https://doi.org/10.1093/bjsw/bcac224
Negative Social Interactions at the
Intersection of Gender, Race and
Immigration Status in Canada
Deng-Min Chuang 1*, Vivian W. Y. Leung
Yu Lung2 and Lin Fang2
1
2
2
,
Graduate Institute of Social Work, National Taiwan Normal University, Taipei, Taiwan
Factor-Inwentash Faculty of Social Work, University of Toronto, Ontario, Canada
*Correspondence to Deng-Min Chuang, Graduate Institute of Social Work, National
Taiwan Normal University, No. 162, Sec. 1, Heping E. Rd., Da’an Dist., Taipei City 106,
Taiwan, E-mail: desmond.chuang@ntnu.edu.tw
Abstract
Negative social interactions (NSIs), defined as upsetting interpersonal encounters in
daily life, are associated with adverse mental health conditions. Guided by an intersectional perspective, this study explored the impacts of gender, race and immigration
status on the experiences of NSIs, using nationally representative data from the 2012
Canadian Community Health Survey-Mental Health (CCHS-MH). The sample consisted
of 21,932 participants across Canada. Gender-specific multivariable logistic regression
models were used to estimate the effects of race, immigrant status and the interaction term on the likelihood to experience NSIs. Study results showed that women
(32.3 per cent) reported significantly more NSIs than men (25.4 per cent). For men, being an immigrant was significantly associated with a lower likelihood of experiencing
NSIs; race did not have a significant effect on NSIs. Furthermore, the results revealed
that racialised Canadian-born women were more likely to report NSIs than racialised
immigrant women, whilst immigration status had no effect among white women.
This study suggests the distinct influences of intersecting identities of race, gender
and immigration status and that social workers should incorporate an intersectional
lens when exploring clients’ social relationships and environments.
Keywords: gender, immigrant, intersectionality, negative social interactions, race
www.basw.co.uk
# The Author(s) 2022. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf
of The British Association of Social Workers. All rights reserved.
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British Journal of Social Work (2022) 00, 1–22
Accepted: November 2022
Introduction
Interpersonal encounters can render support but can also be plagued with
arguments and tension. Negative social interactions (NSIs) are upsetting interpersonal encounters that occur in different settings in daily life, such as
the household, the workplace, school and the neighbourhood. Scholars have
defined such interactions as ‘exchanges or behaviours that involve excessive
demand, criticism, disappointment or other unpleasantness’ (Sneed and
Cohen, 2014, p. 554). NSIs tend to happen with those whom we interact
with more frequently (Williams and Fredrick, 2015; Offer and Fischer,
2018), and their effects may remain for a long time if personal networks are
unchanged (Wilson et al., 2015).
Scholars have reported that NSIs are less prevalent than positive social
support, with about 13–16 percent of the social interactions considered negative in the USA (Offer and Fischer, 2018) and rural Honduras (Isakov et al.,
2019), reflecting individuals’ strong preference for engaging in balanced relationships. However, a recent study has found that Canadians may bear a
high level of NSIs, with participants rating 30 per cent of the interactions experienced within the last month as negative (Gulliver and Fowler, 2022). One
explanation could be that a high level of NSIs may be associated with a lack
of social integration (Gulliver and Fowler, 2022) and having lower levels of a
sense of belonging (Kitchen et al., 2015) among Canadians.
Previous literature has documented the detrimental effects of NSIs on
individuals’ mental health, such as depression (Eidelman et al., 2019),
psychological distress (Offer, 2020) and substance use (Croezen et al.,
2012). Other studies have also indicated that individuals who had experienced NSIs were more likely to report traumatic events in their lives
than individuals who had never experienced NSIs (Lincoln et al., 2005).
Additionally, previous evidence suggests that NSIs have a stronger effect
than social support on individuals’ psychological well-being, not only because NSIs are usually unexpected but also because the stress that NSIs
cause may require avoidant coping strategies to resolve (Offer, 2020,
2021). Although researchers have paid attention to the negative aspects
of interpersonal interactions, few studies have addressed the fact that the
experience of NSIs may vary according to individuals’ intersecting identities, such as gender, race and immigration status. Given the insufficient
attention paid to the interplay of gender, race and immigration status
and their effect on the quality of social interactions, the current study
proposes a framework based on intersectionality and examines the relationship between the intersection of gender, race and immigration status
and NSIs in a multicultural society, such as Canada. In this context, we
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Page 2 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
aspire to contribute to the field of social work to better understand the
impact of intersecting identities on the quality of social interactions.
NSIs and gender
The literature related to NSIs and gender is inconsistent. Some previous
research has suggested that gender-specific stressors and expectations
play a role in the NSIs the individuals encounter. For example, men are
often expected to act as providers for their households and have limited
responsibilities in terms of care work, whilst women, on the other hand,
are expected to share the responsibilities of income generation along
with performing other family care duties (Noh et al., 2017; Sherman,
2017). If these expectations of socially constructed roles are not met,
daily interactions can be stressful for both genders, although they may
be experienced differently by men and women. For instance, men were
more likely to report high levels of NSIs from their interactions with
family members if they did not play the role of provider for the household (Nguyen, 2017). Women, however, were more likely to be exposed
to intimate partner violence if they did not meet gender expectations
(Guruge et al., 2015). Thus, a previous study in the USA has indicated
that societal and cultural regulations may constrain people to stay with
those who they feel discomfort and stress with (Offer and Fischer, 2018).
Other studies have found that gender differences in NSIs were associated with different levels of social support (Turner and Lloyd, 2004). For
example, women may have higher levels of social support from their
friends and family, which act as a buffer against the influence of NSIs
(Fiori et al., 2013). The same results have been found in other Canadian
studies (Rezazadeh and Hoover, 2018; Morgenshtern, 2019). Other studies, however, have indicated that NSIs are not associated with gender
among older adults with financial needs (Krause et al., 2008) and cognitive impairment (Wilson et al., 2015). These inconsistencies indicate that
other life circumstances, such as financial adversities and cognitive dysfunction, may be of more salient factors when combined with the effects
of gender. Therefore, it could be argued that other identities might be
intersecting with gender and generating a salient effect on NSIs, apart
from the effect of gender alone. Since previous studies have overlooked
the intersection of gender and other identities on NSIs, the present study
aims to explore this effect through an intersectional lens.
NSIs and race
As mentioned above, an understanding of NSIs only in terms of genderbased distinctions may inadequately represent the impact of multiple
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 3 of 22
identities. Race can also be relevant, as reflected in differences between
the social experiences of white individuals and racialised individuals,
given that white individuals are typically understood as the dominant racial group in North America, including Canada. For example, racialised
Americans were more likely than white Americans to experience NSIs in
their personal networks because the societal systems surrounding race
generate differing opportunities, constraints and demands that affect the
quality of social relationships for racialised individuals (Lindsay, 2015;
Nguyen, 2017; Kallman, 2019; Offer, 2020). Notably, findings of racial
differences in social interactions are inconsistent. For instance, previous
research has found that, compared to white individuals, racialised individuals were more likely to develop high-quality social interactions with
their children and with adults in their social networks (Kim and
McKenry, 1998). It may be that the oppression faced by racialised individuals in their daily lives has had the effect that they have built up
closer relationships within their ethnic social networks. Other studies,
however, have found that racialised individuals experienced lowerquality social interactions, such as greater exposure to childhood adversity and higher levels of interpersonal stress in their adulthood (Lincoln
et al., 2003; Umberson et al., 2014). Research conducted in Canada has
suggested that racialised Canadians had lower-quality social interactions
than white Canadians due to perceived racial discrimination and hate
crimes (Veenstra et al., 2020). Overall, the inconsistent findings of the relationship between race and NSI suggest that there remain many areas
in which racial differences in social interactions can be further investigated. Other socio-economic positions could also intersect with race in
the experience of various types of social interactions.
NSIs and immigration status
Immigrants, especially members of visible and racial minorities, experience differentiated treatment or types of interaction due to their immigration status (Harell et al., 2017). Previous studies have documented
that the perception of being treated unfairly by others due to immigration status could have tremendous effects on immigrants’ mental health,
such as depressive symptoms (Xu and Chi, 2013). A recent study has
also found that negative experiences of social interaction due to immigration status had a significant impact on immigrants’ interpersonal relationships, such as decreasing trusting relationships with others (Pellegrini
et al., 2021). Furthermore, a study (Nakash et al., 2021) involving sixteen
European countries (e.g. Austria, Belgium, the Czech Republic, French
and Germany) examined the association between quality of social network and quality of life and whether the association varies between
immigrants and native-born individuals. The results showed that
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Page 4 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
immigrants felt more emotionally close to their social network when they
had a high perceived quality of life, but that this association was not
shown among native-born individuals.
Other research has also found that immigrants may experience fewer
NSIs because immigrants are more likely to have higher education and
more social capital, which are protective factors against NSIs (Evans and
Erickson, 2019). Other studies in Canada have also indicated that the
quality of an individual’s social interactions somehow represents an individual’s social positions (e.g. Rezazadeh and Hoover, 2018; Veenstra
et al., 2020). Yet, our review of the literature suggests that there is still
limited evidence for drawing an association between immigration status
and NSIs. It is unclear if the effects of immigration status vary across
other social identities, such as gender and race, in Canada.
Intersectionality as a theoretical framework
Using intersectionality as a theoretical framework, we examined how the
interaction of gender, race and immigration status impacted the experiences of NSIs. The intersectional framework alerts us that examining a
single social identity may provide insufficient information for addressing
the complicated social structures and contexts an individual may face in
society (Crenshaw, 1989; Collins, 2000). Moreover, socially defined identities interact with one another and reshape a collective social meaning
linked to either privileged or marginalised status within society
(Gonçalves and Matos, 2020).
In the North American societal systems, individuals with different racial backgrounds may encounter different opportunities, expectations and
demands that affect their daily social interactions. Moreover, when gender and race intersect with each other, the accompanying racial privilege,
sexism and other internalised structural barriers may be determinative of
individuals’ personal networks and social interactions (Lindsay, 2015).
Additionally, people of different races and cultures may bear different
gender role expectations from those in their personal networks (van de
Vijver, 2007). As gender role expectations are believed to be among the
reasons for gender differences in NSIs (Noh et al., 2017; Sherman, 2017),
the intersection of race/culture and gender could be important to the
experiences of NSIs. Several studies have illuminated how the intersection of gender and racial identities impacts individuals’ self-concept
(Buckley, 2018), psychological well-being (Rogers et al., 2015), cultural
stereotypes (Ghavami and Peplau, 2013), health inequalities (Veenstra
et al., 2020) and experiences of harassment (Buchanan et al., 2018). As
suggested by the previous review, the intersection of gender and racial
identities could have an impact on the quality of social interactions.
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 5 of 22
Although to our knowledge there is no existing literature about the effect
of the intersection of gender, race and immigration status on NSIs, some
previous studies have shed light on the potential to examine these three social identities within an intersectional framework. For instance, one recent
study found that, compared to white Canadian-born women, Asian women
born in China and white women born in Italy were more likely to report
poor physical and mental health conditions in Canada due to the lack of
culturally safe care and support (Veenstra et al., 2020). Other studies have
indicated that the intersectional identities of gender, race and immigration
status are associated with health inequalities (Patterson and Veenstra,
2016), labour market discrimination (Ngoubene-Atioky et al., 2020) and risk
of depression (Evans and Erickson, 2019). Taken together, these three social identities—gender, race and immigration status—may result in different
experiences of social interactions. Hence, using intersectionality as a framework, the current study aims to further understand the association between
NSIs and intersecting social positions, namely gender, race and immigration
status in Canada.
The Canadian context
In 1871, the first Canadian census documented that 60.5 per cent of the
Canadian population reported ethnic origins from the British Isles, 31.1 per
cent reported French origins and less than 1 per cent reported Aboriginal
origins (Statistics Canada, 2017). After several changes in immigration policy, the current Canadian population comprises 36.99 million individuals,
with 18.76 million women living in Canada (Statistics Canada, 2021).
Although the British Isles (32.5 percent) and France (13.6 percent) are still
among the most commonly reported ethnic origins and close to 20 million
people reported European origins, 22.3 per cent of the Canadian population
were members of visible minorities, with most of these individuals identified
as South Asian, Chinese or Black, suggesting a growing trend towards a
more diverse society (Statistics Canada, 2017).
According to the 2016 Census in Canada, more than one out of five
people were first-generation immigrants to Canada, 21.9 per cent of the
population reported that they were or had ever been a landed immigrant
or permanent resident in Canada. The immigrant population was estimated to reach around 30 per cent by 2036 (Statistics Canada, 2017).
The majority (60.3 percent) of the first-generation immigrants were admitted under the economic category, which means that they were selected for their ability to contribute to Canada’s economic system, such
as by making a substantial investment, meeting labour market needs or
managing a business; 26.8 per cent were admitted under the family reunification category to join family already in Canada and around 12.9 per
cent were admitted to Canada as refugees. This breakdown shows the
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Page 6 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
overall picture of immigrants’ social capital and networks after landing in
Canada.
Since the population landscape of Canada has become more diverse,
more studies are needed to explore the nature of social interactions between individuals sharing diverse ethnic and immigration backgrounds.
Within an intersectional framework, we attempt to inquire whether the
quality of social interactions varies according to individuals’ intersecting social identities related to gender, race and immigration status. In this context,
we aspire to add to the body of knowledge in the field of social work.
The present study
Although substantial differences in the experience of NSIs have been
found among various identities, most past studies have examined specific
community populations or have mostly used qualitative methods to approach the topic of intersectionality and social interactions in Canada.
There have been few studies using population-based data-sets to examine
the effect of NSIs through an intersectional lens. Using population-based
data and a gender-specific analysis, the present study aims to examine
the association between the intersection of race and immigration status
and the experience of NSIs, and whether the association varies between
men and women in Canada. The present study tests four hypotheses: (i)
racialised individuals experience higher levels of NSIs than white individuals; (ii) immigrants experience fewer NSIs than Canadian-born individuals; (iii) the effect of race on NSIs varies across immigration statuses;
and (iv) the above effects vary across genders.
Method
Data and study sample
Data were drawn from the 2012 Canadian Community Health SurveyMental Health (the 2012 CCHS-MH), a nationally representative crosssectional survey that comprised 25,113 participants over fifteen years of age
living in ten Canadian provinces (Statistics Canada, 2013a). CCHS-MH used
a three-stage design. In the first stage, the geographical areas were selected
based on the probability proportional to size method, followed by systematic
sampling in the dwelling sample in the second stage. Once a dwelling was selected, a household member was randomly selected for the CCHS survey.
The survey excluded residents of reserves and other aboriginal settlements in
the provinces, full-time members of the Canadian Forces and people who
were institutionalised. Statistics Canada conducted the CCHS-MH data collection from January to December 2012, using computer-assisted personal
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 7 of 22
interviewing completed by trained interviewers. The majority of the interviews (87 percent) were completed in person (Statistics Canada, 2013b).
Previous peer-reviewed papers have used the 2012 CCHS-MH for further
analyses and publications on mental health care (Sunderland and Findlay,
2013), substance use (Urbanoski et al., 2017) and employment insecurity
(Kim et al., 2021).
In total, 21,932 participants who had complete data for all variables
were included in the analyses. As 2012 CCHS-MH data-sets are publicly
accessible and the data do not contain personally identifiable information, the study is exempted from the university’s ethics review.
Measures
Outcome variable
In the 2012 CCHS-MH data-sets, NIS was measured by one module, with
one dichotomous variable addressing a general assessment of NSIs, as well
as four-item questions assessing detailed experiences of NSIs, including excessive demands made by others, criticism by others, the thoughtlessness of
others and the experience of others’ anger (Krause, 2005). For the current
study, we wanted to examine the association between the intersection of
gender, race and immigration status and the general experience of NSIs;
therefore, the single, dichotomous item of NSIs was included as the outcome variable. During the data collection, interviewers first introduced the
concept of NSIs by simply mentioning that ‘The contact we have with
others is not always pleasant. The next questions are about negative interaction with others’, and then asked participants the following question, ‘Are
there persons with whom you are in regular contact that are detrimental to
your wellbeing because they are a source of discomfort and stress?’
Answers were coded as 0 ¼ No and 1 ¼ Yes.
Social identity variables
The three social identity variables are: gender (0 ¼ men; 1 ¼ women),
race (0 ¼ white; 1 ¼ non-white) and immigration status (0 ¼ Canadianborn; 1 ¼ foreign-born).
Socio-economic characteristics
Socio-economic characteristics include age (0 ¼ 15–19, 1 ¼ 20–29, 2 ¼ 30–
39, 3 ¼ 40–49, 4 ¼ 50–59, 5 ¼ 60–69, 6 ¼ 70þ years), marital status
(0 ¼ single, 1 ¼ married or in a common-law relationship, 2 ¼ formerly
married), education (0 ¼ less than a post-secondary degree, 1 ¼ post-secondary degree and above) and personal income (0 ¼ Canadian dollar
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Page 8 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
(CAD) 10,000 or less, 1 ¼ 10,000–19,999, 2 ¼ 20,000–29,999, 3 ¼ 30,000–
39,999, 4 ¼ 40,000–49,999, 5 ¼ 50,000 or more).
Mental health conditions
Mental health conditions were assessed using two items: substance use
(‘whether participants had used illicit drugs or medicine in a non-medical
way in the past 12 months, including one-time cannabis use’) and mood
disorder (‘Do you have a mood disorder such as depression, bipolar disorder, mania or dysthymia?’) (0 ¼ no; 1 ¼ yes).
Data analysis
All analyses were performed using SPSS version 27. Descriptive statistics
were used to report the frequencies and proportions of all variables. Chisquare tests were conducted to examine the distributions of socioeconomic characteristics, mental health conditions and NSIs based on
gender, race and immigration status. Multivariable logistic regression
analyses were conducted to examine the associations between intersectional social positions and NSIs. We created gender-specific models to
evaluate the contribution of intersecting identities to NSIs, that is the
analyses were run separately for men and women. Adjusted population
weight, calculated by dividing each master weight by the average weight,
was used in all the analyses to obtain a sample equal to the population’s
distribution in Canada. To assess the effects of social identities on NSIs,
we adjusted first socio-economic characteristics and mental health conditions, and then race and immigration status in the second step. To assess
the interaction effect between race and immigration status, we included
an interaction term of race immigration status in the final step. All
tests were considered significant at p < 0.05.
Results
Descriptive of the study sample
The study sample consists of a total of 21,932 individuals, with 10,322
(51.8 wt%) men and 11,610 (48.2 wt%) women. Weighted estimates suggest
that, compared to men, women were older, more educated, had lower
incomes and were more likely to have been formerly married. Women also
showed higher levels of mood disorders. No significant difference in race
and immigration status was found between men and women. Compared to
white participants, non-white participants were younger, more educated,
more likely to be foreign-born, more likely to be single and had lower
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 9 of 22
incomes and lower levels of substance use and mood disorder. Compared
to Canadian-born participants, immigrants were younger, more educated,
more likely to be non-white, more likely to be married or in a common-law
relationship and had higher incomes and lower levels of mood disorder.
Table 1 shows the descriptive statistics for key variables.
Bivariate analysis
Women were more likely to report of experiencing NSIs than men (32.3
per cent versus 25.4 per cent, p < 0.001); white participants were more
likely to report of experiencing NSIs than non-white participants (29.4
per cent versus 26.4 per cent, p < 0.001) and Canadian-born participants
were more likely to report of experiencing NSIs than immigrants (30.3
per cent versus 24.0 per cent, p < 0.001).
Table 2 presents the bivariate analysis. The percentage of participants
reporting NSIs was significantly different across race and immigration status
in both men (v2 ¼ 59.71, p < 0.001) and women groups (v2 ¼ 62.57, p <
0.001). Among men, the highest percentage of participants reporting NSIs
occurred among racialised Canadian-born men (27.2 per cent), followed by
white Canadian-born men (27.1 per cent). Among women, the highest percentage of participants reporting NSIs occurred among racialised Canadianborn women (39.5 per cent), followed by white immigrant women (33.3 per
cent) and white Canadian-born women (33.2 per cent).
Multivariable logistic regression
Table 3 presents a gender-specific multivariable analysis between intersecting social identities and NSIs, adjusting for socio-economic characteristics and mental health conditions. For men, immigration status was a
significant factor in experiencing NSIs, but race was not a significant predictor. Immigrant men reported 35 per cent lower odds of experiencing
NSIs (AOR ¼ 0.65, 95% CI 0.55–0.76, p < 0.001) than Canadian-born
men. The interaction term race immigration status was not significant
for men (AOR ¼ 1.16, 95% CI 0.90–1.49, p ¼ 0.258), meaning that the
effect of immigration status on NSIs was not dependent on race.
Among women, race, rather than immigration status, was a significant
factor in experiencing NSIs. Compared to white women, racialised women
had 22 per cent increased odds of experiencing NSIs (AOR ¼ 1.22, 95% CI
1.04–1.44, p ¼ 0.018). The interaction term was significant in the model for
women (AOR ¼ 0.48, 95% CI 0.38–0.61, p < 0.001). As shown in Figure 1,
whilst immigrant status had no effect on white women’s likelihood of
experiencing NSIs, racialised Canadian-born women had a higher chance of
experiencing NSIs than racialised immigrant women.
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Page 10 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
Gender
Man
Woman
Race
white
Non-white
Immigrant status
Canadian-born
Foreign-born
Age group
15-19
20-29
30-39
40-49
50-59
60-69
70 and above
Marital status
Single
Married/common law
Formerly married
Education
Less than
post-secondary
Post-secondary
Personal Income
Less than $10,000
Characteristics
—
—
77.3
22.7
75.1
24.9
8.5
17.2
15.1
17.0
19.3
12.9
10.1
30.0
62.0
8.0
40.9
59.1
3.5
18,361 (77.4)
3,571 (22.6)
18,241 (75.1)
3,691 (24.9)
1,559 (7.3)
3,158 (15.8)
3,191 (15.9)
2,990 (17.7)
3,717 (18.9)
3,600 (13.1)
3,717 (11.2)
6,268 (26.3)
11,026 (60.7)
4,638 (13.1)
9,545 (40.0)
12,387 (60.0)
1,838 (8.1)
Man, %
10,322 (51.8)
11,610 (48.2)
N (%)
Total
13.2
60.8
39.2
22.3
59.2
18.5
6.1
14.4
16.8
18.6
18.5
13.3
12.3
75.1
24.9
77.4
22.6
—
—
Woman, %
Gender
<0.001
0.011
<0.001
<0.001
0.966
0.848
p-value
8.0
59.4
40.6
24.3
61.7
14.0
6.4
14.5
14.0
16.9
20.4
14.9
12.9
87.7
12.3
—
—
51.8
48.2
White, %
8.7
61.8
38.2
33.1
57.0
9.9
10.4
20.3
22.4
20.5
14.0
6.9
5.4
32.0
68.0
—
—
52.0
48.0
Non-white, %
Race
0.031
0 .003
<0.001
<0.001
<0.001
0.848
p-value
8.3
57.7
42.3
28.7
58.1
13.2
8.5
16.5
15.1
16.6
19.3
13.2
10.7
—
—
90.4
9.6
51.9
48.1
No, %
7.5
66.8
33.2
18.9
68.3
12.8
3.6
13.8
18.5
21.2
17.9
12.6
12.5
—
—
38.3
61.7
51.8
48.2
Yes, %
Immigrant status
Table 1. Description of socio-demographics, NISs and other psychosocial factors: unweighted frequencies and weighted percentages (N ¼ 21,932)
(continued)
0.002
<0.001
<0.001
<0.001
<0.001
0.966
p-value
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 11 of 22
N (%)
Total
$10,000–$19,999
3,330 (14.1)
$20,000–$29,999
5,538 (23.7)
$30,000–$39,999
2,837 (13.7)
$40,000–$49,999
2,228 (10.8)
50,000 or more
6,161 (29.6)
Substance use, the last year
No
18,210 (82.9)
Yes
3,722 (17.1)
Any mood disorder (lifetime)
No
20,153 (92.9)
Yes
1,779 (7.1)
NISs
No
15,724 (71.3)
Yes
6,208 (28.37)
Characteristics
Table 1. (continued)
19.6
28.4
12.0
9.9
16.9
82.7
17.3
90.9
9.1
67.7
32.3
83.1
16.9
94.8
5.2
74.6
25.4
Woman, %
8.9
19.4
15.2
11.6
41.4
Man, %
Gender
<0.001
<0.001
0.373
p-value
70.6
29.4
92.3
7.7
82.5
17.5
14.0
23.5
14.1
10.8
29.7
White, %
73.6
26.4
95.1
4.9
84.3
15.7
14.2
24.5
12.3
10.9
29.7
Non-white, %
Race
<0.001
<0.001
0.002
p-value
69.7
30.3
91.8
8.2
82.8
17.2
14.5
23.3
13.9
10.6
29.4
No, %
76.0
24.0
96.2
3.8
83.2
16.8
12.9
24.9
13.1
11.3
30.3
Yes, %
Immigrant status
<0.001
<0.001
0.464
p-value
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Page 12 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
Table 2 Intersection and bivariate analyses of gender, immigrant status and race: Unweighted frequencies and weighted percentage (N ¼ 21,932)
Variables
Gender
Man
Woman
NISs
Man
No
Yes
Woman
No
Yes
Canadian-born
Immigrants
White
N (%)
Non-white
N (%)
White
N (%)
Non-white
N (%)
7,671 (87.2)
7206 (88.1)
865 (12.8)
721 (11.9)
1,122 (33.6)
974 (30.3)
1,711 (66.4)
1,661 (69.7)
p-value
<0.001
<0.001
5,732 (72.9)
2,055 (27.1)
546 (72.8)
200 (27.2)
651 (82.4)
145 (17.6)
789 (78.0)
204 (22.0)
6,034 (66.8)
2,841 (33.2)
527 (60.5)
306 (39.5)
673 (66.7)
230 (33.3)
772 (75.2)
227 (24.8)
<0.001
Table 3. Associations of intersectional social position groups and NISs by gender (N ¼ 21,932).
Variable characteristics
Age group (versus 15–19)
20–29
30–39
40–49
50–59
60–69
70 and above
Marital status (versus formally married)
Single
Married/common law
Educational level (versus post-secondary)
Less than post-secondary
Personal income (versus less than 10,000)
10,000–19,999
20,000–29,999
30,000–39,999
40,000–49,999
50,000 and above
Past-year substance use (versus no)
Has a mood disorder (versus no)
Intersectional social positions
Race
Immigration status
Race immigration status
Man (N ¼ 10,322)
Woman (N ¼ 11,610)
AOR
95% CI
p-value
AOR
95% CI
p-value
1.29
1.51
1.61
1.31
0.86
0.50
1.06–1.57
1.22–1.88
1.30–2.01
1.05–1.63
0.68–1.10
0.38–0.65
0.010
<0.001
<0.001
0.016
0.226
<0.001
0.91
1.01
1.37
1.11
0.72
0.28
0.73–1.13
0.79–1.28
1.08–1.73
0.88–1.41
0.56–0.92
0.21–0.37
0.380
0.958
0.010
0.385
0.009
<0.001
1.03
1.49
0.91–1.17
1.23–1.80
0.618
<0.001
0.98
1.38
0.86–1.12
1.17–1.63
0.783
<0.001
1.05
0.95–1.16
0.353
1.13
1.03–1.24
0.014
1.28
1.10
1.08
1.15
1.33
0.92
2.32
1.28–0.96
1.10–0.84
1.08–0.83
1.15–0.87
1.33–1.03
0.82–1.03
1.95–2.75
0.091
0.496
0.564
0.333
0.030
0.147
<0.001
1.01
1.00
1.21
0.99
1.04
1.35
1.79
0.86–1.17
0.87–1.17
1.02–1.44
0.83–1.20
0.88–1.22
1.21–1.50
1.56–2.06
0.931
0.956
0.029
0.947
0.665
<0.001
<0.001
0.97
0.65
1.16
0.82–1.14
0.55–0.76
0.90–1.49
0.679
<0 .001
0.258
1.22
1.08
0.48
1.04–1.44
0.93–1.25
0.38–0.61
0.018
0.342
<0.001
Discussion
The present study has contributed to the current knowledge of NSIs by
exploring the intersection of the three social identities. Our results
showed a significant main effect of gender: men were less likely than
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 13 of 22
Figure 1: Predicted probability of NSIs based on race and immigrant status among women
(N ¼ 11,610).
women to experience NSIs; 25.4 per cent of the men and 32.3 per cent
of the women reported NSIs. Moreover, the patterns were different for
men and women based on race and immigration status. For men, immigrants were less likely to report of experiencing NSIs, regardless of race.
For women, the interaction between race and immigration status was significant: racialised Canadian-born women were more likely to report of
experiencing NSIs than racialised immigrant women, whilst immigration
status had no effect on white women’s likelihood to experience NSIs.
The results indicated the importance of accounting for intersecting identities when studying NSIs and their effects. They also emphasised the
need to tailor educational efforts to mitigate NSIs across gender, race
and immigration status in different family and societal settings in
Canada.
Whilst examining the intersectional identities of race and immigration
status across genders, immigration status becomes an important factor
for experiencing NSIs among men. Immigrant men were less likely to report of experiencing NSIs than Canadian-born men. This finding is consistent with the previous research (Nguyen, 2017), which suggested that
native-born men may experience higher rates of NSIs than immigrant
men, owing to the greater variety of native-born men’s social networks,
including their close and extended families. Immigrant men, on the other
hand, are more likely to establish ethnocentric social relationships; therefore, their social networks may be more homogeneous than their
Canadian-born counterparts (Harell et al., 2017; Gereke et al., 2020;).
This finding contrasts the common belief that immigrant men are more
likely to experience NISs because of xenophobia and cultural differences.
Xenophobia may play a less significant role in NSI since it only measures
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Page 14 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
close relationships (such as family and friends) instead of encounters
with acquaintances and strangers. If immigrant men tend to have relationships within their immigrant communities, it is less likely for them to
experience chronic negative interactions stemming from xenophobia in
these contexts. Moreover, for many immigrants, migration is a conscious
decision that involves ‘selection’ of their social surroundings. When they
leave their home countries, immigrants can keep a distance from toxic
family relationships or friendships, whilst selectively maintaining some
positive relationships by bringing some family members over or maintaining transnational ties (Zhou et al., 2019). They can also ‘reset’ their
social relationships through a selective process in the host country. So,
instead of being stuck with negative interactions, the migration process
may assist immigrants in building a social network that is more pleasant
than the one they had before migration.
Previous research has found that perceived identity expression may
play important roles in daily interactions and social inclusion
(Sønderlund et al., 2017). Our study found no significant difference in
NSIs between white Canadian-born women and white immigrant women.
It is possible by the fact that white immigrant individuals still visibly belong to the dominant racial group in Canada shields them from NSIs. In
contrast, our results revealed that racialised Canadian-born women
reported the highest level of NSIs of all women groups. One explanation
for this could be that racialised Canadian-born women frequently engage
in daily interactions that arise out of obligation and bicultural expectations, such as providing support to or receiving advice from parents, family, relatives, siblings and significant others. These social interactions
sometimes provide emotional support, but they may involve social pressure and unrealistic gender role expectations, resulting in extra burdens
and mental health issues among racialised Canadian women (Offer and
Fischer, 2018). It also could be that racialised Canadian women felt challenges in social inclusion and identity expression in Canadian society.
Future studies should further elucidate the meanings and causes of negative interactions and the role of gender- and cultural-based expectations
to further explain this pattern.
The study investigated the intersection of race, immigration and gender. The added layer of immigration in our analysis revealed a surprising
result: among all women groups, racialised immigrant women showed the
lowest level of NSIs. This finding could be explained by the fact that
racialised immigrant women may not perceive social conflicts in their
daily lives as negative or chronic (Rezazadeh and Hoover, 2018).
Conflicts with family members and significant others may be redefined as
opportunities to negotiate new gender roles and cultural expectations,
which affects their perception of whether these interactions should be
regarded as NSIs (Rezazadeh and Hoover, 2018). Moreover, previous research has indicated that some racialised immigrant women may have
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 15 of 22
encountered challenges before arriving in Canada; the atmosphere of
multiculturalism and gender equality in a relatively liberal country such
as Canada may provide them with different experiences of social interaction (Sadeghi, 2008; Charpentier and Queniart, 2017).
The current results should also be interpreted carefully due to social desirability bias. Previous studies have discussed that self-report questions are vulnerable to social desirability bias because participants from different cultural
backgrounds, such as individualistic or collectivistic countries, are likely to
over- or under-report their experiences. For example, previous studies have
found that immigrants from collectivistic countries, such as Japan and Korea,
are likely to over-report socially desirable attributes (Kitchen et al., 2015; Kim
and Kim, 2016). Such limitations have also been documented with gender differences; previous literature has found that men were more likely than
women to under-report their actual experiences due to social desirability bias
(Merrill et al., 1997). Therefore, our participants with previous characteristics
mentioned may not have reported their actual experiences or may have interpreted statements differently, leading to misclassified responses. To minimise
social desirability bias in reporting NSIs, future research should consider designing non-judgemental questions, assuring anonymity or launching questionnaires online (Joinson, 1999). Asking indirect questions may be another
approach to exploring NSIs: for instance, asking about the general experiences of a person in their society or ethnic group, rather than asking for participants to reveal their actual attitudes (Fisher, 1993).
Although not focal to our discussion, the variance in NSIs only
accounted for 5 per cent in the men’s model and 8 per cent in the women’s model. Other variables may need to be measured to further understand NSIs in Canada. Given that the concept of NSIs may also
represent societal and cultural regulations that force people to stay in a
relationship which produces discomfort, and which may deteriorate their
mental well-being. Hence, more studies could be done to explore the impact of societal and cultural regulations on NSIs across different cultural
contexts and settings. Previous research has suggested that developing
mutually supportive interactions might be a starting point to improve a
stressful social relationship (Offer and Fischer, 2018).
Implications for social work practice
Social work practitioners work with individuals from diverse backgrounds. From a systems perspective (Friedman and Allen, 2011), social
workers in various areas of practice need to address clients’ quality of
their daily life interactions with others, as NSIs were related to various
mental health and health outcomes (Fiorillo and Sabatini, 2011; Berry
and Hou, 2019). Consistent with the previous studies (e.g. Fiorillo and
Sabatini, 2011; Sun et al., 2020), we have found that the quality of social
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Page 16 of 22 Deng-Min Chuang et al.
interactions is dependent on social identities, which reflects some bigger
structural and systemic issues. There are several practice implications
from the results of this study. First, social workers should recognise the
capacities and strengths possessed by immigrants. Despite experiencing
xenophobia and the loss of social capital during the migration process
(Putnam, 2007; Harell et al., 2017), immigrants, except for white immigrant women, reported lower levels of NSIs for both men and women.
Hence, in social work practice, in addition to addressing systemic barriers
and oppression, practitioners should also acknowledge the role of immigrant communities and choose close relationships as protective factors
and sources of resiliency. Secondly, this study illuminates the importance
of using an intersectional lens to understand individuals’ surroundings
and social relationships. For instance, the difference in the salience of
race across genders suggests that it is crucial to explore the interplay between racism and culturally embedded gender role expectations to understand the social experiences among racialised women. Therefore,
social workers should tap into various social identities and their roles in
an individual’s social environment when working with their clients.
Finally, specific intervention strategies can be considered based on different intersecting social identities. For example, as race intersects with immigration status for women, programmes for the education and support
of racialised women should address microaggressions related to gender
role expectations for women, race and family background (e.g. as a second- or third-generation immigrant).
Study limitations
In addition to this study’s strengths in using a nationally representative
cross-sectional survey, the study’s limitations should be considered when
interpreting these findings. First, as the data are cross-sectional, causal
associations cannot be established. Secondly, the single, dichotomous
item of NSIs focused only on general experiences and did not provide insight into NSIs related to any particular relationship, such as relationships with friends and family. Notably, researchers have argued that
single-item measures can be reliable when the aim of the research is to
assess a global construct (Gardner et al., 1998; Allan et al., 2022). Given
that we are interested in the general assessment of NSI, the use of the
single-item measure can still be appropriate. Thirdly, all measures were
self-reported and were therefore subject to social desirability bias. Thus,
some participants who had encountered NSIs may not have reported
their actual experiences or may have interpreted the statement differently, leading to misclassified responses. Fourthly, racialised groups are
heterogeneous in their cultural or gender expectations. Due to the limitations of the data-set, we were unable to use more detailed categories of
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NSIs and Intersecting Identities in Canada Page 17 of 22
racial/ethnic identities for analysis; differences among various ethnic–racial groups were not studied. More research should be done to further
understand the association between intersecting social identities and
NSIs within different racial/ethnic communities in Canada. Fifthly, the
2012 CCHS-MH was conducted either in English or French; the prevalence of NSIs may be underestimated among immigrant populations due
to language barriers. Sixthly, the data-set was collected in 2012, so the
landscape and experiences of individuals with intersectional identities
might be different from the present day. Therefore, future research
should employ a similar research design to examine the differences in
NSIs across intersecting social positions as well as over different time
periods. Lastly, all data were collected in Canada; therefore, these findings may be insufficient for understanding the relationship between intersecting social identities and NSIs for individuals living in a different
cultural context/country with different demography and policies.
Conclusion
Guided by an intersectional framework and based on a nationally representative sample, this study has provided a novel and nuanced understanding of how NSI affects mental well-being. Our results indicate the
importance of the intersecting identities of gender, race and immigrant
status and their impact on NSIs. Future research should explore the
nuances of NSIs among different populations, such as individuals’ experiences in different contexts, and the causes of NSIs. To improve the quality of social interactions and, ultimately, the mental well-being of clients,
service providers should adopt an intersectional lens to gain insight into
the interpersonal experiences of their clients, identify the high-quality social relationships clients may obtain from their communities and close
networks and design targeted interventions emphasising experiences and
contextual factors of social inclusion and racialised identity expression.
Acknowledgements
A special thanks to Dr Colin Gorrie for writing support and brainstorming.
Conflict of interest statement. The authors declare no conflict of interest.
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