It is of 353
Chapter 6: The contours of a policy
aleatorienne
Create situations of framing in which it
becomes possible to compare the
drawing ceteris paribus with other modes
of selection. Finally, in another register it
is necessary to continue the comparative
research inter-procedures through studies historical including - if interesting in the
process of dissemination of the vote and
elective procedures of direct democracy
and semi-direct: what have been the
strategies pay tv? The obstacles?
4.2 .2empirical research: Compare the
jobs, test models
In the empirical domain, three axs seem
priority. First, we had the opportunity to
note that the work regarding the lotteries
and the advisory prints are deficient and it
would therefore be particularly fruitful to
look in this direction. Then, it was stressed
the lack of comparisons inter-procedures:
what are the differences between a draw
and a review when the distribution of
social housing? How would
a Planungszelle with a recruitment by
market, consideration or vote (same
subject, same method, only the recruitment
changed) ? What would happen if you
pulled out real decisions to the fate? What
happens in forums less structures? The
formula printout + deliberation is it
essential? Finally, it would be good - albeit
that utopian - to test empirically the huge
variety of theoretical proposals in order to
see which pass the test of reality. Finally,
the question of the precondition
aleatorienne should be the object of all the
attention: the citizens are they really
reluctant to change? The merit is it the
unsurpassable horizon of the liberal order?
Is there a culture policy favorable to draw?
Otherwise, how can accompany its
emergence?
354
5. Conclusions
5. Conclusions
The highlighting of the empirical study
and theoretical has license to drive has six
conclusions. First, the study of a corpus of
about twenty evaluations of process of
mini-public confirmed in very large part
the results obtained in chapter 5
concerning Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers.
Secondly, the statement of common
weaknesses allowed the update of criteria
of qualities concerning the mini-public
along four axs: the inclusion, deliberation,
the efficiency and fairness. It also allows
you to raise a series of questions for future
research concerning the mini-public.
Thirdly, by expanding the reflection has all
the usages of the prize draw in politics, we
were able to identify a double trend: the
tools aleatoriens may be competitive in a
perspective inter-procedure, they can be
more rational, fair, effective, etc. Despite
this, they still rely on the fingers of the
hand and are almost never the standard
procedure. In reality, and this is the fourth
result of the contextualization, it seems
that the conditions macro-policies of
realization of the theory of democracy and
random innovation " draw in " policy are
not met: if the change can be seen as
desirable, it is not desired. Then arises,
fifthly, the issue of scenarios that can lead
to a change. The analysis revealed that
there are three strategies among the
proponents of the prize draw in politics:
get involved to multiply jobs (do), work
has create a speech legitimizing the draw
(pontificating and infiltrate without being
politicized) and advocate (become a
political movement). It was finally put in
before that some of the questions
concerning the draw in policy could find a
response in additional research, empirical
and theoretical opening a research agenda
in the field.
355
Conclusion
1. Contributions of the study
1.1A typology relevant
The typology seems a relevant tool and
useful, because it may, grace has it, enter
live procedures, encased in their political
and social context. She brings concrete
elements of understanding on the
dissemination of the tools for drawing in
putting forward the central role of the
regime of justification (why or do we
reject the draw?) and receive (how
interprets it the concept of the random
which is the basis of the draw?) which
have proved just as important as the
hardware procedure itself (how do they
make the fate concretely ? ). It is as well
that it was able to advance a hypothesis
explaining the reason for the draw is not
disseminated in liberal societies. The latter
would call into question the ideological
foundations of these regimes - the
objective jurisdiction and one-dimensional
as well as the merits - and would be
negatively associated with concepts such
as the game, the risk or irrationality. The
modular approach of the typology has also
made it possible to emphasize the extrinsic
nature of the draw, i.e. is the fact that the
latter do not have a nature or value own
(just, egalitarian, impartial, etc. ) but that it
is the result of a set of engineering
procedural, justifications and various
interpretations. It has thus been able to
identify prototypes of procedures of choice
(cf. illustration 62, p. 358) and then
prototypes of drawing which are derived
from the cross between a hardware
operation and a frame was debate (cf.
illustration 11 of chapter 1, p. 87). The
typology is also in a more comprehensive
approach consisting of a " make a not in ≪
rear to watch not only " the plethora of
current policies " but also the level more
abstract procedures, as well as the
motivations and psychological context and
symbolic of their use1. Finally, the work
of the
1Burnheim (2006, 2) : " My hand hope
remains that people of all spells who are
concerned about the problems that face our
contemporary democracies may find it
stimulating to step back from the plethora
of current policy issues and devote more
attention to questions of procedures of
representation and decision-making.
Conclusion
First Chapter opens the tracks concerning
the understanding of other political tools
through procedural and would allow for
example to deal in detail with the other
methods of selection or more widely has
objects as the monnaie2.
Batch
Decision
Post
Draw (cleros)
Lottery
Stack or face
Sortition
Vote (psephos)
Distribution
Voting
Election
Review (docimasie)
Allocation
Deliberation
Maintenance
Market (Agora)
Trade
Negotiation
Venality
Illustration 62: Prototypes of procedures
of choice.
1.2The emergence of a theory of
democracy random
The study scientometrics has first of all
shows that there is indeed a growing set
and coherent texts, is interesting to the - or
even proposing the reintroduction of the -
drawing in policy which allows itself to be
analyzed in a quantitative manner. The
trends observed during the data collection
is continuing and the more recent
publications which could not be integrated
in the database confirms the analysis ; in
bibliometric terms, they have a rate of
intercitation important and orient
themselves to the corpus of textes3. The
approach of chapter 2 has in addition
shows that the scientometrie can also be
fruitful in such disciplines as political
philosophy in order to delineate
quantitatively a scientific field and to
reveal the heavy trends before to take an
interest in a more targeted way during a
qualitative analysis.
The work carried out in the third chapter
has about has him clearly shows the
existence of a frame was debate common
has a series of authors supporters of the
drawing composed of two elements: firstly
a radical criticism of the current political
system and of its intellectual foundations
(which are the competence and merit) and
secondly the formulation of an alternative
based on the drawing of lots and
accompanied by expectations concerning
its
The basic belief underlying my approach
to our problems is that social relationships
and structures are built up out of our social
practices, our ways of doing things. ≪
2The currency as a tool (banknotes and
coins, or on the contrary cacao beans and
pens, or even data pure virtual), recessed in
a system of justifications (medium of
exchange, value in itself, etc. ) and receive
(money as a means or as a goal, etc. ).
3See for example Stone (2011) or Pluchino
& al. (2011).
358
1. Contributions of the study
Implementation (in the areas of formal
representation and substantial, of
participation, of the legitimacy and the
society in general). The relevance of this
analysis is confirmed by the issuance of
subsequent publications has the drafting of
chapter employing exactly the same frame:
a theory of democracy seems random
therefore well be emerging. We can define
the latter as a current of political
philosophy which the object of study is the
draw in politics, which, in its vast
majority, developed a partisan speech on
the use of this procedure of choice with the
aim to bring a solution to the multiple
crises of liberal democracy, and which is
crossed with differing sensitivities
concerning the concrete modalities of
implementation of the draw and the
magnitude has give his employment.
1.3The mini-public: An innovation came
here from Germany
The study of chapter 4 on the creation and
dissemination of mini-public has shown
that the real cradle of model is Germany
and that the Planungszelle of Peter Dienel
is the first practical model which has
brought together citizens learned the fate
in order to deliberate on a public policy
issue on the basis of contradictory
information: it is the first modern
realization of the idea of mini-public.
Contrary to expectations, this is not the
example of judicial panels which has
served as the main inspiration but much
more a comprehensive approach to social
engineering at the intersection of the
sociology, psychology of group and of
pragmatic concerns which have been the
main reasons for the choice of draw for the
recruitment of participants. The analysis
has also shown that the sister model, that
of Citizens Juries created by Ned Crosby,
was inspired by the principles of social
justice and ethics policy but had it no
more, not had the jury for judicial model.
In both cases, however, the main concern
was to make possible the decision making
in the context of pluralistic societies highly
atomised. The result of the study has
shown the paths taken by the two models
which have led to their dissemination and
gradual hybridization according to three
modes: the faithful transposition (the
model is imported without change as in
Spain), the transfer with adaptation (the
model is taken as a basis and then adapted
to the local context as in the United
Kingdom ) and the indirect inspiration (the
model is known by literature and serves as
a foundation for the development of an
instrument clean as in France).
359
Conclusion
1.4A theory which passes the test bench
Chapters 5 and 6 confirm that the greater
part of expectations is carried out in the
mini-public, which means that the theory
of democracy random operates in this
framework. The citizens learned the fate,
put in a situation of information,
deliberation and council, are representative
of the population and to design as such.
They incorporate and then assume their
role of " representative citizen " on and
strive to define and to defend the general
interest in taking a posture of amateurs of
policy. The participants are deeply marked
by their experience and the forums are the
place of an activation which lasts in time
and key their immediate entourage. The
mini-public and the draw are seen as
legitimate not only by the organizers but
also by the participants and by a part of the
public sphere. In addition, we observed the
birth of embryos of new educational
institutions (all players earn technical skills
and thematic), social (a part of the
participants won the social skills and
political) and economic (it creates a
activity of council in participatory
democracy and engineering of minipublic). Put in context through a
comparative study, these results tend to
confirm the hypothesis that the drawing
has a strong political potential. They also
allow you to propose 4 quality criteria
updated for the mini-public: the inclusion
(the procedure is available for a maximum
of citizens and of interests formed, and the
few as the other can express himself), the
deliberation (the conditions of the debate,
the discussion, of the trunk without
hierarchy of participation are secured
through methods of animation), the
relevance (the mini-public is effective and
efficient, that is, it has a hardware effects
and media, that it is integrated in the
decision-making process and that he has a
report quality-price satisfactory) and
equity (the process is difficult to
manipulate because it is accompanied by
professional, because it is transparent and
because it is reflective).
At the level of experiences, Aix-laChapelle has shown that the use of minipublic in a framework of blocking of
politicking is particularly effective: the
citoyenne becomes more autonomous and
the instrument creates a new balance
discursive. This effect would be yet to be
confirmed in other cases, but is a major
contribution of the study in regard to
the meta-matching (study of relevance of
the employment of a given instrument in a
given context). The experience has also
proved the usefulness of having groups
working in parallel 360
1. Contributions of the study
In order to be able to aggregate the results
independent of each other, a process able
to increase the legitimacy of the whole:
independently of each other, different
groups and accompanied by different
animators, but subject to the same
information, come to the same
conclusions, which objectively the results.
The experience picto-Charente has shown
that we must take seriously the issue of the
drafting of the opinion citizen by the group
because such an approach runs the risk of
leaving resurface the sociocultural
differences and hierarchies of floor (it has
been seen that the participants from the
higher PCS have drafted the greater part of
the text then of the citizens from
backgrounds more modest were merely a
more passive role). She has also
established the relevance of the
deliberation in several separate sessions in
order to allow the possibility for
participants to influence the course of the
procedure as well as to discuss the subject
with their entourage. She has finally
confirmed that it is possible to carry out
the evaluation panels beyond the juries
more conventional for prospective or
policy-formulation, a condition to limit the
mandate has a specific object (in the sense
of policy), which was not quite the case in
Poitou-Charentes . The comparison of the
two mini-public has shown that a hybrid
model can be just as effective as the
standard model, the Planungszelle.
2. Limitations and open questions
2.1A typology incomplete
The typology in terms of prototypes
developed in this work is primarily a land
clearing. The deconstruction of the
procedure company here has in addition an
artificial character (including the division
between regime of justification and of
reception) may complicate the analysis of
a phenomenon which is often apprehended
as recognizable using a single marker, as
can the be the moment blind (blind estate)
of (Dowlen 2008a) or the effect hand
sanitiser (sanitizing effect) of Stone (2011).
In addition, the prototypes are probably not
all relevant and the frames anything
economically exploitable would gain to be
supplemented. That is why this area is
called comparative research and case
studies of jobs of the draw to populate a
database of jobs and historical pre361
Conclusion
Present - it also has carried out - and to test
the relevance of the distinction between
hardware operation, regime of justification
and a receipt.
2.2" The age of the draw" is it "on us"?
" Cleary, the age of random selection is
upon us. ≪ (Leiman 1978, 8).
The research Scientometrics, at the same
time that it showed a growing interest for
the draw, has also put in before the
relativity of the phenomenon. Less than
500 texts in more than 40 years in a global
context of exponential growth of
publications in social sciences, are in fact a
sign that " the age of random selection " is
not " clearly upon us ". The definition of
the theory of democracy random made
here is, she also, limited, given that it deals
with the sortition and leaves aside the
lotteries (distribution of batches) and the
drawings advisory (decision-making)
which could well do not rely on the same
discursive regimes and of reception,
especially regarding the criticism of the
skill (one thinks in particular of the
discussions in the field of the places of
education which often revolve around of
the articulation between a draw and a
competence element " classic " in the form
of good notes for example). This
limitation calls for additional research in
these areas.
Beyond that, the relevance of the theory of
democracy random can be called into
question on at least two points. First, it was
seen in chapter 6 that the drawing is not
necessarily desired in liberal societies.
Could it mean that representative
democracy is not structurally in crisis but
that it does only face has a cyclical lack?
The reflections of the authors are they
disconnected from the reality? The
proponents of the draw do they deceive
during fault finding? May-be the draw is it
that a partial solution has specific
problems of democracy. Secondly, and at a
level more than epistemological, the theory
of democracy random considers that the
advent of the draw does not need a new
man or new wife. In reality, the acceptance
of the principle random request that the
human beings are in ability to recognize
the limits of their rationality and their
power. The human being aleatorien is
located has the opposite of the liberal
democracy: it is not a modern Prometheus
on triumph of obs362
2. Limitations and open questions
Tackles by the reason, the discussion and
the force, but on the contrary he who
knows that the contingency is master in
this world.
2.3The limits of the methodology
The empirical research has faced has the
limits inherent in this type of exercise.
First of all, the risk of influencing the
conduct of the experiment through a
comment too participant is real. A Poitiers,
it has been felt mainly after that a
discussion with one of the participants on
the methodology in place has led the latter
to use some of my remarks to criticize the
conduct of the jury. A Aix-la-Chapelle, a
misunderstanding during an interview with
an official of the municipal governance has
prompted me to reveal the results
of Planungszellen even though they were
still neither official nor even approved by
the citizens responsible for the replay of
the citizen report. The latter was then
transmitted instanter my remarks has its
direction, putting a poorly consistency of
approach. Secondly, any qualitative study
has encountered limits well known as are
the non-statistical representativeness and
the bias of the readings. A Aix-la-Chapelle
i could not talk about that with 19 of the 94
participants. If the members of the
first Planungszelle have responded very
positively to my request, only two
participants on 25 of the third group have
agreed to conduct an interview. In
addition, I have not been able or has Aixla-Chapelle nor has Poitiers to speak with
the officials responsible for the practical
implementation recommendations but only
with line managers the most senior. In both
cases lack also the opinion of persons who
have not participated, leaving open a series
of questions on the reasons for
participation or absence. Beyond these
specific limitations of qualitative studies,
the arrangements put in place has not been
able to deliver information on the real
power of the facilitators on the procedure
and its results otherwise than through the
interviews. Design a dedicated tool during
the participatory observation in future
research would provide valuable results on
this crucial aspect of mini-public. In
addition, the choice of the mini-public as
field test has not allowed us to test all the
expectations, including those in which the
deliberation does not play a central role.
The still should be complement research
by finding a model in which the
deliberation is minimal or absent.
363
Conclusion
The work on the corpus ready for its part
the sidewall has a main criticism, the one
to be incomplete and arbitrary in regard to
the selection of texts. Linguistic
boundaries are rapidly reached (only four
languages have could be taken into
account) and the fine distinction between
the texts considered as published and those
not is held at the age of auto-online
publications.
More generally, the choice to articulate a
theoretical study and a practical test in this
research has means a mass of important
work in extended (mass of texts for the
bibliometric study, complexity of the
calculations, preparation, implementation
and operation of the empirical survey)
which has sometimes obliges the impasse
on the depth of analysis. It is as well that
we should understand the last chapter
which raises more questions than it
answers. The choice to take the minipublic as field of test is also subject to
controversy. In effect, these have become
with the time reference of the authors of
the theory of random democracy. The risk
exists that they have adapted, consciously
or not, their expectations to the model
explaining why the mini-public fulfill if
well the expectations. To make sure, it
should be tested for other uses of the draw
having less affinity with the theory like the
lotteries outlined in the chapter 6
concerning practices such as the green
card.
2.4Some of the unfulfilled expectations
The mini-public do not meet fully the
expectations, in particular those related to
the individual power and the mathematical
representation of interests. Either that these
expectations are doomed to be
disappointed when a group of citizens
takes the time to discuss a problem of
public policy and will eventually take a
common position, either that the minipublic do not constitute the model adapted
to the test of this type of expectations (cf.
supra). We do not observe non-more than
the emergence of a new form of
accountability, probably because of the
limited framework in which are located the
citizens, which forced the latter to seek in
the sphere classic representative the means
to render account of their work. It was also
seen that the offer of participation is not
sufficient to create the request and that the
institutional arrangements (compensation,
custody of children, the ability to take
leave) are very important without that one
can determine exactly what factor plays
the biggest role in the motivation to
participate, which called for some research
Rshould364
2. Limitations and open questions
Budgetary funds in this area. In addition,
the mini-public are not the place of a
unique enchantment of the policy. If the
context of employment seems to play a
role (reagent as a Aix-la-Chapelle vs
proactive as a Poitiers), the comments
made in the two experiments are asking to
be supplemented beyond the comparative
approach of chapter 6 which has not, to
this point of view, book of complementary
elements. There should be more accurately
test the correlations has the work which
lead to a decrease or an increase in the
confidence of participants in representative
politics traditional. Finally, the
expectations concerning the emergence of
a legitimacy purely procedural are not
fulfilled. On the contrary, the citizens
involved in the process are seeking has sit
down their legitimacy on a substantial
basis, that of the " good decision " on.
A more holistic point of view, the two
experiments and the contextualization of
chapter six have shown that the drawing
torque has the deliberation bore fruit only
in a limited area (geographically, socially
and politically) even in the the most
ambitious experiments as can be
the Citizens Assemblies. The expectations
macrosocial views are the least performed
and the main issue of a broad realization of
expectations thus seems be the
establishment of an effective interface
between the deliberative bubble and the
political world classic in order that the
policy aleatorienne does not remain
confined to a democracy of projects,
granted and controlled by the
representative bodies classics. This
observation raises the question of the
strategy to be followed for that are
spreading the tools aleatoriens. We were
able to identify three approaches in the
chapter 6 - do, write and engage - who
seem complementary and deserve to be
pursued in parallel. The first is to work
toward the establishment of experiences of
mini-public in order to achieve a critical
mass of jobs making the draw a central
tool of the policy. The second is rather
centered on the production of speech and
of arguments pro-draw in the aim of
creating a platform was debate in his favor.
The third is a political action more direct
and move toward the creation of a political
movement pro-drawing ready to act on the
scene politician and representative politics
classic. 365
Conclusion
3. "Creating the world of tomorrow"
" All the men could learn to use the tools of
yesterday, made more effective and more
sustainable grace has the science of today
to create the world of tomorrow. ≪ Illich
(1970, 217).
The ancestral technique of the draw is to
return. It has been made more effective
grace to the advanced mathematics of the
last century: we know now make a
representative sample, create the random
grace has of algorithms, calculate
probabilities, etc. The random tool is
pervasive in all areas of science, it plays a
central role in the research in medicine,
computer security, physics or biology. It
constitutes, in the form of probabilities, the
foundation of any insurance activity. It has
even since forty years started to broadcast
in politics, last foreign domain to the
quantum jump (Becker 1991), grace has
the imagination and has the tenacity of
pioneers such as Peter Dienel or Ned
Crosby, grace has their patient work of
research and testing, grace also has the
enthusiasm of political leaders of all
backgrounds willing to experiment with
new ways of making policy. After a long
separation, the cleros has again met with
the demos and given birth to innovative
practices.
The time of experimentation seems
however exceeded and it is time to
implement the change of scale. The
political news seems to offer from this
point of view a window of opportunity. In
Germany, the opposition to the rail
project Stuttgart 21 and the national debate
that it has caused, have shown that the
conventional process of planning, but also
to participation, in this case the mediation,
is no longer enough to citizens who want
to be involved directly. In France, the
participatory democracy is rooted
progressively in the territorial practices
and sometimes arises in the national
political debate. Outside of Europe, the
nuclear disaster of Fukushima has handed
over in discussion the merits of decisions
of centralized planning and of voices
arguing for the change in patterns of
production of public policies. China itself
experienced the mini-be made publicly
accessible4, and if such a development
poses as many questions as it raises
interest, the facts are the: the request for
tools based on a legitimacy not elective is
on the rise. The United States of America,
the State of Oregon has made possible the
holding of a mini-public before each
referendum
4Fishkin & al. (2010).
366
3. "Creating the world of tomorrow"
Of initiative populaire5. The Arab
revolutions show that the desire for
democracy is a powerful engine of change
and reforms in these countries are only just
beginning. More generally still, the issues
of climate change, international migration
or to the end of the infinite growth in a
finite world, are as many topics that go
beyond the field representative classical
and call for new ways of doing politics.
The draw is not a miracle solution and his
employment will probably be accompanied
by disillusionment, of the same that the
enlargement of the suffrage has not
suffices to happen a perfect democracy in
its temps6. The theory and practice of
random democracy however, have a
central role to play in the developments
and changes that are coming.
5Cf. Gastil, Knobloch & al. (2010).
6Cf. Rosanvallon (2008, 54-56) on the
consecutive disappointments has the
enlargement of suffrage. 367
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Younger, Richard (1963): The people's
panel: The grand jury in the United States,
1634-1941, Providence: Brown University
Press.
Young, Iris Marion (2002): Inclusion and
Democracy, Oxford: Oxford University
Press.
Zakaras, Alex (2010): "Lot and
Democratic Representation: A Modest
Proposal", Constellations 17/3, p. 455-471.
Zeckhauser, Richard (1969): "Majority
Rule with Lotteries on Alternatives", The
Quarterly Journal of Economics 83/4, p.
696-703.
396
Annexs
1. Abbreviations
ATFAAkademie fur
Technikfolgenabschatzung Landes BadenWurttemberg : Academy for the
assessment of technological risks from the
Land of Baden-wuerttemberg .
CDUCristlich-Demokratische Union :
Christian democratic union.
CESRConseil Regional Economic and
Social.
(Forschungsstelle FBPUW
Burgerbeteiligung und Planungsverfahren
der Universitat Wuppertal : Center for
Research on citizen participation and the
planning of the University of Wuppertal.
FDPFreiheitspartei Deutschland :
Freedom party german.
FES Friedrich-Ebert -Stiftung : Friedrich
Ebert Foundation.
GfBGesellschaft fur Burgergutachten :
Society for the citizens' reports.
IGEBPInstitut fur gesellschaftliche
Entwicklungsforschung, Burgerbeteiligung
und Politikberatung : Institute for
Research on the societal development, the
participation and the council in policy.
IPPRInstitute for Public Policy Research :
Institute for Research in public policy.
NOCNational Democratic Party : national
democratic party.
NIPNucleos of 'Intervencion made : nuclei
of participatory intervention.
OGMOrganismes genetically modified
organisms
Parliamentary OPECSTOffice assessment
of scientific and technical choices.
PCS Profession and socioprofessional
category
RRCLDRepresentative, rational,
concerned and legitimate
Decision: decision representative, rational,
assigned and legitimate.
SPDSozialdemokratische Partei
Deutschland : German social democratic
Party.
ZTGZentrum Technik und Gesellschaft der
Technischen Universitat Berlin : Technical
Center and society of the Technical
University of Berlin.
Annexs
2. Documents relating to chapter 4
2.1Questionnaire sent to members of the
network Planungszelle
I. Wann und EIB welcher Gelegenheit
haben Sie zum ersten das Wort
Planungszelle gehort?
II. Haben Sie Peter Dienel kennen gelernt?
Falls Ja: Wann und EIB welcher
Gelegenheit?
III. Welche sind, ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Meinung nach, die
wichtigsten Personen in der Geschichte der
Planungszelle?
A. Seitens der Promotoren und
Organisatoren?
B. Seitens der Verwaltung, der Politik, der
Medien?
IV. Welche sind, ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Meinung nach, die
wichtigsten Listed in der Geschichte der
Planungszelle?
A. Seitens der Promotoren und
Organisatoren?
B. Seitens der Verwaltung, der Politik, der
Medien?
V. Welche sind, ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Meinung nach, die
wichtigsten Ereignisse (Projekte,
Tagungen, national und international
Ereignissen, etc) in der Geschichte der
Planungszelle?
A. Seitens der Promotoren und
Organisatoren?
B. Seitens der Verwaltung, der Politik, der
Medien?
VI. Im folgenden habe ich eine Graphik
eingefugt, auf der die Zahl year Projekte
pro Jahr zu Sehen , ist: Woran mag die zu
sehende Evolution [hohe resp. niedrige
Aktivitat - Hochpunkten resp.
Tiefpunkten] liegen? Am Kontext? An der
internen Aktivitat? Year etwas
anderes? 398
2. Documents relating to chapter 4
VII. Die Planungszelle ist auserhalb
Deutschland bekannt. In der folgenden
Table habe ich eine List von Lander, in der
die Planungszelle bekannt ist, erstellt:
A. konnten Sie die Informationen erganzen
resp. permits?
B. konnten Sie die in der Tabellen
aufgefuhrten Fragen beantworten?
VIII. Sie sind de teil der Geschichte der
Planungszelle:
A. Wie wurden Sie ihre Rolle
charakterisieren?
B. Haben Sie das Modell
weiterentwickelt? Falls ja, betrachten Sie
ihre Praxis immer noch als eine
Planungszelle?
IX. Zusammenfassend: welche sind, ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung Meinung
nach, die Faktoren, die:
A. zur Verbreitung of Modells dienen /
gedient haben?
B. zur Verhinderung der Verbreitung of
Modells dienen / gedient haben?
2.2Estimation of number
of Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and
derivatives
Country
Probable Number1
Number proved
First use2
Last use
Germany
328
317
1972
2008
United Kingdom
300
27
1996
2007 ( ?)
Japan
153
153
2005
2011
Spain
60
52
1992
2007 ( ?)
United States of America
54
54
1974
2010
Australia
35
28
1999 ( ?)
2010
France
30
25
1998
2011
Belgium
10
8
2001
2010
Italy
10
3
2006
2007
Austria
9
9
1996
2004
Ecuador
3
3
2006
2006 ( ?)
India
2
2
2000
2001
Switzerland
2
2
2001
2006
Denmark
2
2
2004
2006
Mali
1
1
2006
2006
Bulgaria
1
1
2006
2006
Quebec
1
1
2009
2009
1Corresponds to the Planungszellen,
Citizens Juries and derivatives for which a
primary source containing specific
elements is available (opinion, dates of the
jury, subject, organiser, presentation of the
model used, etc). The number likely
returns was the one cited in the secondary
literature.
2The question mark indicates that the date
is not entirely certain. 399
Annexs
Country probable Number Number
proved First use last use
TOTAL
1001
688
Figure 63: Estimated number
of Planungszellen, Citizens Juries and
derivatives. Detail by country. Own
calculations.
2.3Estimate of the number of conferences
of citizens in France
Year
Organiser
Subject
Notice
(Visits the 08.22.2011 )
1998
Parliamentary Office for the evaluation of
scientific and technical choices
Genetically modified organisms (GMOS).
Http://www.senat.fr/rap/o97-5451/o97545119.html#toc41
2002
City of Science and Industry
The climate change
Http://www.citesciences.fr/francais/ala_cite/conferen/clima
t/conference_citoyen.htm
2003
Department of the environment
The future of domestic sludge.
Http://www.waternunc.com/fr/boues_confcitoyens_11_2003.htm
2005
Glaxosmithkline (pharmaceutical
laboratory)
Face of the risks, what future for the
medication?
Http://www.gsk.fr/avenirdelasante/historiq
ue/2005/conference2005.htm
2006
Glaxosmithkline (pharmaceutical
laboratory)
The therapeutic progress: at what price?
Http://www.gsk.fr/avenirdelasante/historiq
ue/2006/conference2006.htm
2007
Region Ile-de-France
Nanotechnology
Http://espaceprojets.iledefrance.fr/jahia/jah
ia/bca/site/projets/pid/4531
2007
Region Limousin
The climate change
Http://www.crlimousin.fr/article.php3?id_article=1880
2007
Glaxosmithkline (pharmaceutical
laboratory)
The rights and duties of citizens in health
Http://www.gsk.fr/avenirdelasante/historiq
ue/2007/conference2007.htm
2008
Region Ile-de-France
The waste
Http://www.iledefrance.fr/fileadmin/contri
b_folder/communiques_presse/2008_05_1
8_avis_predma_final2.pdf
2008
Glaxosmithkline
Better orientate in the health care system:
Why? How?
Http://www.gsk.fr/avenirdelasante/historiq
ue/2008/conference2008.htm
2009
Institute of the Delegated Management
The role of citizens in the improvement of
local public services
Http://www.fondationigd.org/html/gest/conf/
Illustration 64: French Experiences of
conferences of citizens. Estimate the
04.01.10 .
400
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
3.1Arrangements put in place at Aix-laChapelle (A)
3.1 .1Service Guide - participants
1. Die Einladung
A. Wie sind Sie zum Planungszelle
gekommen?
1. Von wem wurden Sie eingeladen?
B. Was war Ihre erste Reaktion?
[1. Eher "Positiv leben"? Eher skeptisch?
Eher negativ?] Warum?
2. Wie hat hpc Umfeld reagiert? [HPC
Partner, Nachbarn, Freunde, Kinder?]
C. Kannten Sie das Modell vorher?
Vergleichbare ALLE MODELLE?
D. Was hat Sie letztendlich zur Teilnahme
bewegt?
E. Wissen Sie warum das Modell
angewandt wurde?
1. Wer hat es befurwortet? Wer hat es
vorgeschlagen?
2. Mit the argued?
3. Wer war dagegen? Mit the argued?
2. Die Beurlaubung und Vergutung
A. Wurden Sie fur pound Tatigkeit
beurlaubt?
1.Wenn ja: War es schwer? Wie hat Ihren
Pensionssicherungsverein reagiert?
2.Und die KollegInnen?
B. Sie wurden entschadigt:
1. Was halten Sie von diesem Prinzip?
2. War es ein (wichtiger) Grund zur
Teilnahme? Hatten Sie auch mitgemacht,
wenn es kein saying goes gegeben hatte?
Meinen Sie, es kann fur bestimmte
Wirkstoffe 'Personen einen Grund zur
Teilnahme within? Z. B. fur die unteren
Schichten. (Wie es von den Entwickler of
Modells gedacht wurde) Hat es dann ein
anderes Wert? 401
Annexs
3. Das Auswahlverfahren
A. Sie wurden durch ein Zufallsverfahren
ausgewahlt:
1. Sie Kannten sharps Mittel der Auswahl?
Woher?
2. Wurden Sie schon einmal (vor der PZ)
krc Los ausgewahlt?
B. Was halten Sie davon: sind die
Ergebnisse of Zufallsverfahrens gut?
Schlecht? Weshalb?
1. Ware es besser die Auswahl anders
durchzufuhren?
2. Was Sie Sehen , als Vor- und Nachteile
sharps Verfahren?
3. Waren bestimmte Wirkstoffe
'Kategorien unter- bzw uberreprasentiert?
Ist es gut so? Vermeidbar? Unvermeidbar?
4. Die Arbeit wahrend of BG
A. Wie war der Rahmen hardware?
1. Die Ausstattung? Die Raumlichkeiten?
2. Die Materialien und Techniken?
B. Sie haben Informationen von
Referenten bekommen. Wie war sie?
1. Quantitativ gesehen: Gab es it will
perform Bach's cantata 'Information?
Zuviel? Zu wenig? Wurden manche
Sichtweise nicht vorgestellt?
2. War die qualitativ Information
umfassend? War sie neutral?
3. Wurden Sie die Referenten als Expert
bezeichnen? Gone? Wenn nein: welche
Gruppe gab es? Haben die bestimmte
Wirkstoffe 'Expert Themen angesprochen
und en nicht? Konnten Sie EIB den
Experten der Unterschied zwischen Fakten
und Meinungen spuren? Wie waren die
Interessenvertreter, die sie am dritten Tag
gehort haben?
4. Meinen Sie, die Referenten konnen die
BurgerInnen beeinflussen? Ist es in
Ordnung?
C. Am dritten Tag, haben Sie einen
Politikerhearing erlebt: wie war pound
Erfahrung?
1. Haben Sie den Eindruck gehabt,
Weninger, gleich oder mehr Kompetent zu
sein?
2. Meinen Sie, die Politikern konnen die
BurgerInnen beeinflussen? Ist es in
Ordnung?
D. Wie waren die Debatten?
1. Die Kleingruppenarbeit? Wie war sie?
Konnten Sie sich einbringen? Gab es
dominant Personen und Meinungsfuhrern?
Hat ihre Meinung gezahlt? Warum?
2. Die Fragebogen, die Sie bekommen
haben? Waren sie geeignet? Gab es
Fragen, die schwer zu beantworten waren?
Fragen, die nicht angebracht waren? 402
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
3. Die Arbeit im Plenum? Konnten Sie
sich einbringen? Gab es dominant
Personen und Meinungsfuhrern? Hat ihre
Meinung gezahlt? Warum?
4. Der four last Tag: war es
unterschiedlich?
5. Insgesamt: wie war die
Gruppendynamik? Ist es it? Die Pause?
E. Der Prozess der Meinungsbildung:
1. Haben Sie den Eindruck gehabt, vom
Anfang year mitreden zu konnen? Warum?
2. Gab es Diskussionen? Oder blieb es
sachlich? Wurden die Debate irgendwann
abstrakter? E.g. am Thema Gerechtigkeit?
3. Haben Sie den Eindruck gehabt,
Kenntnisse / Kompetenzen zu gewinnen?
Welche? EIB und anderen
TeilnehmerInnen?
4. Haben Sie auf ihren alltaglichen
Erfahrung mit dem Thema zuruckgegriffen
wahrend die debate? Und die anderen? Ist
es eine gute What der Argumentation?
5. Haben Sie Ihre Meinung geandert
wahrend der debate? Warum? Venom es
Ihnen schwer? Und die anderen
TeilnehmerInnen?
6. Wie wurden die identifiable uber die
Empfehlungen getroffen (per Abstimmung
/ per Konsens / anders)? In den Kleinen
Gruppen? A in den grosen? Was halten Sie
davon?
F. Die Moderation: Wie war sie? Neutral?
Meinen Sie, die Moderatoren konnen die
BurgerInnen beeinflussen? Ist es in
Ordnung?
5. Die Ergebnisse der Arbeit
A. Welche Empfehlungen hat ihre Gruppe
gemacht? Im Nachhinein, wie bewerten
Sie die Ergebnisse?
[1. Gut? Schlecht? Neutral? Befriedigend?]
Falls Status Quo: ist pound Entscheidung
zum Status quo eine informierte Wahl?
2. Hatten Sie die von Ihnen erarbeitete
Ergebnisse erwartet? Warum?
3. Sind Sie der Meinung, dass der
Allgemeinwohl betrachtet worden ist? Ist
das gut so?
4. Und im Vergleich mit anderen
Verfahren der Entscheidungsfindung wie
Zum Beispiel das Parlament, der
Burgermeister oder anderen,-Sie das
Planungszelle ein gutes Instrument?
Weshalb?
B. Die As the BG:
403
Annexs
1. Haben Sie das Gefuhl gehabt, nutzlich
gewesen zu sein?
2. Haben sie etwas gelernt? Was? Geht
uber das Thema, was wahrend der vier like
tagen bearbeitet worden ist, hinaus?
3. Waren Sie vor dem BG politisch aktiv?
(Wenn ja, wie? Wo?)
4. Und nach dem BG, werden Sie anders
agieren? Was werden Sie anders machen?
Werden Sie sich politisch engagieren?
5. Meinen sie, ein solches Verfahren kann
zur Aktivierung der BurgerInnen fuhren?
C. Das Projekt hat 144000euros gekostet.
Was halten Sie davon? Ist es teuer?
Related? Absolut?
6. Die Planungszelle im Kontext
A. Sprechen wir uber das Losverfahren:
1. Meinen Sie, dass es ein geeignetes
Verfahren ist? Weshalb? Und in anderen
Rahmen wie die Justiz (Schoffen)? Und in
anderen Rahmen, die Sie kennen?
2. Sollte man es ofters benutzen? Wofur?
3. Manche Autoren schlagen vor, die
Abgeordneten per Los auszuwahlen. Was
halten Sie davon? Ist es eine Alternative
zur Parlamentswahl?
4. Was Sie Sehen , als Vor- und Nachteile
of Losverfahrens?
B. Die Planungszelle und die Demokratie:
Es wird gesagt, dass unsere Demokratie in
der 'steckt: teilen Sie pound Meinung?
Falls Sie pound Meinung teilen:
1. Sind Projekte wie das Planungszelle
eine mogliche Alternative? Eine Hilfe?
Eine Erganzung der reprasentativen
Demokratie? Weshalb?
2. Sollte man es ofters using? Warum?
C. Wurde uber die Planungszelle in den
Medien berichtet?
1. Wann, wie?
2. Was halten Sie davon?
7. Zusammenfassung
A. Wie bewerten Sie die PZ insgesamt?
1. Was Sie Sehen , als project entitled the
Modells?
4. Was Sie Sehen , als Grenzen of
Modells?
5. Was konnte man im Modell verbessern?
404
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
B. Mochten Sie noch etwas sagen,
anmerken, wissen, fragen? Habe ich
vergessen, etwas zu fragen? Waren Sie mit
dem Interview zufrieden?
3.1 .2Interviews (A2-A3-A4)
Maintenance Group: citizens (A2)
Function during the process
Sex
Age
PCS
Housing3
Duration
Unique Number
CD4
Participant has the Planungszelle
1
M
44
Liberal Profession
P - MID
33:44
A2-1
+
M
44
Employee
P- MID
52:30
A2-2
+
M
30
Employee - upper frame
P - MID
01:13:20
A2-3
+
F
40
Employee - HOSPITAL
P - MID
01:00:03
A2-4
+
M
69
Retirement
P- MID
56:07
A2-5
+
M
46
Lawyer
P - MC
48:48
A2-6
+
M
36
Official
C - MC
58:41
A2-7
+
M
56
Teacher
P - MID
43:37
A2-8
+
Participant has the Planungszelle
Number 2
F
32
Employee - Restore
C-A
50:35
A2-9
+
F
64
Restated
C - MC
41:33
A2-10
+
M
66
Retirement
P - MC
43:55
A2-11
+
M
45
Employee
P - MID
46:58
A2-12
+
F
70
Restated
P - MC
51:33
A2-13
+
Participant has the Planungszelle
Number 3
M
48
Engineer
C - MC
42:00
A2-14
+
M
26
Student
C-A
01:12:45
A2-15
+
Participant has the Planungszelle
Number 4
F
23
Student
C-A
01:13:37
A2-16
+
M
68
Retirement
P - MC
01:16:12
A2-17
+
F
32
Educator - Unemployment
C - MC
01:05:50
A2-18
+
F
53
Official
P - MC
48:00
A2-19
+
Participant of the project unser Bayern,
test the maintenance guide.
F
60
Restated
31:12
A2-20
+
Maintenance Group: stakeholders and
politicians (A3)
Function during the process
Sex
Age
Activity
Duration
Unique Number
CD
Assignee - Economy of waste
M
50
Liberal Profession
25:20
A3-1
+
Assignee - Incinerator
M
54
Framework
23:35
A3-2
+
Assignee - Association of waste reduction
M
48
Sculptor
27:39
A3-3
+
Assignee - governed municipal garbage
M
35
Official
48:42
A3-4
+
Intervener - intercommunal governed
garbage
M
50
Framework
32:09
A3-5
+
Assignee - Chamber of commerce and
industry
M
50
Framework
39:18
A3-6
+
Assignee - Association of owners
M
62
President of the association
55:12
A3-7
+
Representative of the SPD
M
66
Teacher - Retirement - leader of fraction at
the municipal council
40:14
A3-8
3C: Center, P: peripheral, MC: collective
home, MI: detached house, HAS :
apartment.
4The documents marked with a cross are
available on the attached CD, the others
are either confidential or non-digitized.
405
Annexs
Representative of the CDU
M
60
Upper Frame - Leader of fraction at the
municipal council
01:19:41
A3-9
Representative of Grunen / Bundnis 90
M
51
Judge - responsible for questions of
household waste
33:46
A3-10
Representative of the FDP
M
47
Liberal Profession - responsible for
questions of household waste
28:18
A3-11
Maintenance Group: facilitators and
organizers (A4)
Function during the process
Sex
Duration
Unique Number
CD
Moderator
M
17:37
A4-1
+
Moderator
F
44:43
A4-2
+
Moderator
M
01:17:39
A4-3
+
Moderator Project unser Bayern. Test the
maintenance guide
F
29:56
A4-4
+
3.1 .3analysis of documents (A5)
Title and type of document
Unique Number
CD
Invitation and preparation
Manuscript
A5-1
Guide to animation
Manuscript
A5-2
Presentations of speakers
Digital Slides
A5-3-1 has A5-3-12
Posters
Planungszelle 1
A5-4-1
+
Planungszelle 2
A5-4-2
+
Planungszelle 3
A5-4-3
+
Planungszelle 4
A5-4-4
+
Burgergutachten
Publication
A5-5
+
Press Articles
Aachener Nachrichten 05.16.2007
A5-6-1
+
Aachener Zeitung 05.16.2007
A5-6-2
+
Aachener Zeitung 05.30.2007
A5-6-3
+
Pressemitteilung Stadt Aachen 09.06.2007
A5-6-4
+
Westdeutscher Zeitung 11.10.2007
A5-6-5
+
Westdeutscher Zeitung 11.10.2008
A5-6-6
+
Aachener Zeitung 10.16.2008
A5-6-7
+
Municipal Decree of 2007
Publication
A5-7-1
+
Municipal decrees of 2009
Abfallwirtschaftssatzung
A5-8-1
+
Abfallgebuhrensatzung
A5-8-2
+
Decisions and discussions of the municipal
council
Establishment of Planungszellen
08.22.2007
A5-9-1
+
Discussion on waste policy 12.12.2007
A5-9-2
+
Discussion on the Planungszelle
A5-9-3
+
Discussion on waste policy 12.10.2008
A5-9-4
+
Request establishment of Planungszellen
05.08.2007
A5-9-5
+
Subsequent Documents
Contract of coalition (green party /
CDU) 10.23.2009
A5-10-1
+
406
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
3.1 .4Survey Questionnaire posterior
Sie haben im November 2007 an der
Planungszelle "Eine neue
Verteilungsregelung fur die
Abfallwirtschaftssatzung der Stadt
Aachen" teilgenommen. Sharps Projekt
habe ich im Rahmen meiner Promotion
mitverfolgt und als Fotograf begleitet, wie
Sie sich vielleicht erinnern. Ich befinde
mich nun in der Abschlussphase meiner
Forschung und mochte den mittelfristigen
Konsequenzen der Anwendung of
Verfahrens nachgehen. Zu diesem Zweck
habe ich einen Fragebogen entwickelt und
wurde mich sehr freuen, wenn Sie die Zeitwurden, further discussion of auszufullen.
Das wurde mir sehr helfen. Gone
Antworten sind freiwillig naturlich,
werden in der Auswertung strikt
anonymisiert und konnen auch in
Stichpunkten formuliert werden. Anbei
sende ich Ihnen einen frankierten
Ruckumschlag. Als kleine Motivation
organisiere ich eine Verlosung unter den
Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmern, die mir
den ausgefullten Fragebogen bis zum 15.
Dezember zuruckschicken. Der Preis can
ist ein hochwertiger MP3-Player der
Marke Sansa (Modell SansaClip+ mit 4 Gb
Speicher) oder ein Kaffee-Set , bestehend
aus einem Bodum Kaffeebereiter ( FrenchPress - Modell Bean 1L) und einem Pfund
Kaffee (fair gehandelter Bio-Arabica -
Kaffee aus Guatemala von FairBindung).
Um zu viel Postverkehr zu vermeiden,
wurde ich Ihnen gerne das Ergebnis der
Verlosung per Mail mitteilen. Daher wurde
ich mich freuen, wenn Sie mir Ihre MailAdresse am Ende of Fragebogens oder auf
einem separaten Paper (fur eine produce
better Anonymisierung) geben konnten.
Falls sie keine Mail haben, werde ich Sie
naturlich per Post kontaktieren. Falls Sie
nicht an der Lottery teilnehmen' mochten,
sagen Sie mir Bescheid bollard. Vielen
Dank im Voraus und viel Spas beim
Ausfullen,
MIT freundlichen Grusen,
1. Ruckblick auf die Erfahrung
1.1 Was haben Sie von ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung Teilnahme
an der Planungszelle am starksten in legal
remedy behalten?
1.2 Warum?
1.3 Haben Sie danach noch Kontakt mit
den anderen TeilnehmerInnen der Gruppe
gehabt? In welchem Rahmen? 407
Annexs
2.1 Falls heute eine for Planungszelle uber
dasselbe Thema arbeiten wurde, wurden
Sie den TeilnehmerInnen mehr, email viel
oder Weninger vertrauen als ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung damaligen
Gruppe?
Mehr
Email
Weninger
Keine Meinung / Weis nicht5
2.2 Weshalb?
2.3 2.1 Falls heute eine for Planungszelle
uber ein anderes Thema arbeiten wurde,
wurden Sie den TeilnehmerInnen mehr,
email viel oder Weninger vertrauen als
ihrer handschriftlichen Überlieferung
damaligen Gruppe?
Mehr
Email
Weninger
K.m. / W.n.
2.4 Warum?
3.1 Hatten Sie den Eindruck, dass Sie
unabhangig von externer Beeinflussung
arbeiten konnten?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
3.2 Wenn nein, woran mag es gelegen
haben?
3.3 Gibt es ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Meinung nach eine Gefahr
der politischen Manipulation der
Planungszellen?
4.1 Hatten Sie den Eindruck, dass Ihre
Arbeit fur die Offentlichkeit it will
perform Bach's cantata 'transparent
gemacht wurde?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
4.2 Warum?
5.1 War es ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Meinung nach legitim, eine
Planungszelle uber das Thema
Mullgebuhren zu organisieren?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
5.2 Wenn ja, worauf beruht pound
Legitimitat?
5.3 Wenn nein, wie und unter the
Bedingungen konnte die Legitimitat
erreicht werden?
6.1 Hatten Sie zu Beginn der Planungszelle
den Eindruck, kompetent im Bereich der
Abfallwirtschaft zu sein?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
6.2 Und am Ende der Planungszelle?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
6.3 Warum?
6.4 Haben Sie programname Fahigkeiten
in die Arbeit in die Planungszelle
eingebracht?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
6.5 Wenn ja, welche? Wenn nein, warum
nicht?
2. Die Ergebnisse
7.1 Wie dachten Sie direkt nach der
Erfahrung uber die Ergebnisse der
Planungszelle?
7.2 Und heute?
5Wird in den nachsten Fragen als "k.m. /
W.n. "abgekurzt.
408
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
8.1 Wissen Sie, ob die Stadt Aachen Ihre
Empfehlungen berucksichtigt hat?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
8.2 Wenn ja, wie haben Sie es erfahren?
8.3 Wissen Sie, inwiefern sich seither Ihre
Empfehlungen in der neuen
Abfallgebuhrensatzung niedergeschlagen
haben?
8.4 Was halten Sie von dieser Lage?
9.1 Hatten Sie den Eindruck, die
EinwohnerInnen von Aachen zu
reprasentieren?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
9.2 Die deutsche Bevolkerung allgemein?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
9.3 Später denken Sie, dass Sie die Basis
der gesamten Bevolkerung Aachens
verteidigt haben?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
9.4 Falls nicht, welche Basis wurden
Weninger in Betracht gezogen? Zu viel in
Betracht gezogen?
3. Die Planungszelle in der
Langzeitperspektive
10.1 Hat die Erfahrung HPC Managing
Board in der know "Mull" direkt nach der
PZ beeinflusst?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
10.2 Haben Sie sich direkt danach mehr
fur das Thema Mull interessiert? Wie hat
sich das konkret ausgewirkt?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
10.3 Haben Sie damals uber die
Planungszelle / die Abfallpolitik
gesprochen? Mit wem?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
10.4 Haben Sie sich damals anders
managing board (Mulltrennung,
Mullvermeidung, etc)? Wenn ja, wie?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
11.1 Sie Beeinflusst die damalige
Erfahrung heute?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
11.2 Interessieren Sie sich heute noch fur
das Thema "Mull"? Wie wirkt sich das
konkret aus?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
11.3 Sprechen Sie uber das Thema noch
heute? Mit wem?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
11.4 Managing Board Sie sich noch
anders? Wie?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
11.5 Beeinflusst Sie die Erfahrung der
Planungszelle heute in anderen
Lebensbereichen? Wenn ja, in the und
wie?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
12.1 Haben Sie wahrend der Planungszelle
Dinge gelernt? Wenn ja, was?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
12.2 Benutzen Sie heute noch pound
Fahigkeiten? In welchem Rahmen?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
12.3 Haben Sie den Eindruck, dass Sie
mehr uber das Thema Mull wissen als ihre
Umgebung?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
12.4 Später denken Sie, dass jede/r year
einer Planungszelle teilnehmen' kann?
Wenn nicht, wer kann nicht und warum?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
13.1 Haben Sie von vergleichbaren
Projekten in Aachen oder in Deutschland
gehort? Wenn ja, von welja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
409
Annexs
Chen?
13.3 Im May sharps Many gab es Wahlen
in Nordrhein-Westfalen . Wurden Sie
sagen, dass die Teilnahme an der
Planungszelle Ihre Wahlentscheidung
beeinflusst hat? Wenn ja, inwiefern?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
13.4 Hat die Teilnahme an der
Planungszelle generell Ihre Meinung uber
die Politik beeinflusst? Warum und wie?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
13.5 Haben Sie mehr, email viel oder
Weninger Vertrauen in die gewahlten
Reprasentanten als fruher? Warum?
Mehr
Email viel
Weninger
K.m. / W.n.
13.6 Haben Sie mehr, email sehr oder
Weninger den Eindruck, dass die Politik in
der Lage ist, die Dinge zu andern?
Warum?
Mehr
Email sehr
Weninger
K.m. / W.n.
4. Planungszelle und Politik
14.1 Interessieren Sie sich fur Politik?
Warum?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
14.2 Was halten Sie davon, dass Politik
heute ein vollwertiger Beruf ist?
14.3 Später denken Sie, dass bestimmte
Wirkstoffe 'man braucht's Kompetenzen,
um Politik zu machen? Wenn ja, welche?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
14.4 Es wird oft gesagt, dass die
PolitikerInnen auf kurzfristige Ergebnisse
zielen und sich an den Wahlperioden
orientieren. Was halten Sie davon?
14.5 Später denken Sie, dass die
Planungszelle, an der Sie mitgewirkt
haben, eine:
Vergleichbar kurzfristige
Langerfristige
Kurzfristigere
K.m. / W.n.
Perspektive hatte? Woran mag es liegen?
14.6 Später denken Sie im Nachhinein,
dass die Planungszelle ein geeignetes
Instrument darstellt, um Empfehlungen im
Bereich der Abfallpolitik aufzustellen?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
14.7 Und ruf en Bereiche? Falls ja,
welche?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
14.8 Später denken Sie, dass die
Planungszelle fur das Ausarbeiten von
Beschlussen auf lokaler Ebene eingesetzt
werden konnte?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
Unter folgenden Bedingungen:
14.8 Später denken Sie, dass die
Planungszelle auch fur das Entwerfen von
Gesetzesvorschlagen oder sogar fur die
Abstimmung uber Gesetze angewandt
werden konnte?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
Unter folgenden Bedingungen: 410
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
15.1 Sie wurden per Los ausgewahlt: Was
halten sie von dieser Auswahlmethode im
Bereich der Politik?
15.2 Später denken Sie, dass es gut ist, ein
solches Verfahren in der Politik
anzuwenden? Warum?
Ja
Nein
K.m. / W.n.
15.3 Wenn man die Wahlen und das
Losverfahren vergleicht, welche
Ausdrucke wurden sie mit jedem
Verfahren verbinden:
Mit dem Losverfahren
Mit der Wahl
Mit beiden
Mit keinem
K.m. / W.n.
Transparent
Unparteiisch
Gleichheit
Verantwortlichkeit
Reprasentativ
Partizipation
Macht
Rotation
Korruption
Ausgewahlt
Kostengunstig
Wunsche Eigener
Manipulierbar
Mandate
Schicksal
Unberechenbar
Unabhangigkeit
Kompetenz
Legitimitat
National Handeln
Demokratie
Aristokratie
Oligarchy
Nent Verfahren
Später denken Sie year en Ausdrucke?
16.1 Was sind ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Meinung nach die drei
wichtigsten Vor- und Nachteile of
Losverfahrens?
Benefits
Nachteile
16.2 Was sind ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Meinung nach die drei
wichtigsten Vor- und Nachteile der Wahl?
Benefits
Nachteile 411
Annexs
5. Zusammenfassend
17.1 Eines Alizes-Sie auf dem's famous
Flohmarkt eine alte Ollampe. Als Sie den
Staub abreiben, erscheint ein Geist, der
Ihnen drei Wunsche fur die Veranderung
der Politik in Deutschland schenkt. Was
wunschen Sie sich?
1
2
3
Noch ein paar Informationen:
Wohnviertel in Aachen
Durchschnittliches Jahresnettoeinkommen
Geschlecht
Alter
Mail (fur die Preisauslosung)
Haben Sie Fragen oder Anmerkungen?
Vielen Dank fur Ihre Teilnahme!
3.1 .5Investigation posterior (A6)
Type
Sex
Age
Activity
Housing
Unique Number
CD
Questionnaire6
F
67
?
P - MC
A6-1
M
29
Student
C-A
A6-2
M
26
Student
C-A
A6-3
F
35
Educator
C-A
A6-4
M
39
Liberal Profession
P - MID
A6-5
M
29
Engineer
P-?
A6-6
M
52
Framework
P - MID
A6-7
M
47
Employee
P-?
A6-9
F
57
?
P-?
A6-10 PROBE
Telephone Interview
F
?
Framework
?
A6-11-1
+
6The questionnaire 8 does not exist, it is
produced by an error in the original
numbering which has been subsequently
corrected. In addition, the questionnaires
are not included on the CD because they
are not anonymous.
412
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
3.2Arrangements put in place in PoitouCharentes (P)
3.2 .1Questionnaire of the written
assessment
Citizen Jury - assessment - anonymous
Questionnaire and optional
Thank you for your cooperation.
1. Could you assess the quality of the
following elements:
1
2
3
4
5
6
Comments
The framework
The home
The framework of work (the room, the
comfort, equipment, etc. )
The hotel and the meals
The animation
Neutrality
Competence
The work in large group
Quality of people resources
Quality of debates
Diversity of stakeholders
The work in a small group
Quality of debates
Opportunity to take the floor
Possibility of exchanging arguments
2. Other elements you come from has the
spirit, that you would like to evaluate? If
yes, which?
3. What you seems the more successful?
4. What you seems the least successful?
5. If the Region resurface a jury of
citizens, what is that there be a change?
6. The participation has this jury you has
been useful? If yes, how?
7. Are you satisfied with(e) of the notice
produced by the jury? Why?
8. What is your feeling about the future of
the opinion? 413
Annexs
9. Have you any other comments?
10. You:
Age: Sex: Occupation:
Are you:member of an association?
Member of a party?
A member of another organization? If yes
what type?
3.2 .2written evaluation (P2)
Sex
Age
Activity
Member of an association
Member of a political party
A member of another organization
Unique Number
CD
F
71
Restated
Yes
Yes
Non
P2-1
M
69
Retirement
Yes
Non
Yes
P2-2
M
40
Commercial
Non
Non
Non
P2-3
F
42
Woman at home
Non
Non
Municipal Council
P2-4
F
46
Decorator
Yes
Not yet
Non
P2-5
M
56
Early Retirement
Non
Non
Non
P2-6
F
55
Teacher
Yes
Non
Non
P2-7
M
45
Maintenance Worker
Non
Non
Non
P2-8
M
58
Financial Advisor
Yes
Non
Cultural
P2-9
F
Without
Non
Non
Non
P2-10
M
58
Retirement
Yes
Yes
Municipal Council
P2-11
M
63
Retirement
Yes several
Yes
Non
P2-12
M
63
Retirement
Non
Non
Non
P2-13
F
60
Innkeeper
Yes several
Non
Non
P2-14
M
60
Retirement
Non
Non
Non
P2-15
M
49
Teacher
Non
Non
Non
P2-16
F
Plastic
Non
Non
Non
P2-17
M
50
Technical Assistant
Non
Non
Group Sustainable Development
P2-18
F
28
Lab Technician
Non
Non
Non
P2-19
-
P2-20
M
49
Stevedore
Yes
Non
Rotary
P2-21
M
60
Director Post
Yes
AMAP
P2-22
3.2 .3Service Guide - stakeholders and
politicians
1. The invitation
414
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
A. How are you in contact with the jury of
citizens?
B. What was your first reaction?
1. Rather positive? Negative? Why?
2. How your entourage has he reacted?
(Family, colleagues, knowledge) ?
C. Did you know about the model? Similar
examples?
D. That is what pushes you to participate?
E. Do you know why the model has been
used?
1. Who has supported? Proposed? With
what arguments?
2. Who was against? With what
arguments?
2. Leave and compensation
A. The citizens have the take of leave to
participate: how do you do that?
B. The citizens have received a
compensation: what do you think of this
principle?
1. Do you think that money can motivate
some people? Is this?
2. You yourself, have you received
compensation for your intervention? If not:
do you think this should be the case? If
yes: Did you sufficient? Would you also
participated without compensation? Why?
3. Procedure of choice
A. The participants have been drawn:
1. Did you know about this method of
selection? From where? In what frames?
2. Have you yourself already been drawn
by lot?
B. What do you think of this principle?
1. The results of the procedure you seem
acceptable? Good? Bad? Why?
2. Would it have taken do otherwise?
Why?
3. What are in your opinion the advantages
and disadvantages of this procedure?
4. You it seems that certain categories
were over-represented? Underrepresented? Is it inevitable? Is this?
4. The work during the jury
415
Annexs
A. How was the framework?
1. The parts, the place? The technique?
Meals, nights, etc?
B. You played the role of " resource
person " and giving information to citizens
and discussed with them:
1. How was this exchange?
2. Had you already done this type of
presentation in front of the citizens?
3.Have you had enough time to present
your point of view / your information?
4. You deem you as informant neutral? Is
it important to be neutral?
5. Do you think that the assignee may
exercise an influence on the participants
and on the result of the jury of citizens? Is
this? Is it inevitable?
C. How were the questions of citizens?
1. You have they surprised?
2. The citizens you have-they seemed
competent on the subject of climate
warming?
3. You have-it published earn skills with
the time?
4. Have you identified the leaders of
opinion? Is this?
D. The movie:
1. How was the movie? Do you think it has
been neutral? Why?
2. The moderators can they influence the
citizens? What do you think?
E. The region:
1. Do you think it has been neutral in the
process? Why? Its role has he been
balanced?
F. The questions posed to citizens?
1. How you have they published? Too
Complex, well, too simple? Realistic?
Adapted? Neutral?
2. Do you think that the citizens have been
put in a position to assess the regional
policy? Why?
5. The results of the work
A. The recommendations have been
handed over to the regional council in
June:
1. How was the ceremony? 416
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
2. Have you been able to read these
recommendations? What do you think?
4. Do you think these recommendations
take into account the issue of climate
change? Are they competent?
5. What will you do with these
recommendations?
6. Do you think the opinion citizen may be
orchestrated?
B. Costs: Do you know the price of the
jury? What do you think?
C. Consequences:
1. What do you think of the future of the
results?
2. Will you integrate them into your work?
Why? How?
6. The jury in context
A. The jury citizen is defined by some
authors as an instrument of participatory
democracy:
1. Do you know this expression? What do
you mean by participatory democracy?
2. Is this a good thing? What are the
strengths and weaknesses of participatory
democracy?
3. Should we do more of juries citizens?
4. What is, in your opinion, the report
between participatory democracy and
representative democracy?
B. The citizens are drawn. Some authors
propose to draw lots to the Hon. Member
to resolve what they analyze as a crisis of
representative democracy:
1. What do you think of this proposal?
Why?
C. What has been / has there been a
reaction in the media? Which? What do
you think?
7. In conclusion
A. What is your overall opinion on the jury
of citizens? What are the advantages and
disadvantages of this model? What could
be improved?
B. Is there something that I have
forgotten? That you want to add? 417
Annexs
3.2 .4Interviews (P3 - P4 - P5)
Maintenance Group: citizens (P3)
Sex
Age Group
Activity
Place of residence
Duration
Unique Number
CD
M
25-40
Commercial
Vienna
57:19
P3-1
+
M
40-60
Technical Assistant
Vienna
50:55
P3-2
+
M
25-40
Workman
Deux-sèvres
50:13
P3-3
+
M
40-60
Retirement
Charente-Maritime
48:55
P3-4
+
F
40-60
Retirement
Charente-Maritime
47:20
P3-5
+
F
40-60
Plastic
Charente-Maritime
01:03:46
P3-6
F
40-60
Inactive
Charente
56:46
P3-7
+
F
40-60
Restated
Charente
51:59
P3-8
+
M
40-60
Commercial
Deux-sèvres
1:10:28
P3-9
+
F
25-40
Decorator
Vienna
29:32
P3-10
+
Maintenance Group: stakeholders and
politicians (P4)
Function during the process
Sex
Duration
Unique Number
CD
Assignee - Director department transport
and environment of the region
M
47:10
P4-1
Representative of the opposition regional UMP
M
19:52
P4-2
Representative of the regional majority Green Party - the greens
F
29:07
P4-3
Representative of the regional majority PS
F
38:42
P4-4
Representative of the opposition regional UMP
M
50:22
P4-5
Maintenance Group: organizers (P5)
Function during the process
Sex
Duration
Unique Number
CD
Animator / organizer
F
01:09:29
P5-1
Facilitator / organizer
M
34:00
P5-2
Organizer / regional administration
Department participatory democracy in the
region
F
01:31:24
P5-3
Organizer / regional administration
Department participatory democracy in the
region
F
01:11:51
P5-4
418
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
3.2 .5analysis of documents (P6)
Title and type of document
Unique Number
CD
Invitation and preparation
Documents of the steering committee
P6-1-1
Documents public engagements
P6-1-2
Documents stakeholders
P6-1-3
Recruitment Documents
P6-2-1
Documents handed to participants
Information Tag on the environmental
policy of the region and on different
subjects (water, pesticides, etc)
P6-3
+
Animation and conduct
Place animation
P6-4
Program of Work
P6-5
Protocol of the first session
P6-6-1
Protocol for the second session
P6-6-2
Conduct of the jury - various
P6-6-7
Subsequent Documents
Report citizen
P6-8-1
+
Awards Ceremony
P6-8-1
+
Film Jury citizen
P6-9
Program socialist party regional 2010
P6-11-1
+
Response to the report citizen
P6-12
+
Press Articles
P6-13
+
3.2 .6Survey Questionnaire posterior
I would like to contact you regarding the
citizen jury assessment of regional policy
against climate change, to which you had
participated in June 2008 and during which
I myself had even played the role of
observer (and photographer) in the
framework of my thesis. I now find myself
in the final phase of my work and seeks to
assess the consequences in the medium
term of employment of such a tool of
participatory democracy. To do this I
would like to know if you have the time
and the kindness to kindly answer has a
short series of questions contained in the
attached form. It would help me
enormously. The questions are well on all
optional and i anonymiserai the answers. I
enclose an envelope pre-stamped for the
answer. To make the participation more
interesting, I put into play a superb batch
between all the people who send me their
response before the October 20, 2010: it is
a meal for two people in the restaurant of
the hotel "ecological the Orangeries ≪,
that Olivia Gautier, the owner, was present
at the jury. Ms. Gauthier has even kindly
proposed to offer in addition the wine
accompanying the meal. I would like to
keep you informed of the result of the
drawing by email. You would be-it 419
Annexs
Therefore possible to inform me of your email address at the end of the form (or on a
separate sheet in order to facilitate the
anonymization of questionnaires) ? I'll be
contacting you by post if you do not have
e-mail. Well on, if you do not want to
participate in the draw it you will suffice
for me the indicate.
Thank you in advance,
Antoine Vergne
1. The experience two years after
1.1 What is the remembrance that you has
the most brand of your participation in the
jury of citizens?
1.2 Why?
1.3 Have you had the news of the other
members of the group? In what context?
2.1 If today another jury citizen was
working on the same topic, would you do
more, as much or less confidence has its
members that has your group of 2008 ?
More
As Much
Less
No opinion / do not know7
2.2 Why?
2.3 And if today another jury of citizens
was working on another topic, would you
do more, as much or less confidence has its
members that has your group of 2008 ?
More
As Much
Less
SO / NSP
2.4 Why?
3.1 Have you had the impression of having
been influence in your work?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
3.2 If yes, by whom and why has this
happened?
3.3 Is there in your opinion a danger of
manipulation in the formula of the jury of
citizens?
4.1 Have you had the impression that the
work of the jury has been fairly transparent
for the citizens who have not participated?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
4.2 Why?
7Shortcut in the suite by: NA / NA /
NSP 420
5.1 Do you think it was legitimate to
organize a jury to deal with the issue of
climate change?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
5.2 If yes, on what basis such a
legitimacy?
5.3 If not, a jury could it become
legitimate? By what(s) way(s) ?
6.1 Have you had the impression of being
competent on the subject: At the beginning
of the jury?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
6.2 At the end?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
6.3 Why?
6.4 Have you made any personal skills in
the work of the jury?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
6.5 If yes which? If not, why?
2. The results
7.1 How did you find the notice at the
time?
7.2 And today?
8.1 Do you know if the region has used the
opinion?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
8.2 If yes, by what means have you
learned?
8.3 If you have been informed of the suites
data has the opinion, do you know how
this has been done?
8.4 What do you think?
9.1 Have you had the impression to
represent the inhabitants of the PoitouCharentes ?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
9.2 The French in general?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
9.3 Do you think that you have defended
the interests of the whole population of
Poitou-Charentes ?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
9.4 If not, what interests have been less
regarded? Or considered too much?
3. The jury on the medium term
10.1 The experience did she influence your
daily behavior just after? If yes, how:
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
10.2 You are you more interested in the
subject of climate change? How is it
translated?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
Annexs
10.3 Have you talked from time to time?
With that?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
10.4 Have you acting otherwise? If yes
how?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
11.1 The experience she continued to
influence your behavior today and if yes
how:
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
10.2 You are interested you still on the
subject of climate change today? How
does this translate:
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
11.3 You talking about it from time to
time? With that?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
11.4 Made you certain things otherwise?
Which?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
11.5 The jury he continues to influence
you in other areas? If yes, which and how?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
12.1 Have you learned things during the
jury?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
12.2 If yes, you are still useful today?
How?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
12.3 Do you have the sense to know more
things than your entourage on the subject?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
12.4 Do you think everyone can participate
has a jury of citizens? If not, who cannot
and why?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
13.1 Have you heard of other similar
experiences in Poitou-Charentes or
elsewhere? Which?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
13.3 There has been the regional elections
in March of this year: would you say that
the participation to the jury was able to
influence your electoral choice? If yes,
how?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
13.4 The jury did he influence your report
has the policy and the elected? Why and
how?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
13.5 Have you more, as much or less
confidence in the elected? Why?
More
As Much
Less
SO / NSP
13.6 Have you more, as much or less
confidence in the possibility of changing
things by the policy? Why?
More
As Much
Less
SO / NSP
4. Jury and Policy
14.1 You interested has the policy? Why?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
422
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
14.2 A part of our elected representatives
are professionals of the policy. What do
you think of this state of fact?
14.3 Do you think there should be special
skills to make the policy? Which?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
14.4 It is often said that elected
representatives act on a time scale short,
taking into account the elections. Do you
think this is true? And what do you think
of this state of fact?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
14.5 Do you think the jury with which you
have been involved had a time scale:
Identical?
Shorter?
More long?
SO / NSP
Why?
14.6 With the benefit of hindsight, do you
think the juries citizens are a suitable
instrument to make recommendations on
the issue of climate change?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
14.7 On other subjects? Which?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
14.8 Do you think that such a tool could
also be used to formulate proposals for
legislation or even directly of laws without
going through Parliament?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
Under the following conditions:
14.9 Do you think that such a tool could
also be used to directly take political
decisions at the local level?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
Under the following conditions:
15.1 You have been drawn by lot: what do
you think of this method of selection?
15.2 Is this a good thing to use in politics?
Why?
Yes
Non
SO / NSP
15.3 If you had has compare prize draw
and elections, what expressions would you
association:
With the draw
With the election
With the two
With none of the two
SO / NSP
Transparency
Impartiality
Equality
Responsibility
Representativeness
Participation
Power
Rotation
Corruption
Elected
Economic
Destiny
423 Manipulatable
Annexs
Expression of a preference
Mandate
Unpredictable
Independence
Competence
Legitimacy
Rationality
Democracy
Aristocracy
Oligarchy
Fair Procedure
Other associations you do they come from
has the spirit?
16.1 What would be the three advantages
and three disadvantages of the draw?
Benefits
Disadvantages
16.2 What would be the three advantages
and three disadvantages of the election?
Benefits
Disadvantages
5. To finish
17.1 If a day you find an old lamp has oil
and that by rubbing to clean a genius in
went out and gave you three wishes
concerning the political system french, that
please ask him-you to change?
A few more questions for do my statistics:
Department of residence?
Net annual income (more or less) ?
Sex:
Age:
Mel (for the draw of the meal) :
Other comments, questions?
Thank you for your participation,
3.2 .7Investigation posterior (P7)
Sex
Age
Average net income in euros
Department
Unique Number
CD
M
61
28000
Deux-sèvres
P7-1
M
57
45000
Vienna
P7-2
424
3. Documents relating to chapter 5
F
57
Charente-Maritime
P7-4
M
43
24000 (Home 5 people)
Deux-sèvres
P7-5
M
60
50000
Deux-sèvres
P7-6
M
61
12000
Deux-sèvres
P7-7
F
71
16000
Charente
P7-8
F
74
27000
Charente
P7-9
425
Freie Universität Berlin
Linz Politik- und Sozialwissenschaften
OTTO-SUHR-INSTITUTE
Cotutelle-Verfahren
Kleros und Demos:
Die Theory of Losverfahrens in der Politik
auf dem Prufstand der Praxis der
Planungszelle und der jury citizen
Dissertation zur Erlangung of
akademischen Grades
Doctor rerum politicarum (Dr. rer. pol.)
- Deutsche Zusammenfassung Antoine Vergne
2011
Betreuer:
Univ. -Prof. Dr. Gerhard Gohler
Gil Delannoi, Research Director FNSP
Zusammenfassung - Abstract
Die vorliegende Doktorarbeit widmet sich
der Untersuchung eines Korpus von
Texten mit Vorschlagen fur die Einfuhrung
of Losverfahrens in die Politik und 'stellt
'die Frage nach essen Koharenz und
Relevanz: Bilden die Veroffentlichungen
tatsachlich eine Einheit, die als "Theory
aleatorischen der Demokratie" bezeichnet
werden kann? Wenn ja, sind die
Erwartungen, die von ihren
BefurworterInnen formuliert werden, blose
Utopien oder werden Sie in real
existierende demokratischer Instrumented
Partizipation (bekannt als Minipopuli), die
auf der Auslosung der Teilnehmenden
basieren, uberfuhrt? Die quantitative und
qualitative Untersuchung of Textkorpus
ergibt, dass yesterday in der Tat eine
Theory entsteht, die gemeinsame
Analysen, argues und Erwartungen
aufweist: Die AutorInnen sind sich einig,
dass das ein Losverfahren Losungsansatz
fur die von ihnen konstatierten Krisen der
liberalen Demokratie ist. Die Zuweisung
eines Teils oder gar go Politischer
Jugendring Posten durch das Losverfahren
erhohe Reprasentation und Partizipation.
Die so per Los ausgewahlten BurgerInnen
seien im soziologischen sowie politischen
Sinne (standing for und acting for)
reprasentativer als die per Abstimmung
ernannten PolitikerInnen, wodurch eine
neue Legitimitat entstehe. Die Kompetenz
der "einfachen" BurgerInnen gewinne year
Bedeutung, und ein nachhaltiger Prozess
der Selbstbefahigung wirke der weit
verbreiteten Politikverdrossenheit
entgegen. Die so formulierte Theory wird
in einem zweiten Schritt ersten Jahrtausend
anhand von zwei Minipopuli - einer
Planungszelle und einer jury citizen - auf
den Prufstand der Praxis gestellt. Pound
empirische Untersuchung Ã-sterreich
zeigt, dass die meisten verbreitete
ticketing-system Erwartungen tatsachlich
erfullt sind, jedoch in sehr begrenztem
Mase. In that they are abschliesend werden
Fragen zu Realisierungsbedingungen der
Theory und moglichen Verbesserungen of
Modells der Minipopuli untersucht.
Schlusselworter: Losverfahren, Sortition,
theory aleatorischen der Demokratie,
Minipopuli, partizipative Demokratie,
Planungszelle, Citizens Jury, jury of
citizens.
Einführung
Eine Renaissance, die Fragen aufwirft
Seit 40 Jahren mehren sich
Veroffentlichungen, die sich mit dem
Losverfahren als Method der Auswahl und
der Verteilung von Gutern beschaftigen.
Ein de Teil der' rules on advertising by
country park ist Natur und skizziert die
Geschichte des Essen, was die Griechen
der Antike Kleros, die Venezianer der
Renaissance Brevia und die Spanier
der Reconquista insaculacion nannten. For
Eine Gruppe von Autorinnen interessiert
sich fur die Natur und die Logik of
Verfahrens in einer explorativen
Herangehensweise und vergleicht das
Losverfahren mit anderen, wie
Marktmechanismen oder
Abstimmungsverfahren8. Eine four last
Gruppe nimmt eine engagierte Stellung ein
und wird zur Befurworterin of Loses: die
Autorinnen dieser Gruppe schlagen vor,
das Losverfahren in die Politik
(wieder)einzufuhren, um knappe Mailing
list: guter und wichtige politische Versions
Support zu verteilen oder identifiable zu
treffen9. Interesting Dabei Temple ist, dass
sich die Verfasserinnen dieser Text,
obwohl sie sich argumentativ sehr nahe
stehen, bis vor kurzem gegenseitig kaum
kannten, sich noch nicht als koharente
Gruppe Sehen , und nicht als solche
betrachtet werden. Sharps Paradox fuhrt
zur ersten Forschungsfrage der
vorliegenden Arbeit: Bedeutet die
Zunahme von looked for und
Veroffentlichungen zum Losverfahren,
dass zur Zeit eine "Theory aleatorischen
der Demokratie" entsteht, die gemeinsame
Argumentationsmuster, Referenzen und
Erwartungen entwickelt? Eine detaillierte
quantitative und qualitative analysis der
Text wird im ersten de Teil der Arbeit eine
positive Antwort auf pound Frage geben
(see Methodik).
Die politische Praxis der letzten 40 Jahre
liefert einen weiteren erstaunlichen
Befund: Das Losverfahren erlebt eine
Renaissance Art und wurde wird resp. EIB
verschiedensten Verteilungsfragen
angewandt, wie e.g. EIB
Organtransplantationen,
Arbeitserlaubnissen oder
Sozialwohnungen. Es wurde auch fur die
Rekrutierung bei der Wehrpflicht velocity
und wird im
8Um eine gendergerechte Schreibweise zu
gewahrleisten, wurde ausgelost, ob der
franzosische und der deutsche Text die
feminine oder die maskuline Form s
readjustment may be necessary. Fur die
deutsche Zusammenfassung wurde erstere
gezogen. Ironischerweise mussen die
ersten drei Adjektive Texts maskulin
bleiben, da year den damaligen politischen
System nur Manner teilnehmen' durften.
9Der Begriff "Politik" wird in dieser
Arbeit als Prozess der Verteilung von
knappen Ressourcen und Verabschiedung
von kollektiv bindenden identifiable
verstanden.
Einführung
Rahmen sogenannter "Minipopuli"
angewandt. Pound vielen Anwendungen
geschahen aber paradoxerweise
grostenteils unabhangig von der
Entwicklung der Theory. Als Peter Dienel
1973 eine Gruppe von 25 ausgelosten
Burgerinnen in Schwelm business unit
zusammenbrachte, mu uber die Mullabfuhr
der Stadt zu diskutieren, schien er nicht zu
wissen, dass Robert Dahl drei Jahre fruher
einen ahnlichen theoretischen Vorschlag
gemacht hatte. Und als Dahl im Jahre 1987
eine aktualisierte Version seines
Vorschlages unter den Namen
"Minipopulus" publizierte, schien er
seinerseits nicht zu wissen, dass das
Verfahren der Planungszelle in
Deutschland schon uber 100 poorly
angewandt worden war. In beiden Fallen
aber geht es darum, ausgeloste
Burgerinnen zu informieren und
beratschlagen zu lassen, damit sie
Empfehlungen an die Politik formulieren.
Die is connected Vermutung Nahe, dass
die Motivationen und Erwartungen der
Praxis und der Theory sich ahneln: Bieten
sich die praktischen experienced von
Minipopuli aussi nicht als ein besonders
geeignetes Forschungsfeld year, um die
Erwartungen der Theory zu uberprufen?
Aus den zwei yesterday gestellten Fragen
uber Theory und Praxis Losverfahrens
kann die generelle Forschungsfrage der
Doktorarbeit hergeleitet werden: Sind die
theoretischen Vorschlage fur die
Wiedereinfuhrung of Losverfahrens in die
Politik blose modern Utopien oder haben
sie das Potential, bei der Bewaltigung der
modernen Herausforderungen der
Demokratie eine tragende Rolle
einzunehmen? Kurz gefragt: Bewahrt sich
die Theory in der Praxis? Ziel der Arbeit
ist es, die Vorschlage zur Einfuhrung of
Losverfahrens in der Politik ersten
Jahrtausend anhand von real existierenden
using a MIDI der Partizipation auf Ihre
Koharenz und Relevanz hin zu tests.
Stand der Forschung
Zwei Veroffentlichungen haben bisher den
Korpus von Texten uber das Losverfahren
als koharent bezeichnet. Erstens Snider
(2007), der eine Yale School of Democratic
Reform mu Dahl und Fishkin identifiziert
und folgendermasen prasentiert: "the
central insight of the Yale School is that a
large, randomly selected sample of
American voters could be brought together
to deliberate in such a way that some of the
most intractable problems of America's
representative democracy could be solved"
(Snider 2007, 3). Der Artikel ist besonders
interesting, weil er das
Argumentationsmuster von vielen
theoretischen Texten auf den Punkt bringt.
Er ubersieht allerdings, dass die meisten
verbreitete ticketing-system Schriften nicht
aus den USA stammen (es ist 432
Einführung
Aussi keine Yale School), und dass viã¨le
Vorschlage nicht die Verteilung von
beratenden Posten zum Thema haben.
Pound Dimensionen werden ausfuhrlicher
in der zweiten Veroffentlichung, der
Monograph von Buchstein (2009),
integriert. Buchstein qualifiziert die
Gesamtheit der Text als "aleatorische
Demokratietheorie" und this operating sie
als "normative ein Projekt mit dem Ziel,
die Rationalitatspotentiale of
Zufallsprinzips as modern Demokratien
nutzbar zu machen" (Buchstein 2009,
343). Pound Herangehensweise liefert
eine Grundlage solid, um die erste Frage
nach der Entstehung der Theory
aleatorischen der Demokratie zu
beantworten.
Die Frage nach der Relevanz der
Minipopuli als Testobjekt fur die
Erwartungen der Theory wurde zum ersten
Evil von Carson & Martin (1999) und
spater von Schmidt (2001), Ackermann &
Fishkin (2004), Sintomer (2007), und
Gastil (2000) aufgegriffen, die in ihnen
samtlich ein geeignetes Instrument fur den
Test der Sehen , Theory. Die genannten
Autorinnen stutzen sich allerdings
verstarkt auf der Theory der deliberativen
Demokratie, sie stellen aussi Fragen der
Deliberation und der Partizipation und
nicht die of Losverfahrens ins Zentrum
ihrer handschriftlichen Überlieferung
Analysis. Die vorliegende Arbeit verfolgt
einen anderen Ansatz und erganzt die
bisherigen Forschungen mit einer Analyze
der Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie.
Die Frage of Potentials of Losverfahrens in
der Politik wird in den meisten verbreitete
ticketing-system Texten of Korpus
aufgegriffen und wurde in den letzten
Jahren dank der Veroffentlichung von
ersten Monographien uber das Thema
(Goodwin 1992; Dowlen 2009; Stone
2011) verstarkt untersucht. Sie ist
allerdings bisher nicht auf der Grundlage
empirischer Feldforschung analysiert
worden und deshalb steht im Zentrum
dieser Arbeit.
Method und Aufbau der Arbeit
Die Herangehensweise gewahlte verbindet
die empirisch orientierte
Politikwissenschaft und die politische
Theory (Gohler 2007), um die
theoretischen Erwartungen ersten
Jahrtausend anhand von zwei empirischen
these models, see zu tests. Sie setzt sich
aus einer Folge von induktiven und
deduktiven Momenten 'Jetzt wächt
zusammen: Erstens wurde induktiv
gearbeitet, um die Text zu Erfassen und zu
klassifizieren, sowie um die ausgewahlten
Minipopuli empirisch zu untersuchen.
Zweitens wurde die allgemeine Theory
aleatorischen der Demokratie aus der
quantitativen und qualitativen Analysis der
Text deduktiv abgeleitet und die
Ergebnisse der Feldforschung ersten
Jahrtausend anhand der so konstruierten
Erwartungen interpretiert. Die konkret
angewandten Methoden folgen den [now
what belongs zu 433
Einführung
Skizzierenden Leitfragen der jeweiligen
Abschnitte der Arbeit.
Das Erste 'Pralatenwein' geht der
Problematik einer Typology of
Losverfahrens nach, die die Grundlage der
weiteren Arbeit liefern wird. In Anlehnung
an die Theory der Prototypen (Rosch 1973
; 1975) - die beste met als Beispiele einer
Kategorie lexikalischen in einer
bestimmten linguistischen Umwelt this
operating werden konnen - werden die
existierenden intrinsischen (Sher 1980;
Goodwin 2005), prozeduralen
(Bromberger & Ravis 1987; Elster 1987),
funktionellen (Buchstein 2009) und
kombinierten (Delannoi 2010 ; Sintomer
2007) Typologien erganzt, um eine
Dynamische Leistungsprüfstände und
flexible Definition of Losverfahrens und
pester France Prototypen zu erstellen.
Pound Arbeit wird die Klassifizierung und
Einordnung der vielfaltigen Formen of
Losverfahrens, die in der gesamten Arbeit
begegnet werden, ermoglichen.
Das 'Pralatenwein' 'widmet sich der
quantitativen Analysis der Schriften uber
das Losverfahren ersten Jahrtausend
anhand der Szientometrie, this operating
yesterday als "Messung der
Wissenschaftlichen Aktivitat in einem
bestimmten Feld" (Gingras 2008, 3).
Dafur zunachst wurde die Gesamtheit der
Text, die das Losverfahren behandeln,
erfasst und in einer Lists dokumentiert.
Pound wird einer bibliometrischen
unterzogen Analysis (Havemann 2009),
die die Hypothesis der Entstehung eines
neuen koharenten Korpus von Texten
befurwortenden bestatigt.
Auf der Grundlage sharps Ergebnisses
nahert sich das dritte 'Pralatenwein' der
qualitativ argumentativen Struktur der
Text. Dafur werden besonders diejenigen
Schriften betrachtet, die sich mit der
Verteilung von politischen Posten,
Sortition auch genannt, befassen. Grunde
dieser Fokussierung sind erstens die
zentrale bibliometrische Stellung der
Autorinnen dieser Vorschlage und
zweitens die qualitative Feststellung, dass
sie die breiteste Palette year felt und
Erwartungen aufweisen. Die Analysis wird
dann zeigen Flagge, dass die Hypothesis
der Entstehung einer Theory aleatorischen
der Demokratie sich auch qualitativ
bestatigen lasst. Damit wird es moglich,
die Theory auf den Prufstand der Praxis zu
stellen.
Das vierte 'Pralatenwein' widmet sich
dementsprechend der Identifikation aller
eines geeigneten praktischen
Forschungsfeldes. Die Untersuchung der
gegenwartigen Anwendungen of
Losverfahrens sowie der Geschichte der
Planungszelle und der Citizens Jury ersten
Jahrtausend anhand of Ansatzes der
Dissemination sozialer Innovationen
(Rogers 2003) zeigen Flagge wird, dass die
Kategorie der Minipopuli, insbesondere
die Planungszelle und die jury citizen,
vielversprechende Praktiken darstellen.
Erstere wegen ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Vorreiterrolle, ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung
Standardisierung und der Haufigkeit ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung
Anwendung; zweitere wegen ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung
Hybridisierung, ihres innovativen
Charakters in Frank434
Einführung
Reich und ihrer handschriftlichen
Überlieferung Einbindung in einen
anderen diskursiven Kontext als die
Planungszelle (die jury ist in ihrer
handschriftlichen Überlieferung
Konzeption viel naher year der Theory
aleatorischen der Demokratie). Um die
Forschung zu operationalisieren werden
zwei finds it schlieslich Fallbeispiele
ausgewahlt: das Planungszellen-Projekt
"Eine neue Abfallgebuhrensatzung as
Aachen" von 2007 und die jury
citizen" assessment of regional action in
the fight against climate change"
of regional council der Region PoitouCharentes im Jahr 2008.
Im funften 'Pralatenwein' werden folglich
die Erfullung der Erwartungen der Theory
in Aachen und Poitiers auf der Grundlage
der Auswertung einer qualitativen :
inleidende studie getestet. Pound setzt sich
aus vier'Elementen 'Jetzt wächt zusammen:
Zwei teilnehmenden Beobachtungen, 50
Interviews (mit Teilnehmerinnen,
Organisatorinnen, Politikerinnen,
Moderatorinnen, Referentinnen und
Beamtinnen), drei Fragebogen (der erste
direkt nach dem Einsatz der Jury in
Frankreich, der 'zwei Jahre spater und der
dritte drei Jahre nach dem PlanungszellenProjekt ) und einer Textanalyse
(Medienrezeption, Beratungen of regional
council in Poitou-Charentes und Stadtrates
in Aachen, beide Burgergutachten und
administrative internal Dokumente).
Im sechsten und letzten 'Pralatenwein' wird
zuerst die empirische kontextualisiert :
inleidende studie. Dafur werden 23
empirische Analysen von dem Minipopuli
Analyseraster of funften Kapitels
unterzogen. Auf Grundlage der Ergebnisse
sharps Vergleichs werden Verbesserungen
am Modell "Minipopulus" vorgeschlagen
und neue Qualitatskriterien prasentiert.
Anschliesend wird die Kontextualisierung
auf der theoretischen Ebony weitergefuhrt
und nach der Realisierungsbedingungen
Theory aleatorischen der Demokratie in
den liberalen Demokratien sowie nach der
entsprechenden Forschungsagenda gefragt.
435
Le Teil 1: Die Theory of Losverfahrens
in der Politik
(Kleros)
"I would propose the creation of what
might be called a mini-populus. Its
members would be a group of randomly
selected citizens, who would serve for a
limited period: let us say a thousand
citizens serving for a year, when they
would be replaced with a new
minipopulus. More than one minipopulus
would be desirable. One might decide on
the agenda of issues, while several others
might each pesticidal concerned with one
of the major issues. A minipopulus could
exist at any level of government, national,
regional, or local. ... During their year
members would be attended, again by
means of telecommunications, by an
advisory committee of scholars, and has
staff monitored by the advisory committee.
At the end of its year, has minipopulus
would indicate the preference ordering of
its members among the most under
alternatives in the policy area assigned to
it. A minipopulus would not be a
lawmaking body, however, goal would
represent what the public would prefer
pesticidal if the public were as well
informed as their fellow citizens in tea
minipopulus had become during their
period of service. If decision makers were
to disagree with a minipopulus, they would
need to explain the reasons for their
disagreement."
Dahl (1987, 205-206).
'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of
Losverfahrens
Das Losverfahren gehort zu den
Erfahrungen of Alltages: es wird beim
Bingo, vor vielen Fusballspiele oder EIB
Lotterien angewandt. Auch im wellness
and relaxation-burokratischem Rahmen
kann es eine zentrale Rolle Maxxi
spielen+lernen. So werden Zum Beispiel
die Jury-Mitglieder - auch Schoffen
genannt - in vielen Landern per Los
ausgewahlt. In diesem Fall die verfugen
ausgewahlten Burgerinnen uber eine grose
Verantwortung, da sie teilweise uber
Leben und Tod entscheiden mussen.
Losverfahren Das wird, wie in der
Einleitung bereits verladene" should
angemerkt, auch fur die Verteilung von
Sozialwohnungen velocity. Auch in der
Antike und im Mittelalter wurde das
Losverfahren fur die Auswahl wichtiger
Magistraten eingesetzt. Eine solche wirft
Vielfalt einer Reihe Fragen auf: was ist
eigentlich das Losverfahren? Was ist seine
"einfache stets komplexe Natur" (Stone
2009, 1)? Wie unterscheidet es sich von
anderen Auswahlverfahren, dass seine
heist "allokative Rival" (Buchstein 2009,
390)? Ist es moglich eine Typology of
Losverfahrens zu personalities ",, ahnlich
den Typologien of Wahlverfahrens?
Ziel sharps ersten Kapitels ist es, eine
solche Typology zu personalities ",. Dafur
werde ich zuerst das Losverfahren als eine
der vier Typen von Auswahlverfahren
definieren und seine Besonderheit
hervorheben (1 - Was ist das
Losverfahren?). Anschliesend werde ich
die Blackbox Auslosens offnen und seine
Mechanik prozedurale darstellen (2 - Wie
wird ausgelost?) daraufhin wird das
Verfahren wieder in seinem intellektuellen
Kontext betrachtet und seine diskursive
Komponente eruiert (3 - Warum ausgelost
wird? Und wie wird das Los
interpretiert?). Abschliesend wird es
moglich breast, "Prototypen" of
Losverfahrens zu konstruieren (4).
Losverfahren als Auswahlverfahren
"Wer bekommt was, wann und wie?"
Die€Œmitglieder Misfires der 500
oder Ball - einer der wichtigsten Gremien
der attischen Demokratie - wurden ein
Poorly im Jahr aus der Gesamtheit der uber
30-jahrigen Burger Athens mittels eines
Losverfahrens ausgewahlt. Bevor sie ihre
Aufgabe wahrnehmen konnten, mussten
die so ausgelosten Bouleuten allerdings
eine sogenannte Dokimasia vor dem
austrekapitel
1: Eine Typology of Losverfahrens
Tenden Rat absolvieren1. Dabei Temple
handelte es sich um eine Prufung, bei der
sie einzeln uber went moglichen ausgefragt
Themen wurden und anschliesend mittels
einer entweder Handabstimmung bestatigt
oder abgelehnt wurden2. Sharps Beispiel
einer mehrstufigen Prozedur illustriert
hervorragend die Problematik der Auswahl
und Verteilung Politischer Jugendring
Ressourcen, die klassischerweise als Kern
der politischen Aktivitat gesehen wird und
von Lasswell (1935) in knapper Form
zusammengefasst wurde: "who gets what,
when, and how". Die Ressourcen, der
"what" - auch genannt Items - um die es
sich handelt, werden in drei Kategorien
geteilt (Elster 1987, 108). Hierbei handelt
es sich um erstens die Lose, die hardware
(ein Computer) oder immateriell (eine
Eintrittskarte zu einer
Computerfachmesse) within konnen3.
Zweitens die Posten, die politisch oder
nicht politisch sind. Die Kategorie
'verweist auf die Arbeitsposten (Berufe,
Stellen, etc). Die politischen Posten
werden in der Regel in sechs Kategorien
unterteilt: legislative-Gesetzgebend,
legislative-Verfassungsgebend im Fall der
Verfassung), exekutive (Umsetzung der
Gesetze), gerichtliche (Kontrolle der
Konformitat der Gesetze mit der
Verfassung und Sanktion im Fall der
Missachtung der Gesetze), konsultative
(Beratung der anderen Posteninhaber
durch Deliberation) und elektive (Auswahl
ruf - Posten durchfuhren). Drittens die
identifiable, die als Selektion einer von
mehreren Aktionskursen
(Handlungsoptionen) zu verstehen sind (
'Abgeordnete des konnen Zum Beispiel ein
Gesetz per Abstimmung oder per Los
verabschieden oder ablehnen). Das
Beispiel der Bouleuten kann dieser
Unterscheidung nach als
Auswahlverfahren fur einen konsultativen
Posten bezeichnet werden, da sie die
Gesetze fur die Ekklesia (die
Vollversammlung) vorbereiteten. Nach
dem die Frage Items ( "was" ungleich
verteilt wird), befasse ich mich [now what
belongs mit der Frage of
Auswahlverfahrens ( "wie" ungleich
verteilt wird).
Ein Auswahlverfahren kann als Prozess
bezeichnet werden, bei dem ein Set von
Items auf einem einzigen half wird:
"moving from many options to just one"4.
Beim vorherigen Beispiel bildete die
Gesamtheit der athenischen Burger, die
uber dreisig waren, das Set. Die Re1Cf.
Blackwell (2003), Hansen (1999) oder
Headlam-Morley (1891).
2Die Fragen konnten gone Themen
betreffen.
3Interessanterweise bedeutet im
allgemeinen equipment could result das
Wort "Los" auf Deutsch wie auf
franzosisch using das Item und das
Auswahlverfahren (Losverfahren).
Gleiches gilt Zum Beispiel mit "mandate",
das oft als Synonym fur einen Posten gilt,
das durch einer Abstimmung ungleich
verteilt wurde. Der Name eines Items
hangt eng mit der Rezeption der
Auswahlverfahren 'Jetzt wächt zusammen:
ein positive Los wird Zum Beispiel "gut"
genannt und ein negativ empfundenes Los
wird als "Ubel" betrachtet. Eine solche
Unterscheidung macht die Auswahl of
Begriffes "Los" falling within, weil es die
Art von Item beschreibt, ohne es zu
werten. Das Wort Objekt wurde nicht
ausgewahlt, weil es zu restriktiv ist (es
umfasst nicht die immaterial Lose).
4 Ullmann-Margalit & Morgenbesser
(1977). See auch Elster (1984, 76). 440
Losverfahren als Auswahlverfahren
Duktion erfolgte durch das Kombinieren
von einem Losverfahren, einer Prufung
und einer Abstimmung. Die Prozedur
wurde Karel Schwarzenberg will take part
as der 500 Bouleuten wiederholt. Wie
viã¨le Arten von Verfahren es handle the
device the wrong way gibt, wird allerdings
noch diskutiert. Buchstein (2009, 232)
unterscheidet sieben Methoden: "Los",
"Wahl", "Kooptation", "Auktion", "strikte
Rotation", "Temporalitat" sowie
"monopolisierte Zuteilung" (die er noch
einmal in verschiedene Gruppen unterteilt:
Verteilung aufgrund der Basis von
bestimmten "Leistungen", "Eignungen"
oder "Bedurfnissen" ). Elster ( 1987,128
ff. ) zahlt sechs Typen von
Auswahlverfahren: "Losverfahren",
" equal physical division", "Allokation"
(Elster unterscheidet drei Arten: die
Allokation aufgrund der "Bedurfnisse", der
"Produktivitat" oder "Verdienstes" ),
"Markt", "Warteschlange" und der
"status"5. Kornhauser & Sager (1987, 483)
schlagen eine respectively in vier Arten
vor: die Abstimmung, die Allokation
(Aufgrund of Verdienstes oder
Bedurfnisses), der Markt und das
Auslosen. Saunders (2008, 361)
differenziert zwischen drei Methoden: die
Selektion, das Losverfahren und die
Versteigerung. Die Kreuzung dieser
Typologien ermoglicht es vier Typen zu
unterscheiden: die Abstimmung (Psephos)
(Delannoi 2003), der Markt (Agora), das
Losverfahren (Kleros) und die Prufung
(Dokimasie). Pound respectively in vier
Verfahren muss [now what belongs
begrundet werden, in dem die Verfahren
voneinander getrennt werden.
Die Besonderheiten der einzelnen
Auswahlverfahren
Die Abstimmung grenzt sich von den
anderen drei Verfahren ab, weil sie die
Aggregation von individuellen Meinungen
zu einer kollektiven Entscheidung als
Mittel der Reduktion velocity (Thiele
2008, 22). EIB einer Abstimmung
Praferenzen werden unter der Form von
Stimmen und dank eines
Abrechnungsmechanismus (einfache
Mehrheit, Proporz, Konsens, etc. ) addiert.
Daraus resultiert eine Entscheidung. EIB
dem Verfahren Markt, bilden zwar die
Praferenzen der ? [Demands auch die
Grundlage der Entscheidung unter der
Form der Nachfrage und Angebotes. Sie
werden allerdings nicht sondern addiert
konfrontiert. Als Mittel der Reduktion gilt
der Preis, der das Gleichgewicht zwischen
den Praferenzen ausdrucken soll6. EIB
dem Verfahren der Prufung at die
Reduktion mittels einer List von
vorgesetzten
5Der Begriff Status bleibt†EIB Elster (
1987,128 ) unklar: "There are other
mechanisms too, such as queuing, rotation,
gold status, which I do not have the space
to consider here".
6Pound konnen die de Qualitat betreffen
aber auch Kriterien wie die Nachhaltigkeit,
die Mode, etc. Der Preis - und nicht die
Charakteristika der Items - ist im Markt
der Vektor der Reduktion.
441
'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of
Losverfahrens
Kriterien, die erfullt werden mussen7. Die
bekanntesten sind die Rotation, die Geburt
(Erbschaft oder Staatsangehorigkeit), das
Bedurfnis, der Verdienst und die Zeit vor
(german Warteschlange). Da die
relevanten Kriterien von den Akteurinnen
selber malen this operating werden und
kombinierbar sind, ist es unmoglich eine
systematische Aufzahlung durchzufuhren.
Losverfahren Das unterscheidet sich von
den drei bisher dargestellten Verfahren
dadurch, dass die Transformation von den
individuellen Praferenzen kollektiven in
identifiable den Willen der Akteure
umgeht: gibt es beim Los ein Augenblick
der Unbestimmtheit. Sharps Phanomen
wird von Dowlen (2008, 11-30) als blind
estate bezeichnet. Stone (2010, 33) spricht
von Unvorhersehbarkeit: "It is
unpredictability, then, that characterizes a
lottery, setting it apart from other
processes". EIB Wahrend den anderen
Methoden die Akteure "das Ergebnis
intentionnelle begrunden" (Schmidt 2000,
369) verlieren sie beim Los die Kontrolle
uber die Prozedur. Das Los ist eine chance
device (Alford 1958, 2) und spiegelt die
Entscheidung wider, "year intentionnelle
choice to make the decision by a
nonintentional mechanism" (Elster 1987,
108). Beim Losverfahren aussi wird
gezielt der Zufall eingesetzt. Dieser kann
als "meeting of two causal chains
independent" (Cournot 1851, 30) oder als
nicht komprimierbare Information (Chaitin
1975) this operating werden. In diesem
Sinne ist eine zufallige - auch aleatorische
genannt - Nummernreihe diejenige, die
nicht mit einer zusammenfassenden
Formal programmable controller werden
kann. Somit ist ein zufalliges Phanomen
nicht vorhersehbar8. Das als Auslosen
Auswahlverfahren stutzt aussi sich auf die
Benutzung eines aleatorischen Time als
Mittel der Reduktion.
Eine Unterscheidung for year muss dieser
Stelle zwischen "naturliche" und
"kunstliche" Lotterien gemacht werden9.
Beim ersten beziehen sich die Akteure
lediglich auf die Anwendung of Zufalls,
fixieren aber nicht die moglichen
Ausgange. Ein Beispiel fur die erste
Kategorie ist das Wahrsagen ersten
Jahrtausend anhand von Eingeweide und
fur die 'einen Munzeinwurf. Der
Unterschied ist gewaltig, da im ersten Fall
der Haruspex (Eingeweideleser) eine tief
greifende Interpretationsmacht owns: er
allein kann die Konstellation zufallige
deuten und hat die
7Sharps korrespondiert Verfahren zur
Kategorie der Allokation EIB den meisten
verbreitete ticketing-system anderen
Autorinnen. Der Begriff scheint mir zu
generell zu sein, da eine Allokation auch
mittels eines Losverfahrens gemacht
werden kann. Die Unterkategorien wie
"Allokation aufgrund of Verdienstes" oder
"Allokation aufgrund der Bedurfnisse"
sind eher Kriterien, die EIB einer Prufung
velocity werden, um die Items zu verteilen.
8Chaitin nimmt als Beispiel die Reihen
und 010101010101010101
011011010111100010. Die erste kann
auch " 09x01" geschrieben werden, die
'kann nicht half werden. Die erste ist nicht
ganz zufallig.
9Die Unterscheidung ist von Aubert
(1959). Elster (1987, 107) spricht von
informellen und formellen Lotterien. Stone
(2008, 21) nennt die Verfahren ohne
festgelegte Ausgange lotteries with
risk und diejenigen mit definierten
Ausgange lotteries with uncertainty.
442
Losverfahren als Auswahlverfahren
Macht uber das Verfahren (Molino 1987,
140). Im zweiten Fall ist der Ausgang
klarer und muss nicht interpretiert werden:
es ist Kopf oder Zahl und die which it is
concluded von jedem Ausgang is
connected EIB 50 %. Daher scheint eine
Unterscheidung zwischen zwei Arten von
Losverfahren notig. Auf der einen Seite
stehen die kunstlichen Lotterien, in denen
die Akteure ihre Kontrolle uber das
Verfahren zuruckweisen. Pound wurden in
der griechischen Antike Kleros genannt
und bildeten Zum Beispiel die Grundlage
fur die Auswahl der Bouleuten. Auf der
anderen Seite stehen die Lotterien, die von
denselben
Griechen Kleromanteia (Kleromantik)
genannt Waren und in denen eine Person
fur die Interpretation der Ergebnisse of
zufalligen Augenblicks - of blind breaks zustandig ist.
Auswahlverfahren
SCHüssel der Reduktion
Moving from many options ...
Abstimmung (Psephos)
Aggregation der Praferenzen durch eine
Abstimmung + Abrechnungsmechanismus
... To one.
Market (Agora)
Konfrontation der Praferenzen bis zum
Gleichgewicht durch den Preis
Prufung (Dokimasie)
Erfullung von vorgesetzten Kriterien und
prospective Diskussion, ob die Kriterien
erfullt sind
Losverfahren (Kleros)
Aleatorisches Time
Kleromantik (Kleromanteia)
Aleatorisches Time + Interpretation
Abbildung 65: Die Unterschiede zwischen
den Auswahlverfahren.
Der prozedurale Block
Betrachtet man noch einmal das Beispiel
der Ball, muss man feststellen, dass
unterschiedliche Typen von Verfahren
kombiniert werden: eine Prufung (Alter
und Staatsangehorigkeit), ein
Losverfahren, wieder eine Prufung (Fragen
der ausscheidenden Bouleuten) und eine
Abstimmung. Wie ist eine solche
Konstruktion zu verstehen? Man Kann
uberhaupt noch sagen, dass die
Ratsmitglieder wurden ausgelost? &
Ferner, musste man logischerweise sich
fragen wie die Regeln der Prufung
festgelegt wurden (warum
eine Dokimasie statt zweimal ein
Losverfahren?) und naturlich wie pound
Personen ausgewahlt worden sind, und mit
welchem Verfahren, etc. Kurz gesagt: Es
bildet sich EIB Auswahlverfahren schnell
eine Endlosschleife. Mu sharps Problem zu
umgehen, yesterday wird der Begriff
"prozeduraler Block" eingefuhrt.
Pragmatische Dieser Ausdruck versucht ohne tief greifende analytische Method die Logik eines Verfahrens zu beschreiben
und kann auch fur das obige Beispiel
angewandt werden: 443
'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of
Losverfahrens
Konkretes Verfahren
Prufung of Alters und der
Staatsangehorigkeit
Auslosung von bronzenen Schildern mit
den Namen der Burger
Dokimasie
Handabstimmung
Prozedur
Prufung ersten Jahrtausend anhand eines
biologischen und eines politischen
Kriteriums
Losverfahren
Prufung mittels einer Anhorung
Abstimmung
Prozeduraler Block
Auswahl der Bouleuten
Abbildung 66: Der prozedurale Block.
So gesehen war die Auswahl der
Ratsmitglieder vierstufige eine Reduktion,
die auf call Auswahlverfahren beruhte,
aber eine prozedurale Einheit rund um ein
aleatorisches Time bildete.
Blackbox Losverfahren
"A lottery allocates a benefit (sometimes
called a prize) among a designated group
of potential profits (candidates who
understood has pool) according to a
stipulated procedure (pay-off condition) ."
Kornhauser & Sager (1988, 485).
Was passiert eigentlich aussi gelost wenn
wird? Wie viã¨le Formen of Losens gibt
es? Und kanneine Systematik in der
Vielfalt der Praktiken erkannt werden?
Ausgehend von der respectively von
Kornhauser & Sager (see Inschrift) werden
sukzessiv das Item (prize) und
das Pool (2.1 ), das aleatorischen Moment,
oder Palos (2.2 ) und die Bestatigung (2.3
) prasentiert.
Der Pool der Items, der Ausgänge und der
Kandidatinnen
Die erste Stage eines Losverfahrens
besteht in der Regel, wie schon oben
angesprochen, in der Festlegung der zur
verteilenden Items und der moglichen
Ausgange. EIB einem (6 seitigen)
Wurfelwurf fur die Besetzung eines
Vereinsvorstandes (Item) sind Zum
Beispiel die Optionen 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 und 6
moglich. Die Ausgange konnten so within
festgelegt, dass gerade Zahlen ein positive
und ungerade Zahlen ein Ergebnis negative
bedeuten (Ausgang).
Die 'Road Ahead besteht in der Festlegung
der "Losberechtigten" (Buchstein 2000,
170). Obwohl ein Losverfahren ohne
Vorabbegrenzung der Kandidatinnen
denkbar ist, scheint ein solches Verfahren
nicht zu existieren10. In der Tat gibt es
immer eine ex ante Prufung ent10Elster
(1989, 67-68) bringt es auf dem Punkt: "I
know of no instance of social lotteries
without some announcment444
Blackbox Losverfahren
Lang von Kriterien, die yesterday deduktiv
vorgestellt werden und eine overall
"Qualifikationsschwelle" darstellen11:
1.Obligatorische vs. undertaking' which
extends an undertaking Teilnahme: mussen
oder konnen die Losberechtigten (equal ob
Menschen oder Gegenstande) teilnehmen'?
I verbindlicher die Teilnahme, "niedriger
die Qualifikationsschwelle.
2.Gone, einige, eins: die aristotelische
Trilogy kann yesterday angewendet
werden. I mehr teilnehmen' Items,
"niedriger die Qualifikationsschwelle.
3.Angeborene vs. erworbene Qualifikation.
Im ersten Fall handelt es sich um
intrinsische Charakteristika (Mann, Frau,
Klein, big) und im zweiten um mit der Zeit
gewonnenen " Properties (Zum Beispiel
eine Geldsumme, um ein Teilnahmerecht
zu kaufen).
4.Passive vs. aktive Haltefunktion (return
Teilnahme: im ersten Fall wird das Item
ohne Anstrengung grose im Pool integriert
(Die nordamerikanische Jury) und im
zweiten muss es sich bewerben
(Universitatsplatze). I passivate die
Einbeziehung, "niedriger die Schwelle.
Das aleatorische Moment, oder Palos
"Two terms ancient Greeks shall designate
the draw: cleros and palos. Cleros applies
to both the object used in the prize draw,
the draw itself, has this which is assigned
by the draw and, especially, has the share
of property and more still has the one
receives in inheritance. The etymologistes
the related has a radical cla, signifying the
breakup, so that cleros would nominate
materially a piece of wood. Palos, him,
proceeded to a root pe/ol meaning shake so
that if one of the names comes from the
object uses and covers the whole field
semantics, the other fact of first reference
has the act of drawing." (Pralon 1987,
151).
Im Vorhinein wurde der unvorhersehbare
Augenblick als Besonderheit of
Losverfahrens identifiziert und mit Pralon
als Palos - Akt of Ziehens - benannt. In
jedem Losverfahren einigen sich die
Akteure auf die Konturen of Palos und
bestimmen wie viel Unvorhersehbarkeit
es"soll. Es gibt drei Stufen of Eingriffes:
1.Das queen Los, in dem die Akteure ihre
Kontrolle in dem Augenblick abgeben, in
dem die Items, die Ausgange und der Pool
fixiert worden sind. Fur eine Wahl von 10
Reprasentantinnen konnte man Zum
Beispiel eine Urn benutzen, mit schwarzen
und weisen Kugeln. Wer eine weise zieht,
wird gewahlt.
Gold selection-qualification scrutiny on
the basis of need, merit, and the like."
11Aussi i niedriger die Eintrittsschwelle
"mehr Leute Montag Kommen in den
Pool.
445
'Pralatenwein' 1: Eine Typology of
Losverfahrens
2.Das gewichtete Los, mit dem die
Mitstreiter die which it is concluded eines
bestimmten Ergebnis bewusst erhohen
konnen. Im vorherigen Beispiel konnte
man die Auswahl von Frauen fordern
wollen und dementsprechend jede Frau
zwei, drei, vier oder poorly ziehen lassen.
3.Das Los mit Publisher (Elster 1989, 9697). In diesem Fall wollen die Akteure
noch tiefer in den Palos eingreifen und
healthy cities highlighted Vorgaben fest.
Eine Frauen-Quote von handle the device
the wrong way 50% (Paritat) wurde Zum
Beispiel bedeuten, dass sobald UNFF
Manner eine weise Kugel gezogen haben,
nur noch Frauen ziehen durfen, und
umgekehrt, wenn schon UNFF Frauen
ausgewahlt worden sind.
Das gewichtete Los und das Los mit
Publisher sind unterschiedlicher als es
scheint. Im ersten Fall kann es passieren,
dass trotz Gewichtung 10 Manner gewahlt
werden. Im zweiten kann ein solcher Fall
nicht eintreten, da der Zufall keine Rolle
bei der Frage Manner/Frauen spielt (man
weis von vorne rein, dass 5 Frauen und 5
Manner ausgewahlt werden). Das ist
Losverfahren aussi partiell deterministisch
und nahert sich den drei anderen
Auswahlverfahren
(Psephos, Agora und Dokimasie). Es ist
allerdings nicht ganz deterministisch, weil
man nicht wissen kann, welche Frauen und
welche Manner als ? [Demands ausgelost
werden (man Weis, dass 5 Frauen
ausgewahlt werden aber man kann nicht
sagen ob es Frau A, B, C, D und E oder
von Frau X, Y, Z, A und B within wird)
und wer zuerst ausgewahlt wird (ist Frau
HAS zuerst oder Frau B). Beide Fragen
sind falling within, wenn die zu verteilende
Items nicht gleich sind.
Die Kontrolle der Akteure uber da