Coordination and subordination, and the relationship between grammar and discourse Mark Donohue Australian National University mark.donohue@anu.edu.au International Workshop on Clause Combining in and around Indonesia TUFS, 7-8 October 2012 Overview Coordination Foregrounding Subordination Backgrounding • This is not as clear-cut as is often described. Coordination Foregrounding Subordination Backgrounding Overview TOPIC • morphology: MAIN MAIN • morphology: SUBORD SUBORD Overview • Coordination: independent clauses • Subordination: dependent clauses Simple cases • Subordinate-as-foreground: • Entering the room, they sat down. (non-overlapping times) • [ Dia] [ Ø [ yang datang ] ] 3SG REL arrive ‘S/he came.’ ~‘The (one) who came is her.’ Simple cases • Coordinate-as-background: • I’ll try and finish on time. (one action) Tetun • Nia ti’a balu te’in hodi haa, 3SG already some cook and eat balu hodi baa fa’en hola loit. some and go sell fetch money ‘After that some is cooked to eat, some is to sell to fetch money.’ – + ÷ x Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications Preliminaries • Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the other (larger) clause for some part of its interpretation. • Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; & neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the other (larger) clause for some part of its interpretation COMP • Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; & neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the COMP other (larger) clause for some part of its interpretation Preliminaries • Foreground – That part of a narrative that advances the main story line, and builds sequentially on the foreground material that precedes it. • Background – Material in a narrative that adds description, but does not contribute to the process of story telling directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered. Preliminaries • Foreground – That part of a narrative that advances the main story line, and builds sequentially on the foreground material that precedes it. • Background – Material in a narrative that adds description, but does not contribute to the process of story telling directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered. Preliminaries • Foreground – That part of a narrative that advances the main story line, and builds sequentially on the foreground material that precedes it. • Background – Material in a narrative that adds description, but does not contribute to the process of story telling directly, and is not necessarily temporally ordered. Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • He spent his time growing food to eat, and carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him why she had come.... Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • He spent his time growing food to eat, and carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him why she had come.... Coordination Subordination Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • He spent his time growing food to eat, and carving wood into tools to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • Then, one day, a tall woman dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him why she had come.... Foreground Background Preliminaries • There was once a man. • He spent his time growing food, and carving wood into tools. • Then, one day, a tall woman walked up to his hut. • She greeted him, and told him.... Foreground Background Preliminaries • ___ who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • ___ to eat, ___to sell in the markets in the nearby villages. • ___dressed in a long blue dress, followed by three cats and three dogs, ___. • ___why she had come.... Foreground Background Preliminaries • There was once a man … • ___ who lived alone in a hut in the forest. Foreground Background Preliminaries • There was once a man who lived alone in a hut in the forest. • There was once a man and lived alone in a hut *! in the forest. • Have to use the appropriate clause-combining morphology here; relative clauses have ‘stronger’ boundaries than XCOMPs. Preliminaries • Coordinate morphology exists, and is used with non-dependent clauses. – Coordination = foregrounded discourse • Subordinate morphology exists, and is used with dependent clauses. – Subordination = backgrounded discourse 1+2=3 Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications Coordination • Overt conjunctions: – and, or but, and then, … • I came home, then fed the cat and watched some TV. • ‘Covert conjunctions’ –Ø • I came home, ___ fed the cat; ___watched some TV. Subordination • Overt subordinators: – Relative clauses: who, which, (etc.); Xadjuncts: when, after, while, before (etc.); Xcomps (purpose, clausal complements): that, (in order) to • [ While whistling ], I took [the letter [that you wrote]] [ to post ]. Subordination • Covert subordinators: –Ø • [Ø Whistling ], I took [the letter [Ø you wrote]] [ to post ]. Simple cases • Indonesian: • Dia masuk ke 3SG enter ALL rumah, terus house and.then __ duduk. sit ‘He entered the house and then ___ sat down.’ • (Dia masuk ke rumah, terus dia duduk) • dan terus, kemudian, lalu, (maka), sesudah itu, … Simple cases • Indonesian: • Dia masuk ke 3SG enter ALL rumah, terus house and.then __ duduk. sit ‘He entered the house and then ___ sat down.’ • (Dia masuk ke rumah, terus dia duduk) • dan terus, kemudian, lalu, (maka), sesudah itu, terus … Simple cases • Indonesian: • Sesudah dia after 3SG masuk ke rumah, dia duduk. enter ALL house sit 3SG ‘After he entered the house, he sat down.’ • Sesudah masuk ke rumah, dia after enter ALL house 3SG ‘After entering the house, he sat down.’ masuk ke rumah, *!• Sesudah dia after 3SG enter ALL house ‘After entering the house, he sat down.’ duduk. sit duduk. sit Simple cases • Indonesian: • Sesudah dia after 3SG masuk ke rumah, dia duduk. enter ALL house sit 3SG ‘After he entered the house, he sat down.’ • Sesudah masuk ke rumah, dia duduk. after enter ALL house 3SG ‘After entering the house, he sat down.’ sesudah sit Simple cases • Coordination: – two clauses joined together in which both are fully finite and fully independent; terus neither is dependent on the other. • Subordination – two clauses, one of which is dependent on the other (larger) clause for some part of its interpretation sesudah Simple cases • Indonesian: • perempuan tinggi yang pakai gaun panjang woman tall REL wear dress long ‘a tall woman wearing a long dress.’ • (most restricted kind of clause combining in Indonesian?) Simple cases • Different only in involving NP-internal relations; • Clearly subordinate. • Perempuan yang pakai gaun datang. • Subordination NP yang Simple cases • Repeat in almost as many languages as you’d like… …while staying mindful of the fact that some languages just don’t have much morphology Simple cases • Where coordinate morphology exists, a major function is to advance the narrative. – Coordination = foregrounded discourse • Where subordinate morphology exists, a major function is to elaborate on aspects of the main narrative. – Subordination = backgrounded discourse 2 3 + 2 4 = 2 5 Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications Consider… • Unsurprising use of complementiser: • Kalau dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut. if 3SG not come 1SG not accompany ‘If s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going.’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia tidak datang], saya tidak ikut ]. Consider… • Unsurprising use of complementiser: • Ø dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut. 3SG not come 1SG not accompany ‘(If) s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going.’ • [S [COMP ____dia tidak datang], saya tidak ikut ]. Consider… • Aside: compare: • Ø dia tidak datang, 3SG not come saya tidak ikut. 1SG not accompany ‘(If) s/he doesn’t come, I’m not going.’ • with: • Dia tidak datang, saya tidak ikut. 3SG not come 1SG not accompany ‘S/he didn’t come, (and) I’m not going.’ Consider… • Surprising (?) use of complementiser: • Kalau dia, saya tidak ikut. if 3SG 1SG not accompany ‘If (it’s) her/him, I’m not going.’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia], saya tidak ikut ]. Consider… • Surprising (?) use of complementiser: • Kalau dia (berhadir), saya tidak ikut. if 3SG be.present 1SG not accompany ‘If s/he is there, I’m not going.’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia berhadir], saya tidak ikut ]. Consider… • Aside: • Question: • Siapa yang datang? who REL come ‘Who came?’ • Answer: • Saya. 1SG ‘(It was) me.’ * ada saya be 1SG * saya ada 1SG be Consider… • Surprising (?) use of complementiser: • Kalau dia, saya tidak ikut. if 3SG 1SG not accompany ‘If (it’s) her/him, I’m not going.’ • [S [COMP Kalau dia PRED], saya tidak ikut ]. Function ≠ Structure • Structurally: • [S [SCOMP COMP Pro PREDØ ], Pro NEG PRED ]. – Subordinate: an adjunct SCOMP • Functionally: • [TOP CASETOP Pro [S Pro NEG PRED ], ]. – Superordinate: a topic function Levels… • Coordination: & • Subordination: COMP • Topic: TOP IP Levels… • My friend, while talking, ate a sandwich and then brushed his teeth as he hummed. TOPIC IP COMP & IP COMP Consider… • Surprising use of complementiser (?): • Kalau hujan, saya tidak ikut. if rain 1SG not accompany ‘If it rains, I’m not going.’ • [S [COMP Kalau hujan ], [S saya tidak ikut ] ]. Consider… • Surprising use of complementiser (?): • Kalau hujan, saya tidak ikut. if rain 1SG not accompany ‘If (it’s) rain, I’m not going.’ • [S [COMP Kalau hujan ], [S saya tidak ikut ] ]. Consider… • A complementiser (?): • Kalau nasi, saya lebih suka. (if) rice 1SG more like ‘I prefer rice.’ • [S [COMP Kalau nasi], saya lebih suka ]. • [S [TOP Kalau nasi], saya lebih suka ]. ? ? Consider… • A relativiser: • Saya makan nasi yang di-masak ibu. 1SG eat rice REL ACT-cook mother ‘I’m eating the rice that mother cooked.’ • [S saya makan [NP nasi [RC yang dimasak ibu ]]]. Consider… • A relativiser: • Saya makan 1SG eat yang di-masak ibu. REL ACT-cook mother ‘I’m eating what mother cooked’ • [S saya makan [NP Ø [RC yang dimasak ibu ]]]. Consider… • A relativiser, but… • Apa yang di-masak ibu? What REL ACT-cook mother ‘What did mother cook?’ • [S [NP apa ] [NP Ø [RC yang dimasak ibu ] ] ]. • [S [NP ] = [NP ] ]. • ~ “What mother cooked is what?” ~ • Both kalau and yang have clear subordinating uses; • Both kalau and yang function in main clauses in ways that have foregrounding, main clause uses, while retaining subordinate clause structures. Palu’e Palu’e • Complementising clitic, -jo: • Koko-jo ia phana, aku-pli phana. if-COMP 3SG go 1SG-also goes ‘If she’s going, I’ll go too.’ • Aku cu’u-jo 1SG know-COMP ia ka’a phana. 3SG NEG go ‘I know that she’s not going.’ Palu’e • Complementising clitic, -jo: • Aku cu’u-jo ia ka’a phana. 1SG know-COMP 3SG NEG go ‘I know that she’s not going.’ • [S Aku cu’u [COMP -jo [S ia ka’a phana] ] ]. Palu’e • Aku nra ia. 1SG feel 3SG ‘I love her/him.’ • Aku nra [COMP -jo [S 1SG feel -COMP ia ka’a phana ] ]. 3SG NEG go ‘I remember that she’s not going.’ Palu’e • Aku nra ia. 1SG feel 3SG ‘I love her/him.’ • Aku nra [COMP -jo [S 1SG feel -COMP ia ka’a phana ] ]. 3SG NEG go ‘I think/feel (that) she’s not going.’ * ‘I remember that she’s not going.’ ? Palu’e • Aku phela 1SG see ia. 3SG ‘I see her/him.’ • Aku phela [COMP -jo [S 1SG see -COMP ia 3SG NEG go ‘I saw (that) she didn’t go.’ ? ka’a phana ] ]. Palu’e • Overt complementiser to subordinate; but optional. • Complementiser grammaticalised to show lexical meaning differences: – love/think/remember: nra ____ vs. nra-jo ____ • If a morpheme is subcategorised for by a verb, can it still be subordinate? Foregrounding subordination • Morphology and syntax that are used for subordination • can also be used in discourse functions that are more typical of non-subordinate clause combinations • These new discourse functions do not affect the subordinate nature of the morphosyntax. √9 + √16 = √25 Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications Coordination to background • Less common? (not discussed in, eg., Mithun 2008) • Run and find out! • Go and find out! • Try and find out! Coordinate? Purposive? • Go and have a good time! • We’re going into town and have a good time! Coordination to background • Go and have a good time! • We’re going into town and have a good time! • We went into town and had a good time. to have • We’ll go into town and to have a good time • Something’s sure and sweep me of my feet – (David Byrne, Talking Heads, ‘Burning down the house’ – 1983) Coordination to background • Indonesia irrealis clauses: • Saya rasa haus, mau minum air. 1SG feel thirsty want drink water ‘I’m thirsty, (& I) want to drink water.’ • Saya jalan ke 1SG go ALL pasar mau beli beras. market want buy ‘I’m going to the market to buy rice.’ rice Tetun Clausal vs. phrasal • Clausal conjunction with hodi: hodi • Feto Ikun ksotir di’ak n-odi woman tail Ami ksotir 1PL matenek. and fortune good 3SG-and clever lalek hodi beik fortune lack and stupid ‘Youngest sister was fortunate and clever. We are unfortunate and stupid.’ Clausal vs. phrasal • Clausal conjunction with hodi: • Ha’u k-mama ai-kakaluk k-odi 1SG 1SG-chew wood-power 1SG-and taka nia-kan ain tohar ne’e. cover 3SG-POSS leg broken this ‘I chew medicine, and cover his broken leg (with it).’ ‘I chew medicine, and use it to cover his broken leg.’ Clausal vs. phrasal • Clausal subordination with hodi: • Ita soru hodi dakar sira 1PL weave ‘and’ look.after 3PL ‘We weave while looking after them.’ • Nia 3SG naha karian n-odi n-a-to’o work 3SG-CAUS-enough ba baggage go 3SG-‘and’ uma laran. house inside ‘He works to supply things for in the house.’ One (Topicalising to coordination) • One: • No n-aplere 3PL 3PL-run n-i moru. 3PL-go house ‘They ran to the house.’ • No 3PL n-u au moren. 3PL-eat sago house:LOC ‘They ate sago in the house.’ (Topicalising to coordination) • One: • Moru sa(,) no house TOP 3PL n-aplere n-i __. 3PL-run 3PL-go ‘The house, they ran to (it).’ • Au sago sa(,) no n-u TOP 3PL 3PL-eat __ moren. house:LOC ‘Sago, they ate (it) in the house.’ (Topicalising to coordination) • One: • Moren house:LOC sa(,) no n-u au. TOP 3PL 3PL-eat sago ‘In the house, they ate sago.’ • *Moren sa(,) au sa no house:LOC TOP sago TOP 3PL ‘In the house, they ate sago.’ n-u au. 3PL-eat sago (Topicalising to coordination) • One: • No n-i moru sa, 3PL 3PL-go house ‘TOP’ no n-u au. 3PL 3PL-eat sago ‘They went to the house, and ate sago.’ (Topicalising to coordination) • One: • No n-i moru. 3PL 3PL-go house Sa, no n-u au. ‘TOP’ 3PL 3PL-eat sago ‘They went to the house, and ate sago.’ Coordination to background • Not as common as ‘subordination function raising’, but still attested. • Often structurally ambiguous. 2 2 - √16 = 0 Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications Consider… • Purposive complement clause: • Saya pergi untuk makan nasi. 1SG go COMP eat rice ‘I’m going to eat rice.’ • [S Saya pergi [COMP untuk makan nasi] ]. Consider… • Purposive complement clause: • Saya pergi makan nasi. 1SG go eat rice ‘I’m going to eat rice rice.’ • [S Saya pergi [COMP Ø makan nasi] ]. Complex cases • Quoted speech: • Saya tahu bahwa dia 1SG know that sudah masuk. 3SG already enter ‘I know that s/he’s already entered.’ • Saya tahu dia sudah masuk. Complex cases • Perception complements (+): • Saya lihat orang yang lari. 1SG see person REL run ‘I saw the person who had run.’ • • • • Saya lihat [NP Pro ] [NP Pro ] [NP Pro ] orang lari. [VP V [NP N [RC REL V ] ] ] [VP V [NP N ] [XCOMP __ V ] ] [VP V [SCOMP COMP [NP N ] [VP V ] ] ] Consider… • Overhead in Hasanuddin airport, Makassar: • Sudah boarding, masih check-in! already boarding still check-in ‘(They’re) already boarding (the aircraft) (and he’s) still checking in!’ • ‘(Even though they’re) already boarding, (he’s) still checking in!’ Consider… • Sudah boarding, masih check-in! already boarding still check-in • ‘(They’re) already boarding (the aircraft) (and he’s) still checking in!’ • [S [S Sudah boarding ], (&) [S masih checkin ] ]! Consider… • Sudah boarding, masih check-in! already boarding still check-in • ‘(Even though they’re) already boarding, (he’s) still checking in!’ • [S [COMP Ø Sudah boarding ], masih check-in ]! • • • • While opening the door, I spoke to Melissa. While entering the room, I spotted Melissa. While entering the room, I spotted Melissa. Entering the room, I spotted Melissa. • Entering the room, I ordered a coffee and waited. Tukang Besi Tukang Besi • Ku-’ita-’e na mia. 1SG-see-3 NOM person ‘I saw the person.’ • No-tinti na mia. 3R-run.SI NOM person ‘The person ran earlier.’ Tukang Besi • Ku-’ita-’ena mia [ t<um>inti i aba ]. 1SG-see-3 NOM person run.SI OBL earlier ‘I saw the person who had run earlier.’ • Ku-’ita-’eno-tinti na mia. 1SG-see-3 3R-run.SI NOM person ‘I saw the person who had run earlier.’ ~ ‘I saw a person running.’ Skou Skou • Simple clauses: • Pe=ueme=ing_a 3SG.F=woman=the pe=ti pá. 3SG.F=go house ‘The woman went to the house.’ • Pe=ueme=ing_a 3SG.F=woman=the hóe pe=p-ang. sago 3SG.F=3SG.F-eat ‘The woman ate sago.’ Skou • Relative clauses: • pe=ueme pe=ti 3SG.F=woman 3SG.F=go pá=ing_a house=the ‘the woman who went to the house’ • pe=ueme hóe pe=p-ang=ing_a 3SG.F=woman sago 3SG.F=3SG.F-eat=the ‘the woman who ate sago’ Skou • Coordinate clauses: • Pe=ueme=ing_a pe=ti 3SG.F=woman=the 3SG.F=go hóe pe=p-ang. sago 3SG.F=3SG.F-eat =pa =and =ko house =and pá =te =and ‘The woman went to the house and ate sago.’ Skou • Coordinate clauses: • Pe=ueme=ing_a pe=ti 3SG.F=woman=the 3SG.F=go pá house hóe pe=p-ang. sago 3SG.F=3SG.F-eat ‘The woman went to the house to eat sago.’ Ø-marked clause boundaries • Summary slide S1 = ? n Outline • Preliminaries – Coordination, subordination, foregrounding and backgrounding • Simple cases – Coordination = foregrounding, subordination = backgrounding • Complex cases – Subordination = foregrounding, coordination = backgrounding – Ø-marked clause boundaries • Conclusions & implications Conclusions • Structure = Function – Easiest to analyse; – There have to be some of these. • Structure ≠ Function – Caught between grammaticalisation? – Long-term stable? • Structure is indeterminate? – Especially when there’s no overt morphology. The End Thank you S=? Important point: • Morphology dedicated to indicating clauses in combination are prone to refunctionalisation. • The subordinate clauses are still subordinate, grammatically. This is not grammaticalisation of subordinate clause morphology into dependent clause uses. • I will try to do well in my exams. • I will try and do well in my exams. • Saya coba makan baik-baik. • I’m going down the shops to go and get some chocolate. • * I’m going down the shops and go and get some chocolate. • I’m going to try to finish the essay. • I’m going to try and finish the essay. • Run fast and win! • Run fast to win! • I’ll try to fix it. • I’ll try and fix it. • I’ll go to buy it at the shops. • I’ll go and buy it at the shops. • I’ll go to the shops to buy it. • I’ll go to the shops and buy it. Overview • Coordination and subordination are often described as serving foregrounding and backgrounding functions; • This is not as clear-cut as it’s often described. • Subordinated clauses can often serve a foregrounded function; can coordinated clauses also serve a backgrounding function? • When ellipsis applies to coordinators and subordinators, what else can we expect? Simple cases • Something’s sure and sweep me of my feet – (David Byrne, Talking Heads, ‘Burning down the house’ – 1983) • We’re going into town and have a good time. • We went into town and had a good time. • We’ll go into town and have a good time. • We go into town and have a good time. Tukang Besi Skou Tukang Besi Palu’e • Palu’e • Kami phote nio, 1PL.EX pick coconut thuka, __ khla __,__ kha __ __ psa __, ascend split eat chew.flesh __ nala vae-ne __ ninu __, take water-3GEN drink __ psa i-ne, … chew.flesh flesh-3GEN ‘We picked some coconuts, climbed (up for them), split them, ate and chewed, took some water to drink, chewed the (coconut) flesh.’