ISBN 978-91-88036-86-5
9 789188 036865
GOTLAND’S PICTURE STONES Bearers of an Enigmatic Legacy
G
otland’s picture stones have long evoked people’s fascination, whether this
has been prompted by an interest in life in Scandinavia in the first millennium
or an appreciation of the beauty of the stones. The Gotlandic picture stones offer
glimpses into an enigmatic world, plentifully endowed with imagery, but they also
arouse our curiosity. What was the purpose and significance of the picture stones in
the world of their creators, and what underlying messages nestle beneath their imagery and broader context? As a step towards elucidating some of the points at issue
and gaining an insight into current research, the Runic Research Group at the Swedish National Heritage Board, in cooperation with Gotland Museum, arranged an
international interdisciplinary symposium in 2011, the first symposium ever to focus
exclusively on Gotland’s picture stones. The articles presented in this publication are
based on the lectures delivered at that symposium.
Gotland’s Picture Stones
Bearers of an Enigmatic Legacy
GOTLAND’S PICTURE STONES
Bearers of an Enigmatic Legacy
gotländskt arkiv 2012
Reports from the Friends of the Historical Museum Association
Volume 84
publishing costs have been defrayed by
Kungl. Vitterhetsakademien, Wilhelmina von Hallwyls Gotlandsfond,
Stiftelsen Mårten Stenbergers stipendiefond and Sällskapet DBW:s stiftelse
editor Maria Herlin Karnell
editorial board Maria Herlin Karnell, Laila Kitzler Åhfeldt,
Magnus Källström, Lars Sjösvärd, Klara Waldenström and Per Widerström
production Fornsalen Publishing, Gotland Museum
english translations and editing Kathy Gow Sjöblom
front cover Detail of the picture stone Lärbro Stora Hammars I, photo by Raymond Hejdström
graphic design Helena Duveborg
printers Elanders Fälth & Hässler 2012
Authors are personally responsible for the content of their articles
© Gotland Museum and respective authors
Volume 84
isbn 978-91-88036-86-5
aðalheiður guðmundsdóttir
Saga Motifs on Gotland Picture Stones:
The Case of Hildr Högnadóttir
T
he gotland picture stones have long aroused
interest and admiration, not only among tourists
as objects of beauty and casual curiosity, but also among
scholars who have been led to speculate about what they
were originally intended to signify. One of the methods used to analyze and interpret the images has been
to view them in the context of Old Norse literature. In
this respect, three different strands of narrative material,
or legends, have been identified as possible sources for
preserved texts and comparable images referring to the
Völsungs and the Gjúkungar, Wayland the Smith and
the story of Hildr and Héðinn. These interpretations
have been applied to at least six picture stones: klinte
hunninge 11, lärbro stora hammars 12, stenkyrka
smiss 13, lärbro tängelgårda 14, ardre kyrka v1115
and alskog tjängvide 16, which have been dated to
the eighth, ninth or even tenth century according to
the latest dating by Lisbeth Imer.7 This article will only
examine one of these legends, namely the ‘Hildr legend’
in the context of two of these stones, lärbro stora
hammars 1 and stenkyrka smiss 1. An attempt will
be made to place the images in a larger context than
has been done before, and by doing so to strenghten the
probability that they were indeed intended to refer to
the original Hildr legend.
In Old Norse dróttkvætt poetry, and then later on in
Icelandic rímur, we come across kennings referring to a
certain Hildr, such as él Hildar (Hildr’s storm; battle),
hyrr Hildar (Hildr’s flame; sword) or hjól Hildar (Hildr’s
wheel; shield). Other variants of kennings of this type do
not include Hildr’s name, but nevertheless refer to the
same heroine, and hence the same legend. The oldest preserved Hildr-kennings are found in poems by Bragi Boddason (9th century), Þjóðólfr ór Hvini (c. 900), Eyvindr
skáldaspillir (late 10th century), Hallfreðr vandræðaskáld
(1001) and Grímr Droplaugarson (1005). These are:
Century /
Date
Poem
Kenning
9th c.
Ragnarsdrápa, st. 2.3–4
hjól meyjar Hʏgna (wheel of the maid of Hʏgni)
Meaning
8
shield
9th c.
Ragnarsdrápa, st. 6.4
folg-hildar munr (‘Fogl-hildar mun’)
c. 900
Haustlöng, st. 1.7–8
hreingʏru hlýri fats Hildar (the brightly made
cheek of the clothing of Hildr <valkyrie>)
shield
10th c.
Háleygjatal, st. 9.2–3
Hʏgna meyiar viðr (tree of maiden of Hʏgni)
warrior
1001
Óláfsdrápa, st. 17.2–4
Týr Heðins meyjar (the god of battle)
warrior
1005
Lausavísur, st. 3.6–7
hildar borðs árr (the shield’s man)
warrior
Héðinn
Table 1. The earliest Hildr-kennings. 9
59
From the context of these kennings, and many others,
it can be seen that they refer to Hildr Högnadóttir,
who is now best known from sources such as Ragnarsdrápa (9th century), which contains not only kennings
referring to the legend, but also the actual plot, Snorri
Sturluson’s Edda (13th century) and the legendary saga
Héðins saga ok Högna, or Sörla þáttr, now preserved in
a manuscript from the 14th century. Many comparable
kennings are to be found in more recent poetry, i.e.
from the eleventh century and later.
The Hildr Legend
In the most recent of the above-mentioned variants, the
Icelandic Héðins saga ok Högna, the legend of Hildr forms
part of the account of the ‘Everlasting Battle’ known as
the Hjaðningavíg and how it originated, i.e. the story of
Freyja’s necklace, the Brísingamen, which includes an
account of the abduction of a woman and the resulting
conflict. This sequence, consisting of the abduction and
the battle, is sometimes referred to simply as ‘the Hildr
legend’. It relates how Héðinn Hjarrandason, king of
the Hjaðningar, abducts Hildr, the daughter of King
Högni. He carries her off to his ships and they sail off
to an island. Her father, Högni, pursues them and finds
Héðinn with a small force on the island, and when they
meet, Héðinn attempts to make peace with Högni. In
Snorri’s Edda, Hildr acts in such a way as to exacerbate
their quarrel by making her father a pretended offer of
peace, and the same implication is present in Ragnarsdrápa. Following an “unsuccessful” attempt to negotiate
peace, Héðinn and Högni and their men fight the battle
known as the Hjaðningavíg. This differs from other battles in that after the day’s fighting, Hildr passes among the
slain warriors and brings them back from the dead so that
they can fight again the following day.10 In Héðins saga ok
Högna, the strife between the two kings is due to curses
put on them by the gods, in addition to which Hildr’s role
60
is much less significant: she sits and watches the fight between the kings and takes no direct part in the conflict.11
The Hildr shown to us in Bragi’s poetry, and later by
Snorri, is an evil woman, one that poses a threat to the
community.12 Her role is, primarily, that of a woman
who refuses to bow to the law of a patriarchal society,
and so becomes a symbol for the forces that jeopardize peace. Her violation of the prevailing order results
in dissention and loss of life; she then crowns this by
entering the battlefield in the role of a valkyrie and raising the slain warriors from the dead so that they can
continue their battle for ever, like Óðinn’s einherjar in
Valhalla.13 In other words, Hildr is the personification
of strife, and this is why her name is popular in kennings where poets tell of battles and conflicts; these kennings in turn must have depended for their effect on the
audience’s knowledge of the legend. Among the references found in poems, the identification of Hildr as the
object of a quarrel between father and suitor is probably
nowhere more clearly stated than in Helgakviða Hundingsbana II. Here, Sigrún stands in a similar position
between her father and her lover, which gives the author of the poem the opportunity to insert a reference to
Hildr as a sort of ‘archetype’ of women in this position:
Helgi addresses Sigrún, saying ‘Huggastu, Sigrún, /
Hildr hefir þú oss verit; / vinnat skiʏldungar skʏpum’.14
As we see, Hildr is not only a woman who is caught
between two opposing warrior bands as the cause of a
quarrel: she actually encourages the development of the
quarrel, and her role in the story is to egg her father
and Héðinn on to fight each other. But why? It would
seem that Hildr, like certain other famous heroines, is
forced to choose between love and the will of her family,
a woman who is, as it were, between the hammer and
the anvil. I believe that Hildr was also between hammer
and anvil in a real sense – or at least that she took shape
where a hammer and chisel were used.
LÄRBRO STORA HAMMARS I
and STENKYRKA SMISS I.
The arrows point to
images thought to
illustrate scenes from
the Hildr legend. Photo
Bengt A. Lundberg, ATA,
RAÄ (left) and Raymond
Hejdström, GM (right).
The Gotland Picture Stones
It has been argued by some that the Hildr legend may lie
behind images on lärbro stora hammars 1 and stenkyrka smiss 1, which contain a picture of a woman in
between two groups of armed warriors, or between an
army on land and an approaching ship. Though discussion of this has been rather superficial up to now, Sune
Lindqvist mentioned this possibility regarding lärbro
stora hammars 1 back in 1941, where he thought it possible that two panels referred to the legend, i.e. not only the
scene around the ship, but also the one of a hero falling off
his horse in a battle. Nevertheless, he did not think there
was much to be gained from this comparison, since the
written sources were both few and fragmentary.15 On the
other hand, Karl Hauck, formerly a professor in Münster,
went considerably further in his brief discussion of the
same stone and argued that the first four panels of pictures, as well as a comparable scene on stenkyrka smiss
1 depicted the Hildr legend.16 Later on, however, when
Lindqvist examined the case more thoroughly, he reached
the conclusion not only that panels 1–5 on lärbro stora
hammars 1, but also the scene on stenkyrka smiss 1, as
well as various motifs on lärbro tängelgårda 1, probably depicted the Hildr legend.17 This has since been criticized by Michael Srigley, who believes that three Gotland
stones, i.e. lärbro stora hammars 1, lärbro tängelgårda 1 and ardre kyrka v111, depict the three major
episodes of the Fall of Troy.18
Although Lindqvist and Hauck discuss 4–5 panels on
lärbro stora hammars 1 in their research, it is primarily the fourth scene that can be found reflected in other
pictorial sources including the similar panel on stenkyrka smiss 1. If we interpret this particular motif in
relation to the preserved versions of the legend, it is
probably reasonable to see it as showing Hildr turning
towards her father’s newly-arrived ship and making
61
The scene on LÄRBRO
STORA HAMMARS I as
drawn by Hauck.
Courtesy of Alexandra
Pesck, Zentrum für
Baltische und Skandinavische Archäologie
in Schleswig.
him her pretended offer of peace, with Héðinn and the
Hjaðningar lined up behind her.
As a matter of interest it should be pointed out that
in his interpretation of lärbro stora hammars 1, Karl
Hauck made use of a drawing which he apparently
transferred from the stone using latex. This drawing,
which shows something that differs considerably from
what other people have seen on the stone, is remarkable in giving a much more detailed picture of the Hildr
scene than do the present painted outlines. Even though
this drawing may not be admissible as a source, and
even though it is in fact not necessary for my interpretation at all, we should nevertheless take a closer look at
it, as it indisputably has a certain position in the history
of these studies.
There are two points in particular that could throw
light on the meaning of the picture: firstly, the woman
(or Hildr) is holding rings, and secondly, a wolf hovers
over Hildr and the Hjaðningar as if accompanying them
62
into battle. If these points are placed in context, the drawing could be interpreted as follows: The rings could
easily refer to the legend as preserved in Bragi’s Ragnarsdrápa and in Snorri’s Edda, in which Hildr, with deceitful intention, goes to her father’s ships and offers him
Héðinn’s neck-ring or rings as a token of reconciliation,
while telling him at the same time that Héðinn is ready
to fight, and that he will not show Högni any mercy.
The neck-rings are mentioned in stanzas 8–10, where we
find: 19
... þás hristi-Sif hringa / hals, en bʏls of fylda, /
bar til byrjar drʏsla / baug ørlygis draugi /
Bauða sú til bleyði / bæti-Þrúðr at móti /
malma mætum hilmi / men dreyrugra benja /
and
... þróttig Heðin sóttu, / heldr an Hildar svíra /
hringa þeir of fingi
As regards the picture on stenkyrka smiss 1, it shows
a woman in front of a group of warriors on a ship and
possibly holding neck-rings,20 as Hildr does according to
Ragnarsdrápa and Snorri.
Regarding the wolf on Hauck’s drawing, this would
fit in with the interpretation offered by some scholars that
Héðinn and his men, the Hjaðningar (cf. Hetelingar) are
úlfhéðnar – warriors whose character and fighting spirit
showed certain wolfish traits – which would chime in
with their names. Hauck sees this as receiving further
support from a comparison with one of the Scandinavian
sources discussed below, the tapestry from Överhogdal in
Härjedalen, where he sees Héðinn’s force as represented by
animals, possibly wolves.21 In fact there is also an animal
that could be a wolf above one of the two opponents on
the Oseberg cart, another of the preserved Scandinavian
sources. Still further arguments can be cited for this interpretation, as in the Old English poem Widsith, Héðinn
(Heoden) is said to be king of the Glammar (Glomman),
and glammi is a Norse term for ‘wolf’.22 Apart from
this, the wolf is a common symbol for treachery, which
may explain the depiction of a wolf above the figures on
Hauck’s drawing and the Oseberg cart.
In his article on the Hildr scenes, Lindqvist does not cite
Hauck’s study, and in fact their approaches are very different. But even though both interpretations can be considered as valuable contributions, neither can be regarded
as satisfactory, not least because it has been pointed out
that it is rash to interpret these images as a reference to
a particular legend. The motif of men standing next to a
ship might be a stock motif, and we should also keep in
mind that the surface of the stones is weathered, and the
lines shallow.23 In view of such cautions, interpretations
of this type have generally been accepted with substantial
reservations, and some people have argued that pictorial
sources are, in general, too untrustworthy, because, like
oral sources, they depend to a large extent on interpretation and consequently their ‘meaning’ can vary from
one interpreter to another.24 The scene in question here
has, for example, been interpreted as depicting Guðrún
Gjúkadóttir, the heroine of Völsunga saga, taking farewell of her brothers,25 and also as Helen of Troy, standing between two armies with a flaming torch, her characteristic emblem, as Michael Srigley believes.26 While
the Guðrún of legend is admittedly caught between her
family and her husband, she does not go with her brothers
to their ship, any more than other famous heroines in a
similar position. On the other hand, Helen of Troy may
certainly have been in a position similar to Hildr’s, and in
fact Sune Lindqvist pointed this out in his study, where
he considered Hildr to be the Norse Helen.27 But even
if Srigley’s hypothesis about lärbro stora hammars 1,
lärbro tängelgårda 1 and ardre kyrka v111 showing the Fall of Troy is in itself an interesting approach, I
believe that it is important to interpret the fourth panel of
lärbro stora hammars 1 in close relation to the comparable scene on stenkyrka smiss 1, and then to view
both pictures in a wider context of written and pictorial
sources. In order to obtain a more exact idea of the process of preservation, we must take a closer look at the age
of the Hildr legend, as well as its circulation. We do not
know for sure whether the story of the Fall of Troy was, in
fact, well known among the Nordic peoples in the 8th–
10th centuries, but from the examples below, we certainly
know that the Hildr legend was.
Visual Images and their Meaning
When picture stones are used as sources, it could be helpful to see them as channels of communication and to
consider their role in transmission. What message did
these pictures carry, and to whom? What impact did they
have in their communities? Are they associated with religion, and therefore with myths, or do they tell stories
of other types?28 And if we believe that there are indeed
underlying stories, we must ask: What stories are people
likely to have known or been familiar with at the time
when the pictures were made? We then have to answer
this question with the help of sources of other types.
63
While caution is needed when interpreting images of
the type under discussion here, the referents intended
in these images must have been fairly commonly
established, and consequently we can assume that they
reflect a common pool of ideas and knowledge shared
by those who initiated the artworks, those who executed
them and those for whom they were intended.29 Taking
this into account, it is not by the fact itself unlikely that
we can interpret the images, especially if we have other
media available to compare them with, as this enables us
to place them in a larger context.
The oldest preserved manifestations of heroic sagas in
the Nordic area are far from detailed or complete. On
the contrary, they are terse and compressed, and it is
clear that those who told these stories assumed a certain
amount of knowledge on the part of their listeners.
The Eddic poems, for example, are composed in a very
tightly-worded style, and various scholars have pointed
out that they directly assume a greater familiarity on the
part of their audience, since otherwise they would probably never have been completely understood. In other
words, the poets were working in a tradition where this
background knowledge was assumed. The same may be
said of the kennings used by the dróttkvætt poets, which
in many ways function as visual images. If we had no
fuller accounts in another form – prose texts or poems
– we would scarcely make much sense of the imagery of
the kennings. Thus, the kennings, like the pictures on
the picture tones, had to draw on familiar symbols that
people could understand.
The nature of a visual symbol is such that a simple
image only acquires meaning in the mind of the recipient, where it arouses pre-existent knowledge (where this
is at hand) and elicits a response compatible with it. In
order to gain a complete idea of the meaning of the symbols or their references, we therefore have to consider
that which is ‘invisible’ but nevertheless constitutes an
inseparable part of the imagery.30 In this respect, the
pictures, as such, are only allusions to the stories that lie
64
behind them. A horse carrying a chest on its back can, at
a certain time and, of course, in a certain cultural community, represent Grani, the horse of Sigurðr Fáfnisbani, carrying the gold on his back. The motif would
then be sufficient to allude to the tale of the legacy of
Fáfnir, with an implied reference to the story of the origin of the gold, how it came into the dragon’s keeping
and finally how Sigurðr slew the dragon and loaded the
gold onto Grani’s back. What is important is, first and
foremost, that the interpretation should be based on
arguments drawn from a knowledge of the legendary
material that is relevant to the time and the place.
I believe it can be useful to lift particular motifs or
fragments of narratives that correspond to a picture out of
their larger contexts, and examine their preservation history from the earliest possible attested manifestation down
to the time when the narrative was recorded in writing, or
even later. A particular image may, in itself, represent various things: how then do these possibilities fit in with the
larger process of preservation we have available for examination? Here it seems natural to assume that comparable
pictorial sources of similar date may refer to the same tale,
and in fact the more often we find a certain idea represented in a certain way, the more successful we will be
in understanding the purpose of the reference.31 But the
most important condition for such a comparison is that
it must not be focused exclusively on particular media or
genres, or bounded by regional or national identities.
Hildr outside Scandinavia
If we look at the preservation of the Hildr legend in
a larger context, it is clear that it enjoyed considerable
popularity in the Middle Ages, and though most of the
extant sources are Norse, the legend was known among
the Germanic peoples at least as early as the seventh century. This can be seen from the following table, where
the material has been broken down on the basis of the
characters, marking them Hi (Hildr), Hé (Héðinn), Hö
(Högni) and Hj (Hjarrandi, Héðinn’s poet):
Hi
Century
Poem
Language
7th
Widsith
Old English
9th–10th
Deor
Old English
x
12th
Das Alexanderlied
German
x
13th
Kudrun
German
x
Other related material:
Beowulf
Branwen verch Llŷr
Marvels of the East 42
Immram Brain
Annot and Johon
Dukus Horant
König Rother
Wartburgkrieg
Old English
Welsh
Old English (Lat.)
Old Irish
Old English
German
German
German
Table 2. The Hildr legend in Old English and German poetry.
While the corpus of preserved material includes mentions of the protagonists in two Old English poems,
Widsith and Deor, some scholars believe the core of the
Hildr legend could be from as early as about 400, with
accretions building up at later dates.32 Some of them
have even argued that the legend may have originated
in the Baltic area, since according to Widsith, Högni
(Hagena) is the king of the Rygir, or Hólmrygir, while
Wate (Wada) – one of Hetels companions – is the chief of
Helsingjar. This view can even be further strengthened
by the testimony of Saxo, as discussed below, where the
fighting actually takes place at Hiddensee, near Rügen,
which is situated in the Baltic Sea.33 Subsequently, the
picture stones lärbro stora hammars 1 and stenkyrka smiss 1 are positioned somewhere near where the
legend might have originated.
Hé
Hö
x
x
x
x
Hj
x
x
x
x
x
Even though the two Old English poems Widsith and
Deor are relatively early, it may be seen from a few more
recent sources that the legendary material was known
in the British Isles in later centuries too. While the
point inviting comparison between the Hildr legend
and Beowulf consists primarily of the motif of a woman
standing between two opposed parties, her family and
her husband, the similarities are much more conclusive in two later stories. These are Branwen verch Ll ţr
(Branwen Daughter of Llţr), preserved in the Welsh
collection The Mabinogion from the second half of the
12th century, and a tale written in Latin, which is preserved in manuscripts from the eleventh and twelfth
centuries and published as section 42 of the tale collection Marvels of the East, where the constantly fighting
opponents are brothers. In both of these stories, in addition to the family relationships and feuding motifs, the
fighting men are healed or brought back from the dead
so they can continue their struggle forever.34 There are
also certain similarities between the Hildr legend and
the Irish tale Immram Brain (Bran’s journey to the land
of the women),35 and Hildr and her underlying legend
are mentioned in the Middle English poem Annot and
Johon from the 13th century, indicating that the content
of the story was known to the intended audience of the
poem.36 Finally, one of the main characteristics of the
legend, the motif of the resuscitating hag, is common
in Gaelic tales.37
65
Usually, it has not been claimed that the Hildr legend
is attested in pictorial sources outside Scandinavia. I
think, however, that we should not ignore two AngloScandinavian hogback stone carvings in England which
are dated to about 1000, or the eleventh century, and
include pictures showing a figure between bands of
warriors; admittedly only one of these pictures, from
Lowther in Westmorland, Cumbria (Lowther 4A), has
the figure standing between an army and warriors on a
ship, which certainly resembles the standardized images
of Hildr that we have from Scandinavia,38 not only on
lärbro stora hammars 1 and stenkyrka smiss 1, but
also on other comparable scenes, as listed below.
While the other hogback, from Gosforth in Cumbria
(Gosforth 4A), does not exhibit such clear similarity to
the motif from the Hildr legend, it appears to be related
to the image on Lowther 4,39 and it seems natural to
include the two Cumbrian grave monuments in the
overall picture we are trying to establish in the present
discussion.
We shall now turn to the German sources. As can
be seen from the above table, the Hildr legend is told in
the Middle High German Kudrun, an epic poem from
the early thirteenth century, and other related sources.
Although Kudrun is a very long poem, the relevant mate66
A drawing of Lowther 4. Collingwood 1927, p. 171.
rial for comparison with the Norse material is in fact a
simple bridal quest theme: Hagen (cf. Högni) is in the
habit of killing Hilde’s suitors, but Hetel (cf. Héðinn)
tricks him by sending men to fetch her, among them
his court poet Horant (who corresponds to Hjarrandi).
Horant manages to enchant Hilde with his music, and
afterwards he takes her away to meet Héðinn, who is
waiting for them. Hagen, however, chases the fugitives
and fights with Héðinn, until Hilde finally manages to
reconcile her father and suitor.
The legend of Hilde and Hetel is quoted in the Middle
High German poem Das Alexanderlied (Strassburger
Alexander) by Lamprecht the Priest (der Pfaffe) from the
mid-twelfth century. Comparable material is also found
in the Middle High German Dukus Horant, which is
preserved in a fragment from the fourteenth century,
and a resemblance is also found in the poem König
Rother, along with other German bridal quest romances; German scholars have long held different opinions on the relationship between these poems.40 Finally,
there is the Middle High German collection Wartburgkrieg from the thirteenth century, where Hilde and
Horant are mentioned.41
Hi
Hé
Hö
Lärbro Stora Hammars I
x
x
x
Stenkyrka Smiss I
x
x
x
Norway
Oseberg
x
x
x
Norway
Rolvsøy tapestry
x
x
x
Norway/Sweden
Överhogdal tapestry
x
x
x
Century
Region
8th–10th
Gotland
9th–10th
Gotland
9th
9th
9th–11th
Hj
Tab. 3. Depictions of Hildr in Scandinavian art.
A difference in the story in Kudrun, as compared
with the Norse material, is that Hetel does not directly
abduct Hilde. Instead, she follows Hetel’s court poet,
Horant, more or less ‘voluntarily’: he ‘charms’ her away
with him. Hilde’s role is also rather different from that
of Hildr in the Norse sources in that she tries to bring
about a reconciliation instead of inciting to violence.
Her caring nature is then further demonstrated after the
battle, when she asks Wate to heal the wounded, as the
fighting between Hetel and Hagen does not end with
their death, as in the Nordic variants.
As can be seen from the above, the character of the
protagonist Hildr/Hilde is portrayed in highly contradictory ways: on the one hand she is the destroyer of
the peace, as in the accounts by Bragi and Snorri, and
on the other hand she plays a conciliatory role, as in
the German Kudrun. The positive aspect of the heroine
has given rise to speculation as to whether the German
Hilde underwent a change by taking on some Christian
characteristics, or whether the development was in the
opposite direction: Kudrun could indicate that the heroine of the legend was originally a conciliator, but underwent change among the Nordic peoples under the influence of the Hjaðningavíg, which must then have been
added to the Hildr legend at a later stage.42 Scholars who
have compared the variants of the Hildr legend usually
regard the Norse material as being the more original,
since it is clear from the ancient kennings for war and
battle that Hildr was not regarded as a conciliatory
figure in the ninth or tenth century – and in fact always
had the role of instigating strife in the Norse manifestations of the legend.43 However, we must not forget
that both Hilde and Hildr share the attribute of being
uncomfortable with the consequences of war; while
the former simply wishes that wounded men should be
healed, the latter goes further by changing their fates
and bringing them back from the dead.
Hildr in Scandinavian Sources
There is much to suggest that the Hildr legend lies
behind five pictorial sources from Scandinavia: the two
Gotland stones discussed earlier, the carving on the Oseberg cart, the tapestry from Rolvsöy (Nedre Haugen) in
Norway and the tapestry from Överhogdal in Härjedalen, which is now in Sweden but used to belong to
Norway.44 All these sources are old, i.e. from the 8th/9th
to the 10th/11th centuries.45
All the images, except the one on the Oseberg cart,
depict the scene of a woman standing between a ship
and a group of men. It is therefore quite understandable
that the image on the Oseberg cart has been interpreted
with a great caution, and in fact it has been suggested
that it might indicate that ‘a woman interfering in a
battle scene may have been a stock motif’;46 it is, how67
The carving on the Oseberg
cart. Courtesy of Museum
of Cultural History, University of Oslo, Norway.
Photo by Ove Holst.
ever, highly interesting. As has already been mentioned,
the scene depicts the figure of an animal, possibly a wolf,
above one of two opponents who are fighting next to a
woman, who even seems to be trying to stop the fighting or reconcile the two men, just like Hilde in Kudrun.
The ‘wolf’ could correspond to Hauck’s tracing of lärbro stora hammars 147 and indicate that the man beneath could be Héðinn.
Perhaps none of the Scandinavian sources, as listed in
the table, have indisputable evidential value, considered
separately and in isolation, but taken collectively they
can be seen as lending each other support. What gives
this interpretation further support is the fact that this
material is also preserved in Norse poetry and other
written sources, as can be seen from table 4.48
68
Apart from the dróttkvætt poems as mentioned at the
beginning, we find the story – the Hildr legend itself –
preserved in the poems Ragnarsdrápa by Bragi Boddason and Háttalykill by Hallr Þórarinsson and Rögnvaldr jarl, the Gesta Danorum of Saxo Grammaticus,
the Skáldskaparmál section of Snorri’s Edda and the
Icelandic Héðins saga ok Högna (Sörla þáttr). All these
sources reveal a different evolution of certain material
elements in the legend. Héðinn may also appear in the
Sögubrot af fornkonungum, which mentions a Norwegian Héðinn mjói. If this is the same person, then
it is likely that he was also named in the lost poem
Brávallakvæði, which was among the sources used in
the Sögubrot and the Gesta Danorum.49 Héðinn is also
mentioned in Göngu-Hrólfs saga and along with Hildr in
Century/
Date
Hi
Hé
Hö
Hj
x
x
(x)
9th c.
Ragnarsdrápa
x
c. 900
Haustlöng
x
10th c.
Háleygjatal
(x)
1001
Óláfsdrápa
1005
Lausavísur
11th c.?
*Brávallakvæði
11th c. >
Various scaldic verses
x
10th c.–12th c.
Helgakviða Hundingsbana II
x
1140–1150
Háttalykill
c. 1200
13th c.
13th c.
Sögubrot af fornkonungum
13th c.
Kongetallet
x
x
13th c.–14th c.
Héðins saga ok Högna (Sörla þáttr)
x
x
14th c.
Göngu-Hrólfs saga
14th c
Bósa saga ok Herrauðs
x
x
x
(x)
x
x
x
x
x
Gesta Danorum
x
x
x
Snorra-Edda
x
x
x
x
x
x
x
(x)
(x)
(x)
Table 4. The subject matter of the Hildr legend in Old Norse written sources.
the thirteenth-century Kongetallet from Skåne, in addition to which elements in the legend are reminiscent of
the Eddic poems Helgakviða Hundingsbana I and II, as
already mentioned.50 Finally, the memory of the court
poet Hjarrandi lingers on in Bósa saga ok Herrauðs, in
which the Hjarranda(h)ljóð is played.
According to Gesta Danorum, the Hildr legend
takes place in Jutland and nearby places such as Hiddensee (Hidensø), and the Orkney Islands, and the
plot is partially different from the Icelandic variants.
It is interesting that Saxo emphasizes the love element,
describing the love that awakens between Hilda and
Hithinus (who is Norwegian, cf. Héðinn).51
The most notable difference regarding the actual
plot is probably that Hithinus does not abduct Hilda,
as in other variants of the legend, yet is accused by
Hoeginus (cf. Högni) of seducing her. Both kings die in
the ensuing conflict, but Hilda, who misses her lover so
much, desperately begins to chant magic charms over
the dead during the nights, so that they rise and fight
again. Although it is never stated explicitly, Hilda’s reaction could indicate her wish that the battle had turned
out differently – and that she might be able to overrule fate by means of magic. In her grief she resembles
Sigrún in Helgakviða Hundingsbana II, who wishes that
the dead were alive, Hilde in Kudrun, who asks Wate to
heal the wounded, and the sister of the two brothers in
Marvels of the East, who weeps over the unceasing strife
between her brothers, whom she must continually heal
of their wounds.
69
Century/Date
7th c.
Widsith
8th–10th c.
Lärbro Stora Hammars I and Stenkyrka Smiss I
9th c.
Ragnarsdrápa, Oseberg carving and Rolvsöy tapestry
9th–10th c.
Haustlöng and Deor
9th–11th c.
Överhogdal tapestry
10th c.
Háleygjatal
Various verses, Óláfsdrápa, Lausavísur, Helgakviða Hundingsbana II,
11th c.?
Brávallakvæði and two Cumbrian stone monuments
12th c.–c. 1200
Háttalykill, Gesta Danorum and Das Alexanderlied
13th c.
Snorra-Edda, Sögubrot af fornkonungum, Kongetallet and Kudrun
13th–14th c.
Héðins saga ok Högna
14th c.
Göngu-Hrólfs saga and Bósa saga ok Herrauðs
Table 5. The preservation of the Hildr legend.
If we give due accord to the role of these women as
not only representing the cause of strife between their
suitor/husband and their family, but also as the persons
who grieve over those who die in the ensuing conflict,
we perhaps gain a new perspective on Hildr as she is
presented in the older sources. The Hildr who brings
the dead back to life through her magic, as in Snorri’s
and Saxo’s accounts could, in other words, be emblematic of women’s reaction against the destructive powers of
warlike societies, expressed here in their grief and their
wish that those who have died could be brought back
to life; that everything could be as it was before. At the
same time, however, the legend shows us how powerless
women really were, because according to what it says, it
does not matter how often they heal the wounds or how
deeply they wish to be able to bring the dead back to
life: conflict continues, and whether they like it or not,
they cannot escape from being – because of their good
qualities or the value they represent in the form of their
dowries – the cause of strife between men.
Apart from the Överhogdal tapestry, the visual images
of the Hildr legend are connected with funeral practices
of some kind, either as memorial stones or gravestones
or objects from burial mounds. Consequently, it is per70
haps natural to ask why it could have been thought appropriate to commemorate the dead by referring to Hildr,
the woman who encourages war. If, on the other hand,
we view these artefacts in the light of the interpretation
offered here, references to the Hildr legend in this context can be seen as highly relevant, since Hildr may stand
for the woman who has lost loved ones; who wishes for
power over death; who lives on and mourns.
Conclusion
As mentioned at the outset of this article, the interpretation of visual images has often been regarded as untrustworthy and arbitrary. However, the interpretation
offered here shows that the images under discussion fit
a story which was popular at the time when they were
made – and this is the important point. If we consider
the principal manifestations of the legend in relation to
each other, but without listing every instance of dróttkvætt kennings which are based on it, the pattern of preservation, as seen in table 5, emerges.
As seen from the table, all these different manifestations – poems, written saga texts and archaeological
remains – influence our understanding of the preservation process. Not only do they show that the material was
known among the Anglo-Saxons in the seventh century
and the people of Scandinavia a couple of centuries later;
they also show that it had been disseminated over a considerable area and was popular. In other words, we can
assume that Norsemen of the ninth century would have
been familiar with the story of Hildr and Héðinn; if this
were not the case then the kennings used by the poets
of that age would probably have failed to work, and the
same applies to images in which artists depicted a woman
between two groups of warriors. The preservation process
therefore must support the interpretation that the fourth
scene on lärbro stora hammars 1 and the comparable panel on stenkyrka smiss 1 contain references to the
Hildr legend, and furthermore that this scene alone would
have been sufficient to allude to the underlying story.52
Notes
1.
2.
3.
4.
5.
6.
7.
8.
GM C9286.
SHM 29974:1.
GM 3428.
SHM 4171.
SHM 11118:8.
SHM 4171.
Imer 2004, p. 105, c.f. Imer’s article in the present volume.
The interpretation is disputed. The usual form foglhildr (‘Fogl-hildar
mun’) is generally seen as representing Svanhildur, the wife of king
Jörmunrekr, while Örn Sævar Thorleifsson argues that the correct
form of the word is folghildr, referring to Hildr, as Svanhildr, who
is “fólgin” in Jörmunrek’s house, is going to cause a strife within the
family, and was therefore compared to Hildr (see Örn Sævar Thorleifsson 2000, pp. 207–209).
9. Skjaldedigtning B.1 1912: 1–2, 14, 61, 154 and 184. English translations: Skaldic Poetry of the Scandinavian Middle Ages,
<http://skaldic.arts.usyd.edu.au/db.php>
10. Snorri Sturluson 1931, pp. 154–155 and Skjaldedigtning B.1 1912,
pp. 1–3.
11. Sörla þattr 1829, pp. 404–405.
12. Cf. Ragnarsdrápa, st. 11.3–4, where Hildr is said to be ‘fljóða
fordæða’ (evil-doer among women).
13. Cf. Örn Sævar Thorleifsson 2000, pp. 62–63.
14. ‘Take comfort, Sigrún; you have been a Hildr to us; kings are not
more powerful than their fate’; Eddadigte 1971, p. 36.
15. Lindqvist 1941–1942, I pp. 105–106, table 27, fig. 81 and II pp. 83–87.
16. Hauck 1957, pp. 367–369 and fig. 13. Lindqvist recognized that
stenkyrka smiss 1 has a motif comparable to that of lärbro
stora hammars 1, scene 4, but did not draw any conclusions
from this.
17. Lindqvist 1968, pp. 18–27.
18. Srigley 1989, p. 182.
19. ‘... when the ring(-sword) shaking Sif [Hild], filled with malice,
brought a neck-ring on to the wind’s horse [ship] to the battle-trunk
[warrior]. This bloody-wound-curing Thrud did not offer the worthy
prince the neck-ring to give him an excuse for cowardice in the
meeting of metals. ... when indefatigable edge-din powers [warriors]
attacked Héðinn instead of accepting Hild’s neck-rings’; Skjalddigtning B.1 1912, pp 2–3 and Snorri Sturluson 1987, p 123.
20. Cf. Lindqvist 1941–1942, II p. 128 and 1968 pp. 24–25.
21. Hauck 1957, p. 368.
22. Stefán Einarsson 1936, p. 174; Malone 1964, pp. 40–41.
23. Fuglesang 2007, pp. 194–197 and 214.
24. E.g. Bradley 2010, p. 20.
25. Staecker 2006, p 365.
26. Srigley 1989, p. 174.
27. Lindqvist 1968, p. 27, cf. Srigley 1989, pp. 167–168.
28. Bradley 2010, p. 21.
29. Cf. Bradley 2010, p. 20.
30. Cf. Bradley 2010, pp. 21–22.
31. Bradley 2010, p. 21.
32. Wisniewski 1969, p. 14.
33. E.g. Malone 1964, pp. 40–42; Lindqvist 1968, p. 27.
34. The Mabinogion 2000, p. 24; Malone 1964, pp. 38–40 and 44.
For more Irish and Scottish legends about women who bring
soldiers back from the dead, see Nordland 1973, pp. 95–96.
35. Örn Sævar Thorleifsson 2000, pp. 117–121.
36. Brown 1932, p. 138 and pp. 227–228.
37. Bo Almqvist believes “that the Hildr story is an example of a Gaelic
motif which spread to Scandinavia via Orkney”, see Almqvist
1978–81, pp. 91–94.
38. Cf. Hadley 2006, p. 215; Collingwood 1927, pp. 171–172, fig. 210.
39. Collingwood 1927, pp. 172–173, fig. 211; cf. Kopár: forthcoming.
40. Panzer 1901, pp. 184–185; Wisniewski 1969, pp. 14–18.
41. Gillespie 1973, p. 73.
42. Cf., e.g., von See 1971, p. 35 and p. 59.
43. E.g. Fuglesang 2007, pp. 202–203.
44. Hauck 1957, pp. 368–369, fig. 13, 14 and 15; cf. Helmbrecht 2011, pp.
92–98.
45. In addition, Lindqvist suggested that some motifs on lärbro
tängelgårda i represented the Hildr leged, as mentioned above.
46. Fuglesang 2007, pp. 194–197.
47. Hauck 1957, p. 368 and fig. 13.
48. In cases of uncertainty, the x marking is shown in parentheses, as in
the first example, where Hjarrandi is not actually mentioned as a
character, but the kenning hurðir Hjarranda (st. 11), meaning shield,
indicates that Hjarrandi was nevertheless known to the poet.
49. Olrik 1894, pp. 191–192.
50. Panzer 1901, pp. 169–172 and 179–181; Malone 1964, p. 39.
51. Saxo Grammaticus 2005, I 338–341 [Lib. 5.8.3–5.9].
52. The English translation was made by Jeffrey Cosser. I would like to
thank Hlaðvarpinn, a cultural fund for Icelandic women, for contributing a grant for this project.
71
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1911–18.
Ög N + No. = Inscription number in unpublished supplement to
Östergötlands runinskrifter by A. Nordén (Manuscript in ATA.)
Örn Sævar Thorleifsson, 2000. Brage. Dikt og tidsånd. Oslo.