DIFFERENT SELECTION PRESSURES GIVE RISE TO DISTINCT ETHNIC PHENOMENA
by Cristina Moya and Robert Boyd
Human Nature 26(1), 2015. DOI 10.1007/s12110-015-9224-9
ELECTRONIC SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS
1. CONTEMPORARY & ETHNOHISTORICAL SOCIAL ORGANIZATION IN THE ANDES
The Andean social context provides an interesting case study that contradicts many simple
intuitions about ethnicity. Much modern ethnography focuses on the social boundaries
between indigenous and non-indigenous mestizos groups (Allen 1988; Canessa 2005; Salomon
1982; Van Den Berghe & Primov 1977; Weismantel 2001). This literature emphasizes that, in
the Andes, ethnic and racial identities are fluid, and relatedly, class is an important competing
dimension of social organization. Cultural indigenousness is correlated with socio-economic
status and physical phenotypic differences. More specifically, mestizos of mixed European and
native descent are more likely to be urban, richer, and politically powerful than more
indigenous persons. Yet an indigenous migrant to an urban environment who conforms to local
expectations about behavior and dress loses some of his indigenous status (Orlove 1998) and
eventually may enter the mestizo category. Given the high rates of rural-urban migration, this
kind of identity switching is a common reality rather than a hypothetical speculation (Howard
2007; Klein 2003).
Interethnic relations are not a historical novelty restricted to a postcolonial setting in Peru.
Andean prehistory is full of evidence of intergroup contact, and local cultural units persisted
even under the Inkan empire. Furthermore, despite being a much more multilingual region precolonially (Heggarty 2008; Mannheim 1991), there has not been any simple correspondence
between language and ethnicity for some time in the Andes. This multilingualism seems to have
persisted even after the Inkan expansion extended the range of Quechuan languages from
Ecuador to northern Argentina. Quechua was standardized and used as a bureaucratic language
in colonial times, and spread further post-colonially across the Andean region (van den Berghe
& Primov 1977), for example into previously Aymara speaking regions in Arequipa (Cook & Cook
2007) and Northern Potosi (Harris & Albó 1986; Hosokawa 1980).
Aymara and Quechua currently share boundaries in the Peruvian and Bolivian altiplano,
and along the northern border of Chile and Argentina. In the Southern Andes there is a positive
correlation between living at higher elevation and speaking Aymara, rather than Quechua.
Higher altitude Aymara dwellers tend to emphasize pastoralism in their subsistence, and
historically have been associated with camelid caravans in the salt trade (Nielsen 2001), while
Quechua speakers often emphasize agricultural production, including maize, in inter-montane
valleys (Howard 2007). This has lead to some speculation about the extent to which these
languages were traditionally associated with occupational specialization rather than ethnic
regional or cultural units (see discussion in Browman 1994). Similar arguments have been
proposed for the Uru-Chipaya language family, whose speakers tended to be involved in fishing
activities along the lakes and rivers of the Titicaca Basin (Julien 1987). Today the majority of the
area surrounding lake Titicaca’s shores is Aymara-speaking and there may have been a recent
Aymara expansion in that area.
Ayllus, rather than language categories, are often implicated as the unit of group loyalty in
Andean ethnography. This term may denote either an exogamous lineage or clan, or, more
1
recently, a community group (Recharte 1990; Weismantel 2006). A peculiar feature of these
social groups is that they often were organized to include non-contiguous stretches of land.
Because variation in elevation in the Andes is responsible for much ecological diversity,
communities could diversify their economies by having dispersed settlements in various
ecological “tiers” (Murra 1975). Access to goods at lower altitudes could also be used as
markers of individual or group prestige in higher altitude communities (Plourde 2006). This
motivation to seek ecologically diverse products would have likely fostered intergroup contact
through trade or migration.
It is also worth noting that within the Andean context various social scientists have
proposed that political agendas in Peru focus less on ethnicity than do indigenous movements
in the Ecuadorian and Bolivian highlands (Albó 2002; Howard 2007). Howard also claims that
language is less predictive of self-identification in Peru than in these other two countries
(2007). While indigenismo, or indigenous nationalist ideas, are common among the intellectual
elites of Peru, the importance of local communities as political units may have reduced the
appeal of such rhetoric for rural Peruvians (Van Den Berghe & Primov 1977). The election of
Ollanta Humala as president of Peru may reflect the recent success of indigenous identity
politics in Peru, well after their successes in Bolivia and Ecuador.
2. HUATASANI SOCIAL CATEGORY DESCRIPTIONS
Several social categories in the Huatasani region have ethnic features. We describe
them in more detail here.
2.1 Linguistic categories
All younger adults speak Spanish fluently, the language of school instruction, and there
is an increasing trend to teach young children Spanish exclusively because of the stigma
associated with indigenous languages, and to afford them market opportunities. Reports from
the 1990s suggest that at the district level of Huatasani, 10-20% of people over 5 years of age
spoke Aymara, whereas 60-70% spoke Quechua natively, and that the former have a language
substitution rate that is four times as large as the latter’s (Chirinos Rivera 2001). This contrasts
with the 2007 census figures that indicate a relatively larger Aymara-speaking population, both
in urban and rural contexts (Figure S1). This might reflect some population movement. For
example, 22 families from an Aymara-speaking community just outside the border of Huatasani
bought land in a predominantly Quechua-speaking area of Huatasani in the early 2000s.
Alternately, the discrepancies may reflect different methodologies across researchers. Nineteen
of our participants (18%) spoke both Quechua and Aymara, all but one being trilingual with
Spanish.
There are two primary reasons why individuals would be fluent in both Aymara and
Quechua. First, older individuals, especially those involved in trading between communities in
the region, could not rely on Spanish as a lingua franca in previous generations or in more
remote areas. Second, a fair number of individuals migrate across the linguistic border,
especially women for marriage purposes (18% of couples in our sample were linguistically
exogamous). This is especially common as rural migrants from both Aymara and Quechua
communities are drawn to the slightly more market integrated village of Huatasani, which hosts
better schools by locals’ estimation, and is better connected to regional urban centers via the
road that runs directly through it.
2
Because the high school in town services the whole district of Huatasani, and the
neighboring rural communities, this institution provides a context for greater linguistic mixing
for teenagers (12-17 years old). According to the 2008 high school records, of the 363 students,
54% used Quechua as a mother tongue, and 46% used Aymara. No high school student was
indicated as having Spanish as a mother tongue. However, all the pupils in the central
elementary school in town were recorded as native Spanish speakers, despite 6th graders being
only 1 year younger than the youngest high schoolers. This suggests some arbitrary decisionmaking on the part of school administrators responsible for producing these records.
2.2 Political geographic categories
The Peruvian state has imposed several hierarchically organized political geographic
boundaries that have been internalized by Huatasaneños to various degrees. Residents of
Huatasani all know that they live in Peru as a nation state. State educational institutions across
the country, including in Huatasani, require children to start each day by singing the national
anthem. This ritual is also included during many official municipal proceedings. The state has
also convinced most residents to acquire national ID cards. Despite these institutions,
Huatasaneños seem to have very weak feelings of national identity, though most recognized
that they were near the Bolivian border, and when pressed could name a couple of neighboring
countries. The term peruano/a, meaning Peruvian, is often used to refer to non-indigenous,
urban people more integrated with the nation state. Tellingly, a town resident once informed
me that a vendor who comes from Huancané to the Saturday market in Huatasani “[did] not
speak Aymara, she’s peruana” as if these were in opposition.
People in Huatasani also recognize that they live in the department of Puno, and will
refer to themselves as Puneños, especially when considering their identity in larger cities
outside of Puno such as Cusco, Arequipa or Lima. They will also use this regional demarcation to
draw contrasts between Puneños and other Peruvians (mostly Limeños and Cusqueños) about
whom they might have stereotypes because of either direct observation through travel, or
cultural transmission. A majority of people in our sample had travelled outside of Puno, with
the primary destinations being Arequipa, Lima and Cusco, where 73%, 53%, and 43% of
interviewees (n=101), respectively, said they had been. Many also said that they had kin in
these locations, particularly in Lima, but kin could have been interpreted generously, for
example to include fictive kin (Figure S2). These estimates are likely to be high for two reasons.
First, better-travelled people were likely to be more open to interacting with a foreign
anthropologist, and, second, there is prestige associated with these urban centers, prompting
self-presentation considerations.
Huatasani belongs to the province of Huancané within the department of Puno, but
Huatasaneños do not identify as Huancaneños, reserving the designation for residents of the
eponymous district and its capital city within the province. The term has strong associations of
being Aymara-speaking. To the north and west lies the province of Putina, which is
predominantly Quechua-speaking, including the same named district and its capital. In fact
Huatasani district belonged to the province of Putina until 1967, but switched to Huancané at
the insistence of Huatasani residents. Both Putina and Huancané have market days on Sunday,
but the vast majority of Huatasani residents go to Huancané on such occasions, in large part
because Putina is seen as a miner’s town and therefore more expensive. The primary reason
people from Huatasani go to Putina is to bathe in thermal pools, or on their way to the mines
further north. There is some bidirectional migration between Huatasani and these larger
3
provincial capitals, but it is now small compared to the flux of Huatasaneños to the large
commercial center of Juliaca.
Despite the fact that Huatasani was created as a political district only in 1967, this
boundary seems to capture a meaningful identity, at least for village residents. When
interviewed about what the term paysano (countrymen) meant to them, the modal political
level mentioned was the district level, over three times more often than the next most common
political geographic unit of community (Table S1). Fifty-eight percent of respondents further
specified that paysanos were people from the area who were known to them, even if just as
acquaintances, and even if they technically lived on the other side of the district political divide
in nearby communities. This suggests that the district level maps roughly onto the interaction
sphere, and distinguishes known from unknown people (desconocidos). The district anniversary
in late July is also widely celebrated with several days of festivities, including a dance
competition, a parade, a “traditional foods fair,” a livestock competition, and several sports
competitions. While many of these events are organized top-down and funded by state political
authorities in town, there is wide participation, and bottom-up organization at the community
levels to engage in the competitions. This stands in stark contrast to Huatasaneños’ indifference
to national independence day, for example.
Finally, within the district there is one urban center, the district capital of Huatasani, and
several communities (36 according to the census) within a 107 km2 area. The residential pattern
is fairly clumped. For example, 20 communities have at least 20 households (Figure S3).
However, when participants were asked to name communities in the area around Huatasani in
an open-ended listing task, they did not restrict themselves to communities within the district
of Huatasani alone. There were 20 communities that at least 10% of the 101 interviewees listed
(see Figure S4 for distribution). Only 12 of these most commonly cited communities were in the
district of Huatasani proper (Table S2). Figure S5 shows political slogans entreating some of
these neighboring communities to become members of the district. Half of the top 20
communities in the listing task are Aymara-speaking and half are Quechua-speaking. Most
communities' residents are predominantly speakers of one language or the other, although
there are several places where members of other communities have bought up land resulting in
both Quechua- and Ayamara-speaking households in these.
2.3 Socioeconomic categories
In contrast to the linguistic boundary, occupational boundaries associated with
differences in market integration are salient indicators of economic power, cultural differences,
and, at a larger regional scale, indigenousness. At the scale of districts and provinces
surrounding Huatasani, variation in market integration cross-cuts the linguistic divide. However,
at a more local scale of communities around Huatasani, Quechua-speaking is associated with
slightly higher market integration and educational attainment by virtue of the district capital
being on the Quechua speaking side of the divide. Only a small minority of high school students’
mothers had a high school level education, but these odds for Quechua-speaking mothers were
double that of Aymara-speaking mothers (OR= 2, SE =0.57, p=0.015) (Figure S6).
The largest source of variance in market integration and access to cash comes from
labor migration to mines a five-hour drive from town. Nearly all Huatasani residents engage in
subsistence agro-pastoralism. On average, interviewees estimated that 76% of their neighbors
engaged in agriculture (using verbal numerical estimates or a continuous Likert scale with a
slider), whereas only 41% of their neighbors did any mining (Figure S7). Quechua speakers
4
reported that a slightly higher percentage of their neighbors engaged in mining than did
Aymara speakers (β=0.17, p=0.08, n=98), whereas there were fewer differences in this respect
regarding agriculture (β=-0.12, p=0.24, n=98). These economic activities are not mutually
exclusive, as many households are maintained by a smaller set of the family throughout the
year while some adults go to work in the mine, and miners often come back to Huatasani to
help with the planting and harvesting of crops.
The extent to which village-dwelling and rural-community dwelling correspond to
economic and status inequalities is complex. As mentioned above, towns dwellers have greater
access to market opportunities in larger regional urban centers, and to better educational
institutions for their children within Huatasani proper. In fact, several rural families send their
teen-aged children to live in town with distant relatives, or alone in rented or purchased
properties if wealthier, to facilitate their going to the high school in the village without having
to walk several hours each way to do so. On the other hand, many villagers claim that rural
community residents were better off by virtue of owning more land and livestock. Of these,
some were considered fortunate to have enough dairy cows to make cheese for personal
consumption and to sell in the local market for cash. Of the 93 interviewees for whom we have
data, only 47% of respondents had at least some livestock, whereas nearly all community
residents have livestock. This proportion is smaller in town because people have less land and
area in which to keep livestock.
Finally, a larger status differential exists between the few “professionals” that live in the
town and everybody else. The former include pre-school to high school teachers, municipal
workers, and health clinic workers. The majority of these people are outsiders who live in the
larger urban centers in the region and commute in to work in Huatasani on a daily or weekly
basis, although there are a few locals in these positions as well. However, many locals who have
educational opportunities that allow them to become professionals or skilled laborers decide to
leave town and live in Juliaca.
2.4 Morphological terms
Linguistic categories are not racialized. That is, people cannot predict a stranger’s
linguistic category from physical phenotype alone (Primov 1974), nor do they believe that they
can or that these are biologically inherited categories. Only one informant told us that she
believed there were detectable morphological differences between Quechua and Aymara
speakers, and, notably, she was from a larger urban center and had married a man from
Huatasani. This may reflect the fact that urban Puneños and Peruvians from other parts of the
country exaggerate the cultural and racial differences between Aymara and Quechua speakers,
while locals living along the boundary themselves downplay them. References to Aymara blood
causing a more aggressive and fierce temperament are common among urban dwellers, but
absent in Huatasani. It might also be the case that, at a larger inter-departmental scale, there is
some correlation between speaking Aymara and certain features, such as being darker skinned,
or being more likely to engage in collective action for punishment, but that within Puno there is
no correlation.
This does not mean that Huatasaneños are oblivious to morphological variation that is
racialized in other cultural contexts. Locals frequently use terms such as gringo or chino to refer
to people in town who have light skin or epicanthic folds, respectively. These are also used as
nicknames for various people (including Fujimori – an ex-president of Peru who was of
Japanese descent). While Huatasaneños are aware of the correlation between parents’ and
5
children’s morphological attributes (Moya et. al., in press), many gringos and chinos are born to
parents who are not described as such. In essence, these terms are adjectives used in similar
ways to traits like height or weight. Similarly, while Huatasaneños might recognize the uneven
distribution of these traits across regional social categories, these do not seem to be
conceptualized as constituent features of the social categories. This is consistent with the
similar ways in which many participants asked us whether all Americans were gringos, tall, or
vegetarian.
2.5 Political party categories
There are several national and regional political parties at play in Huatasani. In the last
several national elections the region has overwhelmingly supported Ollanta Humala and his
brand of indigenous populist rhetoric. While nationally Ollanta received 51.4% of the vote to
Keiko Fujimori’s 48.6% in the 2011 election, in the district of Huatasani he received 86.7% of the
vote. This level of support is similar to that seen in other rural areas of southern Peru. This
consensus means that national politics do not meaningfully divide many people in Huatasani.
The few people who did support then-president Alan Garcia’s party tended to be somewhat
more market integrated, and were viewed with some suspicion by others in town and the
communities because of their status striving.
With respect to local elections, personal social connections seem to drive people’s
choices more than the candidates’ connections to national parties. Most mayoral candidates in
the 2010 municipal elections ran with Puno-specific regional political parties, except for one
who ran as a member of Ollanta’s Partido Nacionalista Peruano (Table S3). At the time there
were 14 such parties in Puno, and new ones arise regularly across election cycles, while others
disappear. Informants stressed how important it was for mayoral candidates to build personal
connections with residents of all of the communities of Huatasani, and often complained of
how easy it was to buy people’s votes by offering them food, drinks, or blankets, or promising
them municipal labor once elected. Another crucial issue that arose in the 2010 municipal
election was the extent to which the mayoral candidates were sufficiently educated as to be
capable of engaging with state institutions in order to demand economic support from the
provincial and department level bureaucracies. However, those professionals that were
deemed more prepared for such endeavors risked accusations of being out of touch with locals’
needs, especially when the candidate had lived out of Huatasani for a while. In the end, a local
elementary school teacher who lived in town, but had some experience in dealing with state
institutions in his job, was elected. Though he had been raised in a neighboring Quechua
district, he had been living in Huatasani for the last 28 years and married a woman from an
Aymara-speaking community of Huatasani.
Mayoral candidates run with a political slate of five other people who are selected to
appeal to various demographics. The five political blocks in the 2010 municipal election have
certain common features (Table S3). All were composed of two women in the less powerful
positions of regidores, and four men in the remaining regidor, teniente alcalde, and alcalde
(mayor) positions. All slates had both Aymara and Quechua speakers, but the exact composition
varied from just 1 to 4 native Aymara speakers. There is a negative correlation between the
number of native Aymara speakers on the slate and the proportion of the vote that the party
got (Spearman's ρ=−0.97, p=0.005), suggesting some amount of bias or segregated social
networks may affect the majority Quechua-speaking electorate's decisions. Most political
murals from municipal elections alluded to the fact that the mayor will represent both
6
“aymaras and quechuas” (Figure S8), though this rhetoric seems distant from the way in which
locals talk about the linguistic categories, seldom referring to them as corporate entities with
similar interests. However, given these political tactics it does seem that failing to be inclusive
would be politically costly. Finally, with the exception of the Peruvian Nationalist Party slate, all
candidates included at least one professional, and people with varying degrees of market
integration, in their slate.
2.6 Religious categories
Despite the spread of some evangelical denominations in the region, the vast majority
of Huatasani residents identify as Catholic, while engaging in syncretic religious traditions that
include Andean rituals. More than half of interviewed participants claimed that none of their
neighbors were evangelical, and the mean proportion of evangelical neighbors reported was
0.07 (Figure S9). While this proportion did not differ by participants’ native language in our
sample, at the provincial scale there are more evangelical institutions in areas that are Aymaraspeaking than there are in Quechua-speaking areas. In a neighboring community across the
river there is an Adventist church, and in the city of Huancané there are several Protestant
missions, including an American Baptist one. Thanks to these institutions, and to evangelical
preachers that come to Huatasani's weekly village market, all Huatasaneños are acquainted
with this kind of religious diversity. Being evangelical and Catholic are seen as mutually
exclusive, and the former groups prohibit their members from engaging in many traditional
Andean rituals such as those involving coca, alcohol, or dancing.
The importance of religion in daily life is debatable, and the salience or relevance of
being Catholic for most of the year is weak. Despite having three churches and a chapel in
town, there is no resident priest, and, as such, masses are only held for special occasions.
Priests have to be hired, usually from the neighboring city of Putina, for religious occasions such
as confirmations and first communions of high school students, fiestas patronales (yearly
festivals devoted to the patron saint or virgin of the town and its neighborhoods), and other
religious holidays. The distinction between the few evangelicals around and Catholics may
become more salient during these celebrations, but it is restricted to their being less involved in
these events and proclaiming to avoid alcohol throughout the year.
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Canessa, A. (2005). Natives Making Nation: Gender, Indigeneity, and the State in the Andes. Tempe:
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Harris, O., & Albó, X. (1986). Monteras y guardatojos. Campesinos y mineros en el Norte de Potosi.
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Campesinado.
Heggarty, P. (2008). Linguistics for archaeologists: a case-study in the Andes. Cambridge Archaeological
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Hosokawa, K. (1980). Diagnostico sociolinguistico de la region norte de Potosi. La Paz, Bolivia: INEL.
Howard, R. (2007). Por los Linderos de la Lengua: Ideologias linguisticas en los Andes. Fondo Editorial.
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Retrieved from http://www.inei.gob.pe/
INEI (Instituto Nacional de Estadistica e Informatica), Government of Peru. (2007). Censos nacionales.
Retrieved from http://www.inei.gob.pe/
Julien, C. J. (1987). The Uru Tribute Category; Ethnic Boundaries and Empire in the Andes. Proceedings of
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8
Table S1. Highest regional level referred to when describing what it means for someone to be a
paysano (countryman).
Highest regional level
n/a
Community
District
Province
Department
Country
Total
No. of Responses
6
16
59
11
11
1
104
% of Responses
5.77
15.38
56.73
10.58
10.58
0.96
100
Table S2. The twenty most commonly listed communities in listing interview. These include all that at
least 10% of participants reported from interviews with 101 participants, who listed 88 sites originally.
Language denotes predominant language spoken in community (Aymara or Quechua). Huatasani district
denotes whether the community lies within the political boundaries of the district of Huatasani.
Rank
order
1
2
3
4
5
6
7
7
9
10
11
12
13
14
14
14
17
17
19
19
Community
San Salvador
Torno
Qanqo
Pongone
Ancomarca
Qhealli
Sustia
Q'ello Chico
Tunila
Toquepane
Chuloqota
Taurauta
Wilakunka
Llinkipata
Munaypa
Turputia
Caya Caya
Curupampa
Ajarani
Tojon Wayrapata
No. of participants
who listed it
76
73
71
67
63
60
57
57
54
41
26
21
20
19
19
19
17
17
11
11
% of participants
who listed it
0.752
0.723
0.703
0.663
0.624
0.594
0.564
0.564
0.535
0.406
0.257
0.208
0.198
0.188
0.188
0.188
0.168
0.168
0.109
0.109
9
Language
Q
Q
Q
A
A
Q
A
Q
Q
A
A
A
A
Q
A
A
Q
Q
A
Q
Huatasani
district
Yes
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
Yes
No
Yes
Yes
Yes
No
No
No
Yes
No
No
No
Yes
Yes
Yes
Table S3. Political Coalitions in 2010 Municipal Elections. All candidates spoke Spanish as well. In addition to these votes there were
237 blank votes and 128 null votes for a total of 1,846 votes cast from the whole district. Unless town or city is specified the place
names refer to rural communities. Dots denote missing data.
Party
Poder Democrático Regional
Partido Nacionalista Peruano
Movimiento
Independiente
Unión y Cambio
%
of
Votes
Lives in (if
different than
"From")
First
Language
Other
Language
Works in
Q
A some
elementary school teacher
S. Salvador
Central, Huatasani town
Central, Huatasani
town
n/a
Huancane
Q
Q
n/a
n/a
M
M
F
Pongone
S. Miguel, Huatasani town
S. Miguel, Huatasani town
n/a
Huancane
n/a
A
Q
Q
n/a
A some
n/a
agropastoralism
provincial
council
agropastoralism
agropastoralism
.
.
Alcalde
M
S. Rosa, Huatasani town
n/a
Q
agropastoralism
Teniente Alcalde
1 Regidor
2 Regidor
M
F
M
Q'ello Chico
Pongone
Qhealli
Q
A
Q
3 Regidor
4 Regidor
M
F
S. Rosa, Huatasani town
S. Salvador
n/a
n/a
S. Rosa, Huatasani
town
n/a
n/a
A
understand
n/a
Q
n/a
Q
Q
n/a
A
agropastoralism
healer, owns and chauffeurs
van, agropastoralism
Alcalde
M
Central, Huatasani town
Puno city
Q
university professor
Teniente Alcalde
1 Regidor
2 Regidor
3 Regidor
4 Regidor
M
F
M
M
F
S. Salvador
S. Miguel, Huatasani town
Toquepane
.
Pongone
n/a
n/a
n/a
.
S.
Miguel,
Huatasani town
Q
Q
A
.
A
A
understand
n/a
n/a
n/a
.
Q
Position
No. of
Votes
Sex
From
Alcalde
M
Ayrampuni town in Putina
Teniente Alcalde
1 Regidor
M
F
2 Regidor
3 Regidor
4 Regidor
506
490
242
34.2
33.1
16.3
10
&
agropastoralism, sells milk
agropastoralism
.
agropastoralism
agropastoralism
agropastoralism
.
agropastoralism
Party
Reforma Regional Andina
Integración
Participación
Económica y Social Puno
Position
Alcalde
Teniente Alcalde
1 Regidor
2 Regidor
3 Regidor
4 Regidor
No. of
Votes
195
%
of
Votes
13.1
Alcalde
Teniente Alcalde
Proyecto Político Aquí
1 Regidor
2 Regidor
3 Regidor
4 Regidor
48
3.2
Sex
From
Lives in (if
different than
"From")
M
M
M
M
F
F
Progreso, Huatasani town
Central, Huatasani town
Wata Wilapampa
Toquepane
Central, Huatasani town
Qhealli
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
n/a
Q
A
Q
A
A
Q
A some
Q
n/a
n/a
n/a
A
High School auxiliary teacher
dentist, store owner, business
agropastoralism, sells cheese
agropastoralism
store owner, business
agropastoralism
M
M
Central, Huatasani town
Central, Huatasani town
A
Q
Q
n/a
retired teacher
tricycle and car chauffer
M
M
F
Pongone
S. Miguel, Huatasani town
Sustia
n/a
Juliaca
&
Arequipa cities
n/a
n/a
n/a
A
Q
A
agropastoralism
accounting student in Puno
agropastoralism
F
Taurauta
n/a
A
n/a
n/a
Q
understand
n/a
11
First
Language
Other
Language
Works in
agropastoralism,
community president
acting
Figure S1. Huatasani districts residents over 15 years of age with Spanish, Aymara and Quechua as
native languages, by urban or rural residence. Source: INEI Peru 2007.
Figure S2. Proportion of respondents who have visited or have kin in various urban centers. Error bars
correspond to 95% CIs. N=101.
12
Figure S3. Distribution of community size in Huatasani in terms of number of households. Source: INEI
Peru 2005
Figure S4. Distribution of % of people listing a community in listing interviews. For 88 communities
from 101 interviews.
13
Figure S5. Murals on path to Ancomarca entreating neighboring communities to join the district of
Huatasani. Top row: (L) “October 21st census (or register) yourself. Support. Unite yourself - to
Huatasani will grow.” (R) “Huatasani awaits you Sustia and Ancomarca.” Bottom row: (L) "Sustia –
Ancomarca – Pongoni (R) Participate and support..." Not depicted, mural continued: “for the
development of Huatasani (por el desarollo de Huatasani).”
Figure S6. Proportion of high school students’ mothers who had high school level education. By
students’ maternal language. N=362 (95% CI)
14
Figure S7. Proportion of neighbors that participants estimated were engaged in mining and
agriculture. By participants’ native language. N=98
15
Figure S8. Political campaign murals. From 2006 municipal elections. Three different mayoral
candidates proclaim to be (a)“a mayor for quechuas and aymaras,” (b)“the voice of quechuas and
aymaras,” and (c)“for quechuas and aymaras.”
16
Figure S9. Proportion of neighbors that participants estimated were Evangelical. By participants’ first
language. N=96.
17