"How Do You Know She's a Witch?": Witches, Cunning Folk, and Competition in Denmark
Author(s): Timothy R. Tangherlini
Source: Western Folklore, Vol. 59, No. 3/4 (Summer - Autumn, 2000), pp. 279-303
Published by: Western States Folklore Society
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1500237 .
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"Howdo youknowshe's
a witch?":Witches,
CunningFolk,and
Competitionin Denmark
TIMOTHY
R. TANGHERLINI
In Danish legend tradition,thewitchis perhapsthebestknownexamthreatin humanformresidingwithintheboundaries
ple of a supernatural
of the community.'
The witch,as she is presentedin tradition,appears as
a terrifying
and at timesvindictive
menace,intenton wreakingeconomic
In
and physicalhavoc on otherwiseseeminglysafe rural communities.2
hundredsof accusationsfromseventeenthcenturycourtproceedings,in
thousandsof storiesfromthelate nineteenthand earlytwentieth
centuries
collectedbythe Danish folklorist
Evald Tang Kristensen(1934 and 1980
frombroadsidesto newspaperarticlesdur[1892-1901]),and in everything
ing the preceding,interveningand, to a lesserextent,subsequentyears,
horrific
crimesrangingfromassaultto sabotage,poisoningto larceny,
kidto
murder
are
1991
and
attributed
to
witches
1992;
(Johansen
napping
Henningsen1975 and 1978; Hansen 1960; Rorbye1976; Kristensen1980
[1892-1901]; Kristensen1934). The profound threatto a community
ascribedto witchesin legend tradition-andfolkbeliefin general--derives
in large partfromtheirstatusas communityinsiders.One can neverbe
surethata next-doorneighbor,a friendor even one's own spouse
entirely
is not a witch.Because of the clear proclivity
ofwitchesto underminethe
economic integrity
of a communityand theirwantondisregardforthe
members,knowingwho was a witchand
physicalwell-beingof community
who was not-a knowledgedirectlyrelatedto the contemporaneousstoa matat leastup throughthenineteenthcentury,
tradition-was,
rytelling
terof greatimportance(Henningsen 1975).
werenot
The generalconceptionsboth of thewitchand ofwitchcraft
59 (Summer/Fall2000):279-303
Folklore
Western
279
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280
WESTERN FOLKLORE
constantfromthe sixteenththroughthe nineteenthcenturies.Furtherto affixthe term"witch"to certainindividuals
more,narrators'motivations
or classes of individualsseem to have changed considerably.While one
mightexpectthatklogefolk
(cunningfolk)who,because of theirabilitiesto
cure illnessand removecurses,would have been frequentlyaccused of
this does not appear to be the case, at least not until the
witchcraft,
nineteenthcentury.Bythattime,callingsomeone a "witch"had vastlydifferentconsequences thanin the seventeenthcentury.It seemslikelythat
thislateruse of the term"witch"in connectionwithcunningfolkwas connected to the marketforhealers-whileusingthe label no longerhad the
potentialto resultin execution,it did have thepowerto hurtthe practice
of a local cunningman or woman.
The late sixteenthand seventeenthcenturieswerearguablythe heyday
of thewitchin Denmark.Scandinavianwitchtrialsfromthisperiod,as well
as storiesaboutwitchesand theirpersecution,
havebecome in recentyears
of
considerable
both
for
interest
Scandinavian
historians-suchas
topics
JensChristian
Johansen(1991), KimTornso (1986), and BengtAnkarloo
as Bente GulveigAlveir(1971) and Gustav
(1971)-and folklorists-such
Their
studies
haveconsideredin greatdetailthe conHenningsen(1975).3
toursofwitchcraft,
theminutiaof thewitchcraft
trials,thebrutalexecution
ofwitches(generallybyburning),and the narrativetraditionconcerning
witchesand witchbelief both during and afterthe well-knownwitchhuntfrenzythatgrippedmostof Scandinaviaand otherpartsof Europe
duringthisperiod.4
As Johansenhas shown,the persecutionof witchesin Denmarkwas
based primarily
on the individual'sreputationas a witch(or more accua
as
troldkvinde
or twoldmand),
a reputation
whichdevelopedout of the
rately
tradition
contemporaneousstorytelling
(Johansen1991:48). Althoughthe
secularauthorities
demandedproofof maliciousintent(maleficium)
to continueto trial,thisproofalmostalwaystooktheformofwitnessaccountshearsayevidenceas itwere.5There were,of course,strictrulesof evidence
thatexcluded certaintypesofwitnessaccounts.Thus, itwas not possible
to witness"i egen sag" [for one's own case] and testimonybased on
"rumors"was not accepted (Johansen1991: 32).6 This second categoryof
was one thatclearlywas difficult
to enforce,as almostall testitestimony
thatwerebased on folkbelief.Therefore,
monytooktheformof narratives
thiswitnesstestimony
was closelyrelatedto the contemporaneouslegend
traditionand, as such, rumor.7 Despite the fact that nearlyall of the
cases thatwere broughtto trialreferredto a specificevent,such as the
deathofa cowor theillnessof a child,thesimilarity
of thestoriesthatwere
presented concerning these specificevents-storiesthat subsequently
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
281
formedthe core ofwitchcraft
accusationsthroughoutDenmark-suggest
thatthese accusationswere part of a well-developednarrativetradition.
an accusationofwitchcraft
storiesthatconstituted
werereadConsequently,
ilyavailableto anypersonwillingto attachthroughnarrationan allegation
of maleficium
to a local communityfigure.8Occasionally,these accusations would be directed at local cunning folk,although not nearlyas
oftenas the LutheranChurch would perhaps have liked (Jensen1982;
Torns0 1986: 104;Johansen1991: 35).
In postReformation
Denmark,churchauthorities
placed considerable
emphasis on bringingto the general population a clear sense of pure
Lutheran belief. As part of this process, theyattemptedto eliminate
aspects of folk belief that contradictedchurch doctrine (Tangherlini
1998: 157; Grell1995). Amongthe beliefsthattheyattemptedto combat
was thewide-spread
ofcunningfolkto curedisease,find
beliefin theability
lostthings,identify
thievesand witches,and removecurses,all throughthe
use of magic (Johansen1991: 35; Johansen 1995; Jensen 1982: 8-13).
The cunningfolkwere rightfully
seen by the churchas a threatto their
because
cured
they
powerbase, partly
people usingmethodsthatwerein
directcompetition
withthe church'sestablishedrituals,partlybecause the
churchworriedthatthe cunningfolk'sritualscould include remnantsof
of thechurchto erasethe
Catholicrituals-andthusunderminetheefforts
lastvestigesof Catholicpracticefromthe religiouslandscape-and partly
because the cunningfolkrepresenteda popular spiritualpowerthatwas
not subjectto thecontrolof churchauthorities(Jensen1982: 9; Johansen
in the eyesof the church,
1991: 35; Tangherlini1998: 162). Furthermore,
the cunning folk undermined the importantawarenessof sin among
thegeneralpopulationsincetheyessentially
toldtheircustomersthattheir
illnessor misfortune
and not a punishmentfrom
was a resultof trolddom
God forsin (Johansen1991: 35). To combat the perceivedthreatto the
churchposed by the cunningfolk,ecclesiasticauthoritiespromotedthe
viewthatthe cunningfolkwereheretics,arguingthattheircunningarts
were derived froma relationshipwiththe Devil (Jensen1982: 8-13).9
The well-knownbishop, Peder Palladius, for example, warned against
cunningfolkin hisimportantVisitatsbog
(Jacobsen1925: 109-11)and in his
"En vnderuisningh
huorlediesder kand handlismetdem som er besette"
as, firstand foremost,a
(Palladius 1547) in whichhe describestrolddom
question of cunningwhich,in turn,is the workof the Devil (Jacobsen
ecclesiasticsfocusedtheirprimarycritiqueof
1925: 110). Not surprisingly,
witchcraft
which,in theirconception,included the cunningartsand its
on thisalleged alliance betweentroldfolk
and Satan.
practitioners,
the
the people
seventeenth
stories
ofwitchcraft-and
During
century,
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282
WESTERN FOLKLORE
came to theattentionnot onlyofreligious
thattheywereabout-eventually
authoritiesbut also of governmentalauthorities(Johansen1991: 48-51).
Usuallythisoccurredthroughan officialaccusationofwitchcraft
brought
memberagainstsomeonewho had developeda reputation
bya community
as a witch(Johansen1991:48-51).In postReformation
Denmark,itwas the
local secularauthorities(and not the churchauthorities)who carriedout
the actual juridical proceedings although convictionsin these lower
courtswere automaticallyappealed to the landstingo'(districtcourt).
thesecularauthorities
did not prioritize
accusationsoftheuse
Interestingly,
of cunningarts,but ratherfocusedmostof theirenergieson prosecuting
accusationsof maleficium.
The juridicalbasisforthe prosecutionswas the
Danish law of 1617, which made a distinctionbetween malicious acts
carriedout by"rettetroldfolk"(truewitches)-thosewho had swornallegiance to the Devil-and actscarriedout bypeople who used "indbildede
konster"(imaginaryarts)."11
A subsequentlaw from1683 made a further
in thislattercategory,
distinction
the potentialforactscaracknowledging
ried out withmaliciousintentas opposed to those carriedout withgood
intent (Johansen1991: 23-4).12 It seems likelythat both of these laws
with their nuanced distinctionsbetween true witchcraftand cunning
weremore examplesof "foundlaw"than "made law"and theiremphasis
on maliciousintentwas largelyattributable
to the generalnotionamong
the citizenryof whattypeof activity
found
to be worthpursuing.'3
they
Whilethechurchplaced emphasison Devilpactsand Satanicalliance-an
emphasisthatfoundexpressionin thelaw of 1617-the averagepersonwas
farmore likelyto be concernedwiththe negativeeffectsthatdeliberately
maliciousmagical acts could have on theirpersonal economyand wellbeing.In fact,accusationsbased on thelesseroffenseofusingcunningarts
withoutmaliciousintentthatthe churchso fervently
opposed wererarely
to
court.
a
When
brought
person was broughtto courton chargesconsistingsolelyof havingused cunningartsthe case was moreoftenthannot
dismissed(Johansen1991: 35; Grell1995). Onlyin the mostextremecases
would a case based on accusationsof cunningbe triedand even in these
cases, the convictedwas at worstbanished (Johansen1991: 37 and 90).
carriedwithit the death penalty.
Only maleficium
The repeated tellingof storiesthatlabeled someone a witch,withthe
concomitantaccusationsof maleficium
resultin
would,however,
frequently
punitiveaction.14As such, the tellingof storieswas a politicallycharged
endeavorthatcould bringwithit clear results:ifstoriesof a knowncommunityfigure'sdealingsas a witchgained enough currencyin local tradition,the personwould be arrested,broughtto trialand quite possibly
executed.Buildingprimarily
on questionsofpersonalinjury,
thesedisputes
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
283
arose exclusively
amongpeople who kneweach otherbeforehand(T0rns0
1986: 38).15 Communitymembers must have been well aware of the
and while accounts of witchcraft
oftenwere an
power of storytelling,
of
in
were
also
a
tactical
mannerout
fear,
expression
they
likelydeployed
of vindictiveness
If
1975:
a
99-100).
(Henningsen
personal disputeescaVindictivenesscerlated, the final play could be storiesof witchcraft.
seems
have
in
to
a
role
seventeenth
tainly
played
centurywitchcraft
as
attested
both
records
of
various
defendants'
accusations,
by
challenges
to theselectionofjurorsfortheinitialtrialas wellas recordsofdefendants'
expressionsof concernoverthe potentialbias of selectedjurors (T0rns0
1986: 38-9;Johansen1991: 27-30).While the law againstgivingwitness"i
egen sag"was clearlydesignedto minimizethe riskthatvindictiveness
lay
at therootofan accusation,a cleverantagonist
could havean acquaintance
do his or her biddingbyactingas an "impartial"
witness,and therebysidedisenfranstep this legal technicality.If the accused were sufficiently
chisedor otherwiseunable to counterthenegativenarrative
assault--which
seemsto have obtainedforthosewhosecases actuallyended up in court-chanceswerethatthe accusationswould resultin legal action.Depending
on one's perspective,
the bestor worstoutcomeof thisprosecutionwould
have been the executionof the accused.
the crimesof whichmostwitcheswere accused had, at
Interestingly,
theircore, an economic element--thetheftof milk,the destructionof
threatsof physicalharmthatcame true (or at leastcame truein
property,
the witnessaccounts), and curses thatwere coincidentallyefficacious
(Tornso 1986: 104-12). In a fascinatingtabulationof witnessstatements
fromDanish witchcraft
trials,Johansen notes 271 accusationsof murder,510 of causinghumanillness,339 of causingcattle'sdeath,thirty-nine
of causing cattle'sillness,104 of stealingor spoilingmilk,157 of killing
horses or causing illness,thirty-seven
of killingsheep, twenty-seven
of
of
and
eleven
of
beer,
killingpigs,twenty-one ruining
inflicting
poverty
(Johansen1991, 202-205).All of thesecrimesconstitutesome formeconomictransgression
as bothmurderand illnesscould have significant
economic repercussionsin the tightknitrural communities;furthermore,
nearlyhalfthe cases (735 out of 1,519) speak of crimeswhose primary
effectwas economic.Whilethe churchsawwitchesas a spiritualthreatto
the community,
in practicaland juridical termwitcheswerelargelyprosecuted because of theirimputed economic threatto the community.
Quite simply,in the eyes of the courts and the local populace who
brought the initial charges,witcheswere seen as an economic threat
thatneeded to be eliminated.
In contrastto witches,cunningfolkwere not consideredto constitute
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284
WESTERN FOLKLORE
an economic threatto the community.
in an age
Quite to the contrary,
where rural medicinewas virtually
nonexistent,cunningfolkofferedat
least the semblanceof access to medical care. Consequently,asJohansen
notes,the courtswerereluctantto prosecutethem:"Gennemsin praksis
indtogden verdsligemyndigheden ganskeanden holdningend kirken;
den varikkedet mindsteinteresseret
i 'klogefolk"'[Throughitspractice,
the secular authoritiesheld a significantly
differentposition than the
church: it was not at all interestedin cunning folk] (Johansen 1991:
existsthatcunningfolkcould findthem35).17Althoughthe possibility
selveson the wrongend of a witchcraft
accusationifone of theircures
failedin a spectacularmanner,thisseemsnot to havebeen a terribly
wide1991:
In
1986:
some
88-9;
spreadphenomenon (Johansen
101-4).
Tornso
to the folkhealing
trials,well-intentioned
parishionerswould even testify
abilitiesof the accused,not as evidenceof the accused's malfeasance,but
ratheras evidenceof theirpositivecharacter--a
tacticthatmoreoftenthan
not back-fired
at
the
the
accused
nowstoodliableforpunsince,
veryleast,
ishmenton theselessercharges.Of course,a tacticamong thoseaccused
ofwitchcraft
was to plead guiltyto thelessercrimesof "signenog manen"
and
[blessing conjuring]which,accordingto thelawfrom1617,could only
be punishedwithconfiscationand exile (Johansen1991: 30).18
In thefewcaseswherecunningfolkwereactuallybroughtto trial,itwas
generallyon the charge of havingcursed someone, and not because of
theirworkas a cunningperson.19
There was of coursea certainambiguity
in thefolkconceptionsofwhowas and who was not a witch.Whilepeople
could generally
discernbetweenmaliciousand beneficent
intent,therewas
also a generalsense thatpeople who could do good could also do bad.20
Addressingthe ambivalenceamong thegeneralruralpopulace in France
concerningthe categoriesof the maliciouswitchand the helpfulcunning
man or woman,RobertMuchemblednotes:
La difference
traditionelle
entremagienoire et magieblancheesta
n'en pas douter une distinctionsavante,une inventiondue aux
elitesculturelles.Au village,tousles paysanssont confront6squotidiennement'a des ph6nomenesmagiquesambivalents,
qui peuvent
aussi bien d6truireque protegerl'individu,selon l'aptitudede ce
derniera les d6tournerou encore 'a se les concilier.Mais si chacun
recherche ainsi perp6tuellementun 6quilibre magique par des
tabous et par des ritesprotecteurs,il est un personnage qui est
cens6 possdderplus de force,plus de capacit~sen de domaine que
communpeuple: le devin-gubrisseur,
qui portediversnomsselon les
et
est
en
un
sorcier
qui
villageois.Ses fonctionsson
r6gions,
r~alit&
il
car
cumule
celles
du
multiples,
m6decin,du pratre,du savant:il dis-
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
285
pose en effetd'un "savoir"efficaceaux yeux de ses concitoyens
(Muchembled 1979: 49).
This ambivalenceobtained forthe Danish rural populace as well as evidenced bywitnessaccountsused not onlyto prosecutebut also to defend
one can
individualsaccused ofwitchcraft
(Tornso 1986: 104). Accordingly,
in
of
witchcraft
would
be chala
situation
which
accusations
easilyimagine
more
as a
lenged byotherstoriesproposingthatthe accused was acting
cunningperson thanas a troldkvinde,
therebylesseningthe impactof the
accusations
of
malicious
intent.
damning
ofa person
thisambivalenceconcerningtheidentification
Interestingly,
as eithera witchor a cunningpersondid not disappearwiththewitchtrials but ratherpersistedas a functionalaspect of folkbeliefwell into the
twentieth
centuryand is evidentin the storiesabout witchesand cunning
folkcollectedbyEvald Tang Kristensen.For example,a certainLa~rerJ.
JacobsenfromMejlby,speakingabout the "CunningSmithin Lonborg"
says:"The cunningfolkwere bothfearedand admired.They could measure, bless,and show again, cure illnessand, throughreading,prevent
injuriesor makethembetter.In addition,theycould stopblood, calmrunawayhorsesand a lot more... The cunningfolkdid both good and bad"
(Kristensen1934,vol. 6: 141).
This ambivalenceoverthe identification
of a person as a witchor as a
in whichcunningfolkwere
at
the
heart
of
several
cases
cunningpersonlay
to
court
on
the
of
Kirsten"Pinn"Poulsdatter,
brought
charge witchcraft.
a cunningperson on Laeso,forexample,was broughtto court in 1634
accused of witchcraft
(Johansen1991: 90-1,and 273; Viborglandsting).
her
trial,Kirstensaid thatshe did not considertakingthe "melkeDuring
lykke"(milkluck) froma man and subsequentlyreturningit to him as
witchcraft.
Rather,she saw it as partof the abilitiesof a cunningperson.
a
witness
Similarly,
againsther mentionedthatshe had toldhim thatifhe
gave her some grainwhilehe was sowinghis fields,he would get a thousand-foldreturn.Although his harvestwas quite good that year,he
blamed a subsequentpoor harveston her havingcrossedhisfields.In the
in her own eyesas well--oneand thesame person
eyesof thewitness--and
was quite capable of doing both good and bad (Johansen 1991: 91;
ViborgLandstingB24.524: 309r-312r).21Kirstenwas eventuallyconvicted
not of witchcraft
but ratheron the lesserchargesof using "indbildnede
magicof a cunningperson--andher convictionled to a senkonster"--the
tence of banishment.
the number
Despite the thinline separatingcunningfromwitchcraft,
of cunningfolkwho wereactuallyaccused of and foundguiltyof crossing
thatline constitutedless than ten percentof the totalof witchcraft
pros-
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286
WESTERN FOLKLORE
ecutions in Jutland (Johansen 1991: 91). So, while the cunning folk
should have been an obvious group fromwhich to choose potential
witches,thisdid not occur.It is certainlypossible thatfarmore cunning
folk than were ever broughtto trialwere on the verge of developing
reputationsas witches,perhaps among disgruntledor suspicious customersor perhapsthroughthe tacticaldeploymentof narrativebycompetingcunningfolk.However,giventhefactthatso fewcunningfolkwere
evenin spiteoftheverythinline
broughtto courton chargesofwitchcraft,
thatseparatedthe cunningartsfromwitchcraft,
one mustconclude that
thebenefitto thelocal community
of havingthecunningpersonas a local
resourceto help withcuringillnessand reversingmisfortune
outweighed
associatedwiththeircontinuedpresence.In addition,
anypotentialliability
thepossibility
forcommunity
censure-perhapsin the formof seekingout
anothercunningperson-coupled to the strongcorrectivefactorrepresentedbythe threatof executionforcrossingtheline overto deliberately
maliciousactswereapparently
to keep mostcunningfolkon the
sufficient
and
straight narrow.
It is also possible-indeed even likely-thatcunningfolkwere able to
staveoffnarrativeonslaughtswhichlabeled theiractivities
as witchcraft
by
their
customers
to
tell
counter
narratives.Since a singleallemobilizing
had littlechance of being substantiatedin court
gation of maleficium
unlesstherewereimpartialwitnesseswho would supportthe allegation,a
cunningperson-iffacedwitha potentialaccusation-could relyon their
customerbase to contestthe allegation,and nip theirdevelopingreputationas a witchin the bud. Conversely,
a personwho did not have a reputationas a cunningpersonwouldhavegreaterdifficulty
the
counteracting
narrativesthatacted as a foundationfora witchreputation.AsJohansen
had developeda rep(1991: 48) pointsout,mostpeople triedforwitchcraft
utationas a witchlong beforetheywere broughtto trial.A cunningperson-who had conversely
developeda reputationas a cunningpersonand
not as a witch-wasin a relatively
secureposition:theyhad close contactto
a largegroupofpeople who could attestto theirskillsas a cunningperson.
In turn,these pronouncementswould have the narrativepotentialto
weakenanydevelopingreputationthe cunningpersonmighthave had as
a witch.A marginalizedperson,one withouta strongcommunity
base, in
would be powerlessto counteractanydevelopingreputationfor
contrast,
witchcraft.
BythetimeTang Kristensen
began hislegendcollectingin thelatenineteenthcentury,the social and politicalsituationin Denmarkwas considerablydifferentthan that of the seventeenthcentury.The era of the
witchcraft
trialswas long overand the zeal to burnwhomeverhappened
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
287
to findherselfon thewrongend of a storyhad dissipated.The lawshad
changed and, by 1866, it was no longer possible to punish someone for
a practicethathad stopped forall intentsand purposeslong
witchcraft,
before the laws reflectedthe defactosituation (Johansen 1991: 25).22
of storiesaboutwitches
themotivations
forthedissemination
Accordingly,
and cunning folk must also have changed. Althoughsome folklorists
would like to see the nineteenthcenturylegend traditionas a survival--a
memoryof timelong passed preservedin the mindsof the idyllicrural
have shownthattraditionparticipants
theorists
rarely
folk--contemporary
continuea traditionifitno longerproducesmeaning(Honko 1984: 40-1;
Ingwersen1995). Since storiesofwitchesand cunningfolkwerequitepopular duringthe late nineteenthcentury,the talesmusthave been meanthe motivation
ingfulforboth the tellersand the audiences.Accordingly,
forthe continuedtellingof storiesabout both cunningfolkand witches
shouldbe soughtin theparticular
historical
situationofthelatenineteenth
folk
where
still
century,
cunning
providedthe much-neededserviceof
medical and veterinarycare forthe poor, and where the accusationsof
whichhad thepowerto killin thepast,could now be deployed
witchcraft,
as a means forcastingaspersionson the abilitiesof competingcunning
folk--anecho of Muchembled'sidea thatone village'scunningpersonis
anothervillage'switch(Muchembled 1979: 55).
The storiesofwitchesand cunningfolkcan also be read in partin the
contextof profoundchangesin the powerof the Lutheranchurch.The
of 1849 led to a refiguration
promulgationof thedemocraticconstitution
of the connectionbetweenthe churchand the crown,and meantthatthe
previouslypowerfulLutheranchurchfound itselfin a considerablydifferentpositionthan two hundredyearsearlier.2Concomitantto these
of theLutheran
changesin thepreviously
unchallengedspiritualauthority
churchweredevelopments
in thepoliticallandscapeof local communities.
Farm ownersemergedas a politicallypowerfulclass and cottersfollowed
were no longerconcentrated
closelyon theirheals. Powerand authority
in the hands of the crownand the church,but ratherdiluted to a far
greaterdegree among the general population. Stories endorsing the
powersof local cunningfolkemergedas clear challengesto the authority
of local churchauthorities,
a challengethatthechurchhad alreadyfeltin
the sixteenthand seventeenthcenturies(Tangherlini1998). At the same
no longercarriedwiththem
time,storiesaccusinga personofwitchcraft
the potentialforhorrificpunishmentat the hands of the churchor government,but rathera farless physicallythreateningpunishment--communitycensure. If a person had a reputationas a witch,you would be
inclinedto avoid them.24
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288
WESTERN FOLKLORE
Perhapsthe greatestchange to effectthe cunningfolks'practicewere
one hundredyearsapart.
twolawsthatwerepromulgatedapproximately
to protectapothecaries
The first,
theapothecarylawof 1672,wasinstituted
fromthe competitiontheyfeltfromthe cunning folk (Rorbye 1976:
made itillegalforpersonsotherthanapothecaries
201). The lawessentially
to sell or distribute
medicines.Whilethelaw made a greatdeal of thecunningfolks'practiceillegal,itwasnotuntiltheka~ksalerlawof 1794 thatthe
on thewrongside of thelaw.The
cunningfolkfoundthemselves
decisively
cover of the statutemakes clear thatit is directedagainstcunningfolk:
Statute concerning the punishmentfor quacks who, under the
name of cunningmen or women,takeit upon themselves
to cureillnesses among the peasantryin spiteof the factthattheyare completelyunknowingin the art of medicine and who, throughthe
improperuse of medicines,ruin the healthand the use of limbsof
thattheyseekhelp fromthemand
people who are so simple-minded
themselves
to
their
as
cures, wellas measuresto prevent,stop
subject
and cure contagiousdiseases (Rorbye1976: 208).
Unlike the laws againstwitchcraft
whichincluded the cunningfolkbut
wererarelyused againstthem,the kIaksalurlaw,withitsharshpenaltieswas
not onlydirectedexplicitly
at the cunningfolk,butwas also used withrelativefrequency.25
The institution
of thelawspeaksto thedevelopingpoliticalpowerof the
and
their
Medicum.
Not onlydid treatments
physicians
Collegium
proposed
by the cunningfolkcontradictthe increasinglyscientificapproach representedbythe physicians,
but the cunningfolkalso representeda comthreat
to
the
petitive
physicians'local practices(Rorbye1976: 22). Partof
thecunningfolks'successin themarketforpatientslayin thecompetitive
The physician
C. D. Hahn and the
advantagestheyhad overthephysicians.
A.
H.
Flock
in
a
to
the
Medicum
that"the
Collegium
surgeon
complain
report
nuisanceforfarmers;thefarmers
so-calledcunningfolkare a destructive
to
use
the
folk
because
prefer
cunning
theyare theirequals..." (Rorbye
1976: 206). Also, the cunning folks'fees,which were rarelyrequested
less
directlyas a means to sidestepthe letterof the law,weresignificantly
than those of the physicians.
Much to the displeasureof thephysicians,
the kvaksalver
law includeda
sixthparagraph,whichstated,"Should someone who is not in facta doctor have acquired excellent knowledge or superior abilityin one or
anotheraspectof the artof medicine,or in curingone or anotherillness
fromthe chiefadministrative
then,as long as he has testimony
officerof
the countyand of the countyphysicianattestingto this skill,he can
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
289
expectto be givenpermissionfromthe Chancelleryto practice,albeitonly
in the district
in whichhe lives..." (Rorbye1976: 207-9).The inclusionof
thisparagraphmade it possible forcertaincunningfolkto gain institutional legitimacyand accordinglyopened the marketfor healers to
greaterlegal competition.
Furtherundermingthe physicians'otherwisestrongpositionwas the
standardpracticebywhichlegalauthorities
wouldnotintervene
withjuridia
a
cal sanctionsuntil physicianor apothecaryfiled complaint,an interestingcorrellaryto the practicein the precedingcenturiesin which a
was needed to set the legal
specificaccusationof substantiatedmaleficium
wheelsof thewitchtrialin motion.In short,paragraphsixofthe vaksalwer
lawguaranteeda livelycompetition
amongcunningfolk-whonowhad the
for
official
sanction-and
potential
physicians.This competitionwas, in
turn,complementedbythe competitionamong the cunningfolkthemselveswho triedsimultaneously
to developtheircustomerbase and to avoid
angeringthe local apothecaryor physician.
Competitionamong cunningfolkwas certainlya well knownaspectof
the rural economic landscape as attestedby records fromthis period
(Rorbye1976). A clearexampleof such competitionmaybe foundin the
case of BirtheJensen (Rorbye 1977: 73-5; Holm 1883). Althoughher
practicedeveloped quite quicklyafterher purchaseof "den klogemands
because
bog" [thecunningman'sbook] she soon encountereddifficulties
felt
she
that
had
cheated
them
out
of
their
461976:
many
money(Rorbye
48). A neighboringcunningman sawJensen'splummetingpopularityas
an opportunityto eliminate a competitorand began suggestingthat
Jensenwas in facta witch(Rorbye1977: 73-4;Holm 1883). Soon Jensen
foundherselfthe subjectof a latterdaywitchhunt,thatin factwas "a well
thoughtout conspiracyagainstthe unsuspectingBirthe,whichwas set in
motion by anotherlocal cunningwoman who had less successwithher
businessand was therefore
enviousand hatefultowardsher.She schemed
to have Birthechased awayand thusget her out of theway"(Holm 1883
citedin Rorbye1977: 73). Whilenot alwaysas intenseas in thiscase, the
competitionamongcunningfolkand debatesamongtheircustomersconcerningwho had thebettercunningpersonapparentlyacted as an impetusforthe perpetuationof storiesabout witchesand witchcraft
(Rorbye
1977: 73).
storiesof cunningfolkplayedintothe marketfortheirserDoubtlessly,
vices,withpositivestoriesadding to both the reputationof and potential
customerbase fora cunningman or woman,and negativestoriesdetracting fromthatbase.26In the nineteenthcenturyvillageswhereKristensen
collectedstories,
itis quiteclearthatnoteverybody
acceptedthepurported
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290
WESTERN FOLKLORE
abilitiesof specificcunningfolk(as wellas theabilitiesofanycunningfolk,
forthatmatter).In the contextof the competitionamong cunningfolk,
storiespeople told about a cunningperson's abilities(or distinctlack of
abilities)could act as signalingdevices,indicatingto listenershowthenarratorwould act in a givensituation.Here, the "game"being playedcould
be called "healing,"
withpossiblepositiveor negativeoutcomesdependent,
to
the
Stories
according
storytradition,
entirelyon the choice of healer.27
thechoice ofthepersonconwouldthenbe used as a meansforinforming
frontedwiththegame,a processthatechoes de Certeau'snotionthatstories are "repertoiresof schemes of action...mementos[that] teach the
tacticspossiblewithina givensystem"
(de Certeau1984: 23). In some cases,
ofthe
one could easilyimaginethecompetingfolkhealeras theoriginator
in
as
the
of
case
above.
someone
a
witch
would
stories,
Jensen
Labeling
indicatea negativeevaluationoftheintentions
ofthefolkhealer,implythat
theirskillsweresuspectand indicatethat,in theopinionof thestoryteller,
theywerenot someone one wouldwantto employ.In othercases,the biddingwas likelydone bythefolkhealer'scircleof patients.Ane Poulsen,for
example,is knownprimarily
throughthe storiestold about her,and the
enthusiasmof one of her patients,"an invalid...saidthathe preferredher
over all other cunning folk" (Rorbye 1976: 17).28 This typeof loyalty
seems to have been quite wide spread,and word of mouthplayeda significantrole in folkhealersdeveloping,sustaining
and increasingtheircircle of patients.
Legend telling can be seen accordingly as a performativelocus
employedbytraditionparticipantsto negotiatetheirconflicting
perceptions of the various cunning folk mentioned in theirstories.Furthermore,deciding to tell legends about cunningfolkand decidingon the
resolutionof these encountersallowed traditionparticipantsthe opporto engagein thesocialvaluationof theirservices.Those who did not
tunity
value theabilitiesof a particularcunningman or womanmighttellstories
in whichan attemptedcure failed:
I had an uncle who was nearlyblind. He went to the Vindblkes
woman foradvice,and she gave him some herbs,whichhe was to
boil and then he was supposed to drinkit. In withthe herbsthere
was a piece of paper withnine littletabsjust like a comb, but the
paper was narrowerat one end than at the other.Then he was
also supposed to takeone of the tabseach morningfornine mornings,and startat the narrowend. He was also supposed to go to a
milland getsome greaseand makea poulticeand putit on hisneck.
It didn't help (Kristensen1980 [1892-1901]vol. 4: 585).
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
291
Throughtherepeatedtellingofstoriessuchas thisone thatcastaspersions
on a cunningperson's healing talents,a cunningpersonwho had once
been popular could quicklylose his or her reputationas an adept practitioner and subsequentlysee theirpatientsdisappear. Rorbyeprovides
the example ofVilhelmJohnsenfromFaksemosewho experiencedsuch
a decline in reputationand popularity:"He had a certainfollowingas a
cunningman formanyyears,but his finesalvesand good advicebecame
suspectas he got older" (Rorbye1976: 15).30 Althoughit is unclear preciselywhyhis curesbegan to be suspect,it is clear thatthe loss of reputaIn
on wordof mouth-led to a declinein hispopularity.
tion-builtentirely
other stories,it is clear that a distincthierarchyamong cunning folk
obtainedwiththemasterhealerbeingsupplantedbya lessfavoredcunning
man afterthe master'sdeath: "As long as Wise Anders was alive, you
fetchedhim,but afterhe died,youwentoffto find[Wise]Jokum..."(Kristensen1936: 113).
Other traditionparticipantsnegatively
inclinedtowarda specificcunman
or
woman
focus
on
their
ning
might
potentialalliance with the
Devil and directlyor indirectlylabel him or her a witch.In Slangerup
parish,forexample,none of KirstenBojsen's patients'storieswere ever
recordedand, consequently,
accordingto Rorbye,"weknowher todayonly
as a gossipy,scheming,greedywitch"(Rorbye1976: 21).31 In the case of
Ane Sorensen,the "Reerslevkonen,"2
Rorbyementions,
Among the local people therewere manywho were afraidof her,
indeed theyconsideredher to be a witch.Manystoriesare toldabout
howshe could see and hearmorethanothers.Whenshe had visitors,
she often knew what theywere sufferingfrom even before the
patient had said anything,but one had to be carefulnot to say
anythingbad about her because then she could cause greatharm.
The witchcraft
could resultin a greatmanydiscomforts.
It could be
as
an
to
churn
butter
in
more
serious
or,
instances,
expressed
inability
illnessor death among the farmanimals (Rorbye1976: 30).
As her reputationas a "witch"-orat least as a cunningperson who freAne's initiallylarge customerbase began to
quentlyused magic--grew,
could damage
dwindle,a clear indicationthata reputationforwitchcraft
business(Rorbye1976: 29). In Kristensen'scollections,one findsnumerous storiesthatcould easilybe deployedin contributing
to a cunningperson's developingreputationas a witch.For example,Peder Stampefrom
Dejbjaergtellsthe followingstory:
Niels Knudsen in Lem, who is dead now, he went and asked my
fatherto come bymanytimes.But he didn'twantto go over there
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292
WESTERN FOLKLORE
sincehe'd heard talkthatNielsKnudsenwas somewhatcunningand
could witch.He kepttryinganyway
and said,"Youshouldcome over
to me, thenI'll teachyou how to shootso you'llnevermiss."But my
fatherdidn'tdare. One day he was out huntingand came bythere.
Then a hare came out of Niels Knudsen's cabbage patch, there
was a hole in thewall and it came out of that.It kepton runningin
frontof him and lookingback at him,and he didn't dare shoot it,
since he believed thatit was Niels Knudsen himselfor some other
supernaturalhare (Kristensen1980 [1892-1901],vol. 6: 306).
In anotheraccount,a cunningpersonis savedfromtheDevilwhomhe has
called to him byanothercunningperson:
A cunningman in SonderhAsatat the end of his tableand couldn't
go anywheresincehe had a visitfromthe EvilOne, who he'd called
to himself,and to get rid of him he sentforHans Plovmandfrom
Skyum.But he said thattherewasn'tanyhurry.Let him be afflicted
withhim a littlebit.Finallyhe came and drovehim away."NowI've
savedyoutwotimes,butifhe comesa thirdtime,thenthere'sno way
in Hell thatI can saveyou."(Kristensen
vol.6: 110).
1980(1892-1901),
Any negativeevaluationsof the abilitiesor allegiances of a particular
cunning man or woman such as one findsin these accounts could be
drive
deployedbyrivalsto driveawaypotentialcustomers(and presumably
themto the doorstepof anothercunningman or woman). In the second
it could be simultaneously
be used to attractcustomersto the more
story,
man
Hans
Plovmand.
competentcunning
Not all cunningfolkfoughtdevelopinga reputationforwitchcraft.
Niels
forexample,actively
sowedtheseedsofambivalencein hislocal
Mikkelsen,
community.33
Accordingto Rorbye,
The Helmdrup smithwas also interestedin witchcraft.
Afterhe
came home afterbeing out practicing,and people asked himwhat
he'd been doing,he would gladlyanswer-I've been out witchingBut whydo you answerlike thatwhen you don't believein witches
his neighborasked him once-Well, when I saythingslike
yourself?
that,people don't ask anymore and thenI don't have to givelong
explanations...A greatdeal suggeststhatNiels Mikkelsenwas not as
dismissiveofwitchcraft
as the exchange ofwordswithhis neighbor
mighthave us believe...Whenhe got angry...hewould threatento
bewitchpeople (Rorbye1976: 125-6).
In the seventeenthcentury,a flippantanswersuch as the one Mikkelsen
providescould haveeasilybecome thegroundsfora courtcase and hissub-
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
293
sequent immolation.As such,it revealsthe profoundchange in attitudes
towardsusing the appellation "witch"over the course of severalhundred years.Furthermore,
Mikkelsen'sanswerand his actionsunderscore
the close relationshipbetween cunning and witchcraft,
a relationship
thatcunningfolkin the seventeenthcenturyhad studiouslyavoided.34
of using storiesas a rhetoricalweapon emphaDespite the possibility
the
sizing negativeaspectsof cunningor a cunningperson'sindividualtalentsor allegiances,giventhe largenumbersof positively
resolvedlegends
of
all
such storieshave
concerningcunningfolk-welloverseventy
percent
must
that
conclude
most
tradition
valresolutions--one
positive
participants
ued theirservices.35
These people would also be inclined to tell stories
whichdescribedthe cunningfolkto be more adept at curingthanlocal
physicians,as in the followingaccount:
There was an old cunningman who livedon Balle Hojbjaerga little
northwest
of Balle,theold ones calledhimHans Kristian,
and he was
a kind of doctor in everything,
but especiallyfor broken bones.
also
went
him
to
for
toothaches.
He was a reallynice old
People
man... There was a farmhanddown in Kjeldkjaxr
who was unlucky
enough to breakhis leg. So theysentforDoctorOrbech in Vejle,he
wastheirdoctor.He came and bound theleg and thenthefarmhand
was to stayin bed forsix weeks.But he nearlydied fromthe pain,
because the leg was not set properlyof course. So he asked for
someone to fetchHans Kristian,but theywouldn't,theycouldn't
have a quack come to the farm.But the farmhandgets another
farmhandto gethimthatnight,and whenHans Kristian
comesdown
thereand examineshim,he ripsall the stuffoff,whichthe Doctor
had bound aroundtheleg,and fixeditagain,and nowthesickfarmhand didn'thaveanypain. Then he toldhim that,ifhe keptstillfor
fivedays,he could get up again. He did thatand he got better.Now
it happens that the doctor came back to the area and then he
decides to make a sickvisitat Kjeldkjaer.
The farmhandis standing
thereloading manure.When the doctorsees thathe getswhistling
mad and he getsup on hiswagonagainand leavesforVejle.But then
among otherthingshe had an errandat BraestenInn, and whenhe
comes in, theroomis fullofpeople, and Hans Kristianalso happens
to be there.Now he was a littleman, and he sat quietlyin a corner
and thedoctordidn'tnoticehim.He beginsto talkloudlyabout this
Hans KristianfromBalle Mark, and he would take care of him
who'd done it.Then Hans Kristiangetsup and says,"Ifyouwantto
do somethingto the man, he's righthere. But I wantyou to know
thatifyouwantto takecare of brokenbones thatyou'rea real bun-
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294
WESTERN FOLKLORE
gler."The doctorfliesout thedoor and leaves (Kristensen1936: 139-
40).
The competitionbetweenphysiciansand cunningfolkis broughtto the
forein thisstory,as are the conflicting
notionsof the abilitiesof cunning
folk.The sharp competitionbetweenphysiciansand the cunning folk
could-and oftendid-lead to a formalaccusationof breakingthe kvaksalverlawwitha subsequentcourtcase, as the physicianalludes to in the
secondpartof thestory.Certainly,
on
manycunningfolkfoundthemselves
the wrong side of the law, and local physiciansand apothecaries frequentlypursuedthesecasesto theirfullestextent.Despiteconviction,
many
more discunningfolkwould returnto theirpractice-oftenin a slightly
creteform-soonafterpayingtheirfinesor servingtheirsentence.Stories
suchas theprecedingcould be used thenas a meansforstealingcustomers
froma physicianor,aftera conviction,reclaiminglostcustomers.
it is not clear thatthe legal proceedingsbroughtagainst
Interestingly,
thecunningfolkhad theeffectintendedbythephysicians
or apothecaries.
Whiletrialand punishmentforwitchcraft
had
the
intendedeffectalways
trialand
namelythe eliminationof a witchfromthe local community-the
for
the
kvaksalver
law
did
not
have
as
clear
a result.
punishment breaking
For example, the competitionbetweenKarenJensen,the "klogekone i
Stenlose" [the cunningwoman in Stenlose],and the local physicianwas
apparentlyintense,and since she was among the mostpopular cunning
folkon Zealand, local newspapersconsideredthe physician'slegal proor witchhunt(Rorbye1976:21).36Frida
ceedingsagainsther a "forfolgelse"
anothercunningwoman,mentionedthat"I sometimes
Hansen-Borsholt,
thinkthatit is probablygood forme withthoselawsuits,itsgood forone
to feelthe powerof one's superiors,thenone takesbettercare.And then
it is also a reallygood advertisement[reklame]forone," clearlyalluding
to thepositiveelementwithsuch courtproceedings,namelythe abilityto
get her name out to a widerpotentialcustomerbase (Rorbye1976: 87).37
Indeed, her use of the word "reklame"speaks to a veryclear understandingof the need for publicity--even
negativepublicity-todevelop
greatermarketshare.
Not all storiesthattellabout the abilitiesor faultsof a cunningperson
necessarilycame fromthe person's patientsor detractors.Cunningfolk
themselvesor,since cunningfolkoftenpassed theirpracticeson to their
relatives,close familymembersalso told storiesof theirown prowess.A
close relative,such as a son or nephew,wouldhavehad a vestedeconomic
stakein tellingsuch legends,as in the case ofJergenMadsen fromGrejs:
Peder Sillesthovedwas mymaternaluncle. One timewhen I was
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
295
downat hishouse,an eighteenyearold boycame ridingup and gave
him a fivecrownnote,because he had cured him,and he said, 'We
could have sent it, but my mother thoughtthat you should see
me." Now he was completely
butwhenhe had come thefirst
healthy,
time,he had pox all over his face, and his motherhad spent 200
crownson doctors.Peder Sillesthovedsaid to himwhenhe came, "If
the adviceI giveyou doesn'thelp withineightdays,itwon'thelp for
you to come to me again" (Kristensen1936: 119).
Here, Madsen uses the storyto both emphasize his connection to
Sillesthoved,to laud the remarkableabilitiesof his uncle (and his reasonableprices),and to challengethecurativeabilities(and theextortionate
prices) of the local physician.Addressingthe presentationof selfin stoErvingGoffman(1959: 242) suggeststhat"whenan individual
rytelling,
before
and unwittingly
others,he knowingly
appears
projectsa definition
of the situation,of whicha conceptionof himselfis an importantpart."
While such a presentationof self may be part of a storytelling
tactic
to
increase
the
and
in
of
the
self
the
comdesigned
prestige
importance
it
also
into
the
market
of
folk.
In
concerns
the
munity, may
cunning
play
case of "MarenHaaning,"a familyoffolkhealersin northernJutland,for
example,it is clear thatthe familydeployed storiesas partof theireverdevelopingreputationas extraordinarily
adept cunningpeople (Rorbye
1976: 104-9).
It seems likelythatcunningfolkhave alwaysbeen deeplyengaged in
marketbehavioras a meansforexpandingtheirmarketshare.In the seventeenthcentury,
thecunningfolkrepresentedtheonlyaccessto medical
servicesforlargesegmentsof thepopulationand, accordingly,
competition
forpatientsexistedprimarily
betweencunningfolk.A reputationas a cunning person was not onlyusefulforattractingcustomersbut it was also
helpfulforkeepingout of court,sincesuch a reputationcould be used to
deflatea burgeoningreputationforwitchcraft.
By the end of the eighteenthcentury,however,cunningfolkseemed more and more likelyto
healersamong theirsupporters,
develop reputationsas both--competent
and frightening
witchesamongtheirdetractors.
The marketforhealerswas
also no longeras simpleas it once had been, since the practicesof physicians and apothecaries were less and less concentratedexclusivelyin
large population centers.Accordingly,
competitionfor patientswas no
limited
to
that
between
longer
cunningfolkbut now also included these
twogroups.Furthermore,
thesetwogroupsbegan developingconsiderable
and
started
to advocateforrestrictive
politicalpower
legal ordinancesthat
the
in
could tip
competitivebalance theirfavor.While the cunningfolk
could stillrelyon theirreputationsto attractpatients,the reputation
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296
WESTERN FOLKLORE
wouldno longerkeep themout of court.In factit could do just theoppositesincehavinga reputationas a cunningpersoncould bringone to the
attentionof the local physicianor apothecarywho could, in turn,filea
complaintforquackery.
Witchesand cunningfolkare an interesting
pair.Johansennotesthat,
"The situationin Denmarkwas similarto thatof England,where 'generallyspeaking,the cunningfolkand the maleficentwitcheswerebelieved
to be twoseparatespecies"(Johansen1995: 196). But thisdoes not tellthe
whole story--while
theywere twodifferent
species,theywere stillclosely
related,at leastin narrativeand folkbelief.Indeed, in manystories-and
in many court cases-the dividingline separatingthe two species was
one determinedbythe narrator.The motivationsforsuch narrativedistinction-speciousor not-were closelylinked to economic behavior,as
witchesand cunningfolkalikewere closelylinkedto the economic wellbeing of communities.While cunningfolkweregenerallyconsideredan
economic asset,protectingas theydid both the healthof people and animals,witcheswereconsideredto be an economicliability.
Duringthe seventeenthcentury,the corporealpunishmentthatfollowedthe successful
rolein narrative
tradesignationof someone as a witchplayeda significant
dition.Accusationsofwitchcraft
could be tactically
deployedas a movein
at
directed
a
individual.
Those who
escalatingantagonisms
particular
did not have thebackingof thecommunity
had
lost
that
(or
backing)and
had throughrepeated narrativesalvos developed the reputationof a
witchcould findthemselvesfacingexecution.Those who did have the
itappearsthatmostcunningfolkhad such
backingof thecommunity--and
stave
off
potentialnarrativethreatsto theirlivelihood
support--could
(and life) bymobilizingtheircustomers,and therebyavoid developinga
reputationas a witch.In theworstcase wherethe cunningwomanfound
herselfin court,she could use her reputationas a cunningwomanto mitigatethesentence.Bythenineteenthcentury,
callingsomeone a '"witch"withthe appellation'sdiminishedpotentialto bringharm-seems to have
become more closelylinked to the marketforcunningfolk.A cunning
man or womanwhoseabilitieswereconsideredto be deficient-perhaps
by
a competitor(includingphysicians),
or bya competitor's
or percustomer,
haps bya dissatisfied
quite easilyfindthemselveslabeled
customer--could
a '"witch"
in local narrativetradition.
Whilethislabel could no longerprecipitatesuchdrasticconsequencesas banishmentor execution,itcould sigaffectthe cunning person's abilityto attractnew customers.
nificantly
Cunning folkwere apparentlyquite adept at keeping their names
clean duringthe timeof thewitchcraft
trials,perhapsbecause theyspent
considerableeffortin deflectingnarrativeassaults.Their nineteenthcen-
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
297
in contrast,seem to have been less successfulin keepturycounterparts,
of thelabel witch,perhapsbecause,in theabsence of
their
names
free
ing
severe punishment,people were more inclined to make such accusations.What certainlyobtains in both of these historicalperiods is the
importantrole thatnarrativetraditionplaysin theascriptionof thislabel
to an individual.Alreadyin the seventeenthcentury,the answerto the
question,"How do you knowshe's a witch?"is not,"She turnedme intoa
but
newt,"or some other example of physicallyverifiablemaleficium,
rather,"Because I sayso."
Los Angeles
University
ofCalifornia,
Notes
1 In
the legendworld,villagersare, of course,subjectto constantthreatsfromthe
supernatural(trolls,elves,ghosts,Satan, etc.), the natural (weather,disease,
etc.) and the social (robbers,beggars,Gypsies,etc.). The question, "How do
you knowshe's a witch?",comes fromthe comical film,MontyPythonand the
HolyGrail(Gillian and Jones: 1975). I would like to thankLone Ree Milkaer,
Trine Ravn, Caroline Mi-AeBaek, BirgitDyrsting,Helle PreussJustesenand
Nina Wittendorff,
all graduate studentsat the Center for Folklore at the
Universityof Copenhagen, as well as ArchivistDr. GustavHenningsen from
Danskfolkemindesamling
fortheirhelpfulsuggestions.
2 I use the femininenominativepronoun "she" here as mostwitchesattestedin
the traditionare female. There are, however,attestationsof men accused of
witchcraft
and, while the Danish word "heks"impliesa woman,some legends
do use the termin referenceto a man. See also Henningsen 1995: 126. The
term "heks"was not actuallyused in Danish law until the end of the seventeenthcentury;untilthen,thewordstrolddom,
troldkvinde
and troldmand
troldfolk,
were used (Johansen 1991: 14). However,with the Danish law of 1683, a
cleardistinction
was made betweenthe category"heks,"designatingpeople who
had made a pact withthe Devil. Articleten of the law reads, "Befindisnogen
Troldmand eller Troldqvindeat have forsoretGud och sin hellige Daab och
Christendom,og hengivetsig til Dievelen, den bor levendis at kastispaa
ilden og opbraendis"[Ifit is foundthata troldmand
or a troldqvinde
has forsworn
God and his holy baptismand Christianity,
and given him or herselfto the
Devil,thentheyare to be thrownliveon to the fireand burnedup] (ohansen
1991: 24). The categoryof troldfolk
was used in articleelevenof the law,in contrastto designate people who, withoutbeing in league withthe Devil, used
magic to hurtothers;theyweresubjectto a sentenceof hard labor forthe rest
of the law
of theirlives.In articletwelveof the same law,whichwas a reiteration
of 1617, the punishment for people who "befindismed Segnen, Manen,
Maalen, Igienvisning"[employblessing,conjuring,measuring,showingagain]
or,in otherwords,cunningfolk,was confiscationof theirpossessionsand banishmentfromthe kingdom (Johansen1991: 24).
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298
WESTERN FOLKLORE
trialsin Denmarkprovidesthe
3JensChr.Johansen's(1991) studyofwitchcraft
mostcompletepictureof both conceptionsof and lawsconcerningwitchcraft
in seventeenthcenturyDenmark.Accordingly,I relyon it heavilyin the first
section of this article. Similarly,BirgitteRorbye's (1976) compendium of
materialconcerningcunningfolkcollectsa wealthof primarilybiographical
information
froma broad arrayof sources;consequently,
I relyon it heavilyin
the second section of thisarticle.
4 Followingthe precedent of the Kalundborgskerecesse from1576, the most
common punishmentforthosefoundguiltyofwitchcraft
in Denmarkwas execution by burning (Johansen 1991: 24), although this punishmentwas not
explicitlyprescribedin Danish law until1683.Jacobsen (1966: 174) notes that
none of the earlierlawsspecifiedwhichformof executionwas to be used. See,
forexample, the statuteof the twelfthof October, 1617.
While
5
according to law,a trialcould have proceeded withevidence of a pact
withthe devil,actual cases thatconcern exclusively
such Satanic allegianceare
few
in
number
and
that
the
courts-and
the general pubremarkably
suggest
lic who broughtthe accusationsto courtin the firstplace-were primarily
concerned withdeliberatelyharmfulacts (Johansen1991: 25).
6 The first
meant thatthe accusationhad to be
categoryof disallowedtestimony
based on the testimonyof impartialwitnesses.
state of legend
7 Here, rumor is taken to be a hyper-activetransmissionary
(Taugherlini1994: 17).
8 Numerousscholarshave distinguishedbetweenlarge and smallwitchhunts
or
othersimilargroupings(Midelfort1972; Monter1976; Henningsen 1980). As
Henningsen (1980) notes,itwas in the individualcases (or smallwitchhunts)
thata charge of maleficium
was important,a charge thathad farlesserimportance in the "large"witchhunts.
9 As Johansen (1991: 35) notes, the church did not focus its propaganda on
harmfultrolddom
but ratheron the cunningfolk;nevertheless,
theirinterestin
witchcraft
and itsimplicationsforthe churchdid lay the groundworkforthe
witchcraft
trials.
1'Johansenprovidesa clear descriptionof the standardpracticefromaccusation
to executionforJutland;
thissame procedureobtainedforthe restof Denmark
withonlysmallmodifications(Johansen1991: 26-30). All cases in whicha person was found guiltyon the local level (birke-,
herredsor byting)
were autowhosejudges tended to be more concerned
maticallyappealed to the landsting,
withthe technicalaspectsof the law thanwas alwaysthe case at the local level
(Johansen 1991: 26-30). Tornso also provides an appendix in which legal
trialsis laid out in brief(1986: 166).
procedure concerningwitchcraft
the
of
law
1617
was
partof a seriesof threelawsthatwere approved
1 Ironically,
in October,1617 as partof the centenarycelebrationsof Lutherpostingthe 95
theseson the door of the cathedralin Wittenbergand, as such,wereintended
to express the strongrelationshipbetween the secular authoritiesand the
Lutheran church (Tamm 1990: 100).
12TornsO (1986: 162-3) provides
excerptsof the relevantlawsconcerningwitchcraftin Denmark.
isLegal theoristsgenerallypropose that"foundlaw" (common law) is farmore
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
299
efficientthan "made law" (statutorylaw) (Posner 1981).
Danish law concerning the punishment of people who
practicedcunning artswithmalicious intentwas not changed until 1866. As
wellinto the nineteenthcensuch,itwas possibleto be punishedformaleficium
tury(Johansen1991: 25).
15As MereteBirkelund
nevercame frompeopointsout,accusationsofwitchcraft
ple who did not knowthe accused (Birkelund1983: 42).
16Garrettdescribes one such tit-for-tat
situation,withan escalatinganimosity
between two familiesin the village of Anjeux in France in 1628 (Garrett
1977: 62-3).
17See also Grell 1995: 11.
18Throughout thispaper, I use the term"tactic"in the sense proposed by de
Certeau (1984: xix).
19Johansen listsa total of thirty-six
cunningfolk,out of a totalof 463 persons,
who were accused of witchcraftin Jutland in the period from 1609-1687
(Johansen1991: 88). Tornso discussestwo interestingcases of cunning folk
accused ofwitchcraft,
namelyAnne Nisdatter(Tornso 1986: 101-4)and the surcase
Hansen
Ruskwho, besides being a cunningman,was also
prising
ofJens
a minister(Tornso 1986: 11-6 and 125-6). For a discussionof a similarphenomenon in England of only small numbers of cunning folk accused of
see Macfarlane (1970: 127f).
witchcraft,
20 This ambivalenceis not
unique to the Danish situationand has been noted by
numerousotherscholars (D6m6t6r 1978/1980: 183; Garrett1977: 56-7;Macfarlane 1970; Krist6f1991/1992). Henningsen notes thatthisis a functional
part of contemporaryDanish folkbelief as well (Henningsen 1995: 130-1).
21
thisambivalencehas been a characteristicof the cunningfolkin
Apparently,
folkbeliefthroughhistory;Henningsen,in a discussionof "Kloge Christen,"
a cunning person fromthe earlynineteenthcentury,mentionsthat,"Kloge
Christenvar bade elsketog frygtet
af sogneboerne,forhan kunne ikke blot
hjaelpe,men ogsAgore ondt" [Wise Christenwas both loved and fearedbythe
community,since he could not only help but he could also do evil] (Henningsen 1978: 76).
22The prosecutionofwitchesstartedto wane
dramatically
by the end of the seventeenth century.The last witch burning appears to have taken place in
1722 (Henningsen1975: 106-110)and the lastmurderof a witchin 1800 (Henof Danish Law,
ningsen1975: 117). By 1797,ChristianBrorson'sinterpretation
which proposed that the paragraph concerning witchcraftcould not be
eliminatedthe potentialforfuturetrialsof "rettetroldfolk"
applied, effectively
[true witches] (Henningsen 1975: 103). From 1821, most of the cases conwerewhatHenningsenrefersto as "reverse"trials,whereit
cerningwitchcraft
was the accuser-and not the accused-who was on trial since these cases
focused on the witchcraft
accusation as an act of "libel" (Henningsen 1975:
118).
23 In an earlier
article,I slightlyoverstatedthe implicationsof the 1849 constitution for the relationshipbetween the Lutheran church and the Danish
state(Tangherlini1998: 163). Withthe constitution,
the previousrequirement
thatall of the citizensbelong to theKing'schurchwas reversed,so thatnow the
14 Interestingly,
the
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300
WESTERN FOLKLORE
King was required to belong to the people's church. Furthermore,the constitutionallowed forreligiousfreedom,and representeda legislativediminution of the role of the Lutheran churchin the Danish state.
24Amusingly,among the many people charged withwitchcraftin the nineteenthcenturyaccounts,one findsa surprisingpreponderance of ministers'
wives.See Kristensen1892-1901(1980), vol. 6.
25 Part of the motivationforinstituting
the law lay in the increasingspread of
venereal diseases whichmedical authoritiesblamed in large part on the ineffectivecures of the cunningfolk(Rorbye1976: 206). Sixtyor so yearslater,in
1854, the punishmentforbreakingthe law was reduced considerably(Rorbye
1976: 216).
26
as
Myown fieldwork
among shamansin Korea supportsthe use of storytelling
partof the marketbehaviorof competingcunningfolkand theircustomersin
rural communities.
27WalterGoldschmidtsuggeststhat,"the
general conceptualapparatusof game
theoryis useful...asa mode of determiningwhat the values actuallyare in a
thatthe ethnographer
findsto be reggivensociety.Byexaminingthe strategies
ularlyemployed,he can determinewherethepayoffis,and whatthevaluesare"
(Goldschmidt1969: 73). See also Hamburger 1979.
28 It is unclearwhen Ane was born
althoughshe died in 1901. She lived in Kulhuset near
in Northern Zealand, and was never convicted for
Jaegersprislaw
breakingthe kvaksalver
(Rorbye1976: 17).
29The '"Vindbleskone" is anothername forMaren
Haaning which,in turn,was
the name of severalwomen in the family,coveringseveralgenerations.The
familylived in Vindbles near Logstor in NorthernJutland.The storyhere
could referto any of the three cunning folkwho went by the name "Maren
HaanHaaning" or 'Vindbles konen,"namelyMaren KirstineChristensdatter
ing (1782-1853), Maren JensdatterHaaning (1820-1895) or Karen Marie
(Maren) Rasmussen Haaning (1849-1914). Given the informant,Kirsten
Marie Pedersdatter'sage when she told the story,she seems to be referingto
MarenJensdatter
on Vindbles konen,see RorHaaning. For more information
bye 1976: 104-9.
30VilhelmJohnsendied around 1880 afterlivingalone in Faksemosein northern Zealand. He was never convictedof breakingthe kvaksalver
law (Rorbye
1976: 15).
31 Kirsten
Bojsen was born in 1857 and died in 1927. She lived near Slangerup
westof Copenhagen and was convictedof breakingthe kvaksalver
law (Rorbye
1976: 21).
32Ane Sorensen,fromReerslevin westernZealand, was born in 1812 and died
in 1885. She was neverconvictedof breakingthe kvaksalver
law (Rorbye1976:
28).
Mikkelsenwas born in 1835 and died in 1910. He workedas a cotter,smithand
butcherin Egtvedin easternJutland,and was neverconvictedof breakingthe
kvaksalver
law (Rorbye1976: 125).
34 Ironically,it mayalso indicate thatthe Lutheran church'spositionsconcerning the satanicnatureof thecunningfolkhad finallybecome an expressedpart
of folkbelief.It mayalso be evidenceof a complexio
whereLutheran
oppositorum,
S
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HOW DO YOU KNOW SHE'S A WITCH?
301
beliefand folkbeliefare reconciled despite a seeming contradiction(Pleijel
1970).
5 This percentageis based on the storiesof cunningfolkprintedin Kristensen
1892-1901(1980)and 1936. For a discussionof positiveresolutionin legend,see
Tangherlini1994: 126.
36 Karen
Jensenwas born in 1827 and died some time after1927. She lived in
Stenlose,westof Copenhagen,and was convictedof breakingthe kvaksalerlaw
(Rorbye1976: 21).
7 Frida Hansen-Borsholtwas born in approximately1895 and died some time
after1955. She owned the farm"Lykkebo"in Tolne, in northernJutland,and
was convictednot onlyof breakingthe kvaksalver
law,but also of illegallyselling and distributingmedicine (a breach of the apothecary law) (Rorbye
1976: 86).
38 Peder Sillesthovedis the fatherof
Soren PedersenSillesthoved,a famouscunning man who livedin Give in easternJutland(1814-1893). It is also possible,
here to Soren himselfwho
perhapseven likely,thatJorgenMadsen is referring
was well knownforhis competitionwiththe nearestdoctor,C. L. Boye (18231880), fromJelling.In a seriesof storiescollected fromP.JohnsenPedersen,
forexample, Soren Silleshovedis also referredto as Pejer Sillesthoved(Kristensen 1936: 120-1).
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