JOURNAL
OF
MAN
VOL.4 no. 1
winter
1972
LAMBDA
ALPHA
JOURNAL
OF
MAN,
~
Volume
4
number
1 -. winter
THE LAMBDA ALPHA JOURNAL QE MA[ IS PUBLISHED SEMIANNUALLY BY THE LAMBDA ALPHA ANTHROPOLOGY HONORS SOCIETY
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ADAPTATION TO COMPLEXITY I
OF ETHNICITY
THE RENAISSANCE
A GRAPHIC MODEL OF THE ASPECTS
FOR APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY
Sue Taylor
Nancy Shelor
Margaret Abdelnour
OF CULTURE
The papers appearing in this issue were judged to
be among the best submitted in the student paper competition
of the Central states Anthropological
Society
in 1972.
DAVID HARTMAN is a doctoral candidate
Universi ty.
research
He is pr~sently
at Wayne State
engaged in urban anthropology
in Detroit, Michigan.
MAUREEN JENK~NS i. a ~aduate
at University
of Illinois--Circle
student .in anthropology
Campus. Chicago.
SUE TAYLOR. NANCY SHELOR and 'MARGARET AaDELNOUR
.
.
,
are
ADAPTATION TO COMPLEXITY:
THE RENAISSANCE OF ETHNICITyl
David W. Hartman
My purpose in this article is to review some of the definitions of ethnicity, which are currently being used in the
social sciences, and to indicate a general theoretical
framework for the und~rsts:nding of ethnicity in the contemporary United States.
ethnicity
It is assumed that a renaissance
is occurring in the United States today.
however, not demonstratable
This is,
at the present time and will be
the sUbject of later research.2
Theoretically,
I believe
that ethnicity remains as one of the most available
mechanisms available to alienated
society.
of
coping
groups in our complex
Thus ethnicity is viewed, in this paper, as a form
of adaptation
rather than as a social pathology.
I believe that many definitions
which have been used
to describe ethnicity may not be fully adequate for complex
societal situations.
They fail for a variety of reasons,
but are primarily weak because they lack flexibility,
are
many times etic in origin, and generally stress the importance of the group rath~r than the importance of ethnicity.
Mil ton Gordon has defined an ethnic group as
·any group which is defined or set off by race,
religion, or national origin, or some combination
of these categories·
(1964:27).
He uses the phrase
·sense of peoplehood·
(1964:23-24) but seemingly prefers
to accept that this ·sense" can only be conferred
by race, religion, or national origin.
On the other hand, Lester Singer (1962) and Raoul
Narroll (1964) have lent more breadth to their
definitions.
Taken together the definition proposed
by the above authors is composed of four interrelated
criteria.
1)
A shared pattern of beliefs, behavior
patterns, cultural values, etc.
the group's own distinctiveness
reflected in a ·we" feeling.
up a field of oommunication
2)
An awareness of
which is partially
3)
A group which makes
4) The
and interaction.
te'ndency to maintain generational
continuity
by
marriage within'the group_
Fredrik Barth, however, argues that -such a
formulation prevents us from understanding
phenomenon
the
of ethnic groups and their place in human
society and oulture(1969:11).·
He believes that
the importance of the ethnic group, to the social
scientist, should be in the analysis of the prooess
of recruitment,
maintenance,
in the description
and growth; not purely
of a static entity.
Barth speaks of ·cultural differentiae·
Although
(1969:38)
his primary emphasis is upon the group rather than
th81deology .-
There are, nowever. two levels at which we oan
me that -there are two kinds of people in this world;
those that are Indian and those that want to be Indian.Given the context of this discussion
the only possible
referent that he had in mind was the Indian ideology
and not a group phenomenon.
Here I suggest that the ideology is as important
and perhaps more important than the construct of the
group.
The question that becomes important is whether
the maintenance
of the group is the important variable
or is it rather the establishment
of the individual's
and/or maintenance
own self-concept.
I belieye that
the self is most 1mportant and that self-concept
will hinge on-the individual's
in relation
ethnicity
perception
to the larger soc1ety.
of himself
It may be true that
for its own sake may be disfunct10nal
when used for solving the individual's
but
dissonance
and/or other problems it may be a highly adaptive
kind of coping mechanism •
.Thus, let us view ethnicity as an adaptiye
strategy
which 1) allows the disenfranchised
to reestablish
and/or maintain their self-concept;
2) may be a
highly effective mechanism
for establishing
and main-
taining economic and/or social status; and 3) may
be used as the basis for gaining a greater share of
tbe exp~c~t~g__r~~:l"c:l~ c.>f a society.
I am nominally concerned with the external
identification
of the individual as an ethnic.
My
primary concern is how the individual uses his
·perceived ethnicity· to manipulate his relationships
with himself and his exogenous world.
only when external identification
Thus, it is
becomes a significant
factor in the social relations of the individual that
ethnicity becomes a -real- phenomenon.
Further, in
terms of this paper, I can not be concerned with those
who live in what might be called a -two-ethnic· world.
It also appears to me that in a highly complex
society, such as our own, we may be experiencing
a
real change in what an ethnic group is and why it
is important.
I suggest th&t for many ethnicity
based upon achievement
whereas traditionally
grounded in ascription.
Hypothetically,
Italian really ethnically
is
it was
is an
Italian if he doesn1t eat
lasagna, doesn1t speak Italian, doesn1t associate with
other Italians, etc.?
an-individual
American
Of course he isn1t:·But
of Irish descent be ethnically Native
if he eats corn soup, dances at Pow-wows,
associates
with Native Americans,
by them as being Indian?
and is accepted
I suggest that he can be:
Why this new conception
necessary
can
of achieved ethnicity
may be a very important question.
is
I think
that It does become important because we have been
tied too long to the ideas of Anglo-conformity,
melting pots, and even cultural pluralism.
Instead
of talking about where other social scientists draw
boundaries let us approach the group and watch where
they draw the boundaries.
I do not suggest that this
has not been done, but I do suggest that for many
of us it has not been a reality.
Who is included,
and who is not included, might well not fit our
preconceptions.
The idea of achievement and the use of ethnicit7
as an adaptive mechanism is oonsistent with many
variables which are visible in our society.
us look briefly at some of them.
Let
An axiom of American
society has long been the pers~stent demand for selfdetermination
self-identity.
determination
and, in a deeper sense, the need for
It is this same demand for selfand self-identity
which has been insti-
tuted in the 1960's as the major goal of some minority
interests in the United States.
these struggles have increasingly
Participants
in
searched for their
historical roots with their eyes constantly
on the
future; a future designed and defined by a sense of
worth, self-determination
and self-identity.
With the loss of extended family networks,
stress
upon the nuclear family, generation gaps, urbanization,
bureaucratization,
and rapid change, there is a need
to reestablish networks which allows one to move back
in touch with his fellowman.
This is probably as vital
for the middle class businessman as it is for the Chicano
student.
Different pressures may be exerted on
each, but with the same result:
of deprivation
a sense of some form
which may not simply be resolved by
oneself.
Richard Flacks has indicated that because of the
erosion of the family unit (particularly in the
middle class) there is a great deal of confusion
which has been labeled by social scientists as .
pathological.
However, Flacks asserts that -when
parents raise their children in a manner that cause ••
them to have significant problems of adjustment,
anything, this is a healthy circumstance-
if
(1911:23).
He continues by arguing -that the basic source of
socially patterned maladjustment
is a culture that
no longer enables a person to find coherent meaning
in life- (1911:23).
It is also true that those
soci.ties where institutions
are not provided to
aid the individual in adapting and developing
self-concept
individuals.
his
will, in the same way, produce maladjusted
It is for precisely this reason that
I suggest that ethnicity, which many perceive as a
maladjustment,
may be a readily available mechanism
with which one can cope and adjust to stress.
If
each individual found it necessary to face the
developm.ntandmaintenance
ot a salt-concept
by
himself, each would experience an increased level of
confusion and anxiety.
However, if continuity can
be provided from some source, in terms of ideology,
this confusion and anxiety can be minimized.
Man's search for self-determination
and a sense
of identity may, I conclude, objectively
an ethnic experience.
be10ngingness
be found in
It is within this ideological
that he can
assert himself as -somebody.-
Daniel Adelson (1971) has suggested that in times
of vast social change and crisis cultural pluralism
is both a boat and an anchor.
In other words, ethnicity
may become that vehicle which carries one over -Jordanand becomes an anchor to hold one there when one gets
over.
Few will deny the numerous and sometimes insurmountable problems which come as the result of rapid
social and technological
change.
However,
it is one
thing to know that they exist and another to understand
the process of how individuals adjust to increasing
stress complexity.
It is suggested here that the
perceived quality of accomplishment,
and self-determination
group experience
worthwhileness,
which may result from an ethnic
is one of the ways by which man is
able to cope with displacement.
To explain, however,
.how man adapts one must go further •
.Assuming that th~ adoption of ethnic identity is
both a response and a means of adaptation
to increasing
complexity,
a cross-disciplinary
approach may be
most useful in explaining the process.
the theories of relative deprivation
In particular,
so aptly used by
(1966) and Lewis Coser (1967), the
David Aberle
theory of cognitive dissonance
by social psychologist
Leon Festinger ·(1958), the idea of the ceremonial
fund4 as suggested by Eric Wolf (1966), and what I
have chosen to call the "band wagon" effect, which
is essentially
a sociological
to be of value as explanatory
phenomenon, all appear
devices.
Aberle has defined relative deprivation as "a
negative discrepancy
and expectation,
and anticipated
between legitimate actuality
or between legitimate
actuality,_or
expectation
both" (1966:323). This
notion of relative deprivation
has been fruitfully
employed to explain social movements by Aberle
(1966), Coser (1967), and others.
concept of relative deprivation
when combined with Festinger1s
dissonance.
However, the
may be more useful
notion of cognitive
Festinger postulates
that when an indivi-
dual is induced to engage in behavior that is inconsistent with his beliefs or attitudes,
the discomfort
of cognitive dissonance.
he will experience
He continues
by saying that "the reality which impinges on a person
wlll exert pressuree
appropriate
in the direotion of bringing the
cognitive elements into correspondenoe
with reality·
(1958:11).
This is not to say that relat1ve deprivation
cognitive dissonance are the same phe~omena.
mayor
may not be.
Relative deprevation
a form of cognitive dissonance.
and
They
is simply
It involves the relative
worth of an indiv1dual or group in relation to a point
in their reference field.
Cognitive dissonance,
on
the other hand, may not involve a sense or worth.
Instead the discrepancy
may be between how one is
behaving or believing and what one believes is expected
or commanded of him to do or believe.
It is the erfects and the absolution
vation or dissonance,
concerned.
guidance.
of the depri-
however, with which we are primarily
It is here that Festinger offers consistent
He hypothesizes
that:
1.
The existence of dissonance, being psychologically uncomrortable, will motivate the person
to try to reduce the dissonance and achieve
consonance.
2.
When dissonance is present, in add1t1on to
try1ng to reduce it, the person w1ll actively
avo1d s1tuations and information which w1ll
likely increase the dissonance (1958=3).
According to Fest1nger
there are essentially
ways or reducing this dissonance.
a behavioral cognitive
an environmental
element; 2)
1)
three
The change of
The change or
cognitive element; and 3) The addition
of new cognitive elements.
environDieiit~,h:fsbehavior,
elements the individual
By then changing his
or by adding new cognitive
is able to either bring about
the expected or alter his perception
of the exogenous
factors, until he is in consonanoe and, of course, no
longer relatively
deprived or in a state of cognitive
dissonance.
During periods in which sooieties experienoe
growth in their social and technological
disinherited
may find a peroeived
rapid
fields the
discrepancy
between
what they believe they are getting and what in actuality
they expeot to receive.
This descrepancy
between the
observed and the expected must then be dealt with
,
and explained in terms of factors exogenous
to the
individual.
In light of Festinger's
theory, let us look at
one example which may help to explain the adoption
of ethnicity as an adaptive device.
It was related to me by two Native American
informants that when they
first moved to an urban
,
area they were told by relatives
find Italian friends.
that they should
The rational was that Italians
had made it, we haven't, and if we can be mistaken
for an Italian so much the better.
In effect .e
have an example here of the reduction
of dissonance
by denying ethnicity,
or in Festinger's
changing a behavioral
cognitive
element.
the case of'·both of' thee. informants
was not reduced.
terms by
However,
the di880nancy
They had moved into an inner-city
in
neighborhood
occupied primarily by Southern whites and
blacks, they were separated from Italians by many
miles and ecological barriers, and they were identified, by Whites, as Indians upon their arrival.
However, in both cases, ethnicity continued to be denied
in an effort to become socially mobile and to gain a
share of the -riches· which the new urban environment
had promised them.
Today, however, both are members
of Native American organizations
ethnically
which are actively
oriented.
I suggest that in the above situation it is evident
that the dissonance engendered by attempting
to melt
into the wider society, and being refused admittance;
the promises that the urban environment
had induced
in the individual which were not fulfilled; the per~
ception of discrimination;
and perception
of relative
wealth in the surrounding environment was, in this
ease, solved in three ways.
First, by avoidance
perhaps identity threatening
situations;
of
second, by
a change in behavior; and third, by the addition of
new cognitive elements.
was 1)
What actually did happen
a withdrawal from social interaction which
appeared to be threatening
2)
a return to the pow-wow
circuit, relearning or native language, and relearning
of Indian eraftmaking; and 3)
qU8s1-mythmaklng
the form o~ a belief in the independent
in
origin of the
American
Indian, stylish rhetoric, and a profound
disrespect
for whites and the system they represent.
One way of changing the behavioral element and
confronting
the environment
reify social relationships
is to re-establish
and/or ideology.
or
Ethni-
city may of course provide this mechanism.
This is
quite analogous to Wolf's concept of the ceremonial
fund which serves quite the same purpose.
Wolf states
that "they (peasants) must also join with their fellow
men in keeping order, in ensuring the rudimentary
acceptance
of certain rules of conduct so as to render
life predictable
and livable •••social relations are
never completely utilitarian and instrumental.
Each
is always surrounded with symbolic constructions
which
serve to explain, justify, and to regUlate it (1966:7).·
Given the stress with which the individual must cope,
ethnicity as an ideology or as a group phenomenon
may serve the purpose of establishing
relationships
which have the dual function of offering individual
stability and providing the basis for solidification
and even economic and political power.
The asymmetrical
structural relationship
which
exists for peasants is also present in American
society for most of the lower and middle classes.
This intensifies and magnifies the functional basis
for the maintenance
of this ·ceremonial fund.-
drawing on the fund of similar background,
By
religion,
etc. the individual
reinforced
is socially and psychologically
in such a manner as to allow for his func-
tional adaptation,
asymmetrical
even though the afore-mentioned
relationships
exist.
As Wolf points out,
the amount of effort and the size of the ceremonial
fund will depend on tradition and the perceived needs
and abilities· of the individual.
In the same way,
ethnicity may vary in its intensity and form.
It would certainly be rational, as well as productive for the individual who is in an uncertain
social,
political, or economic position to establish the kinds
of social networks which would provide tor him in
times ot emergency.
This position, however, may dras-
tically change as the individual sees himself as achieving his goals of social and/or economic mobility.
The
severing of ethnic ties at this stage has been .ell
documented by Nagler
(1970), as well as others, in
his study of Indians in Toronto, Canada.
This brings me to the last point which I wish to
consider.
That is the effect of mass ethnic movements
on other ethnics.
Since the 1960s race relations bas
largely revolved around the relationships
blacks and whites.
between
This attention has been important
for two primary reasons.
To many Whites, and members
of various other ethnic groups, the entlr. machinery
of the several governments
within the United States
revolved around "blackness.-
As a result many began
to say -let me have some of this action.-
Thus the
idea of ethnic became real, and in fact profitable,
not only in terms of self-concept
of achieving
but also as a means
social and economic mobility.
Further,
one need not look far to see other alienated groups
seizing and slightly modifying the symbols that were,
and continue to be, successful for Black Americans.
This is what I have chosen to call the -band wagoneffect.
We have been speaking primarily
of those peoples
who are considered to be disadvantaged
States.
in the United
However, it is apparent that in much of the
middle class there may also be a redefinition
an individual
of what
is in relation to his .co-system.
Recently, while speaking to several upper-middle
class
Armenians and Italians it was pointed out to me that
they perceive of a return to tradition among many of
their people.
As this return was being evidenced among
both the religious and the non-religious
and among
those with weak family ties as well as strong family
ties, I began to question.
Their reasoning,
they perceive as a renaissance
for what
of ethnicity ~ong
their
own people, is the need for stability, the need for
commonality
against the impersonal work situation,
and a consclous desire not to be left behind by others
whom they see as being ~
ethnic than they.
This "band wagon" effect may have several important consequences.
First, it provides the mechanism
for the alienated to achieve a form of self-determination and a viable self-concept.
Second, it provides
the basis for a wider movement which may begin to
integrate the several ethnic groups into the political
and economic mainstream, while maintaining their
culturally pluralistic traditions.
Sahlins and Service write that adaptation is -the
securing and conserving oontrol over the environment,
(and) is the orienting process of the specifio evolution
of both life and culture- (1960:45).
Essentially,
this is what I have suggested ethnicity is doing in
our contemporary society.
I have further suggested
that the result of alienation, etc. is relative
deprivation and/or cognitive dissonance which must
be resolved by reducing the dissonance and the deprivation.
It is suggested that Wolf's concept of the
ceremonial fund might very well be analogous in
function to ethnicity as a mechanism which can be used
to accomplish this goal.
Finally, it has been suggested
that the success that one group has had, because of
a resurgence of ethnicity on their own part, has
·slgnalTida8b8.nd
wagon- efrect on other peoples who
heretofore had not considered themselves to be ethnic
or had not used it as a positive mechanism with which
to cope with their environment.
As to why ethnicity.
as the chosen mechanism, I can only suggest that it
is 1)
a readily available adaptation device; 2)
it is
independent of relative
economic and political success;
.,
3),
symbols and models which have been relatively
successful are available; and 4) ethnicity is a
familiar model with which people, can identify.
1.
This article is a revised version of a paper
d~livered at the symposium ·Perspectives on the
Effects of Complexity II:
States Anthropological
Urbanization,·
Central
Society, Cleyeland, Ohio:
April 26-29, 1972.
2.
It is a continuing source of internal intellectual
debate for this author as to whether there is in
actuality'an emic ethnic renaissance or if instead
it is only the latent discovery of the social
scientist.
Whichever is the ca.e it will take
additional ~esearch to clarify the point.
3.
This paper is partially based upOn preliminary
fieldwork in an inner-city multi-ethnic community.
Fieldwork will continue for an additional 30
months.
Partial funding for this research has
been obtained from The Ford Foundation and I
thank them for their generous support.
4.
I thank Ted Duncan (Wayne State University) for
the initial idea which stimulated thought concerning
the ceremonial fund.
Aberle, David F.
1966 The peyote religion among the Navaho. New
York: Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological
Research.
Adelson, Daniel
1971 Social crisis, cultural pluralism, and social
science theory and practice. Paper read at the
American Anthropological Association meetings,
New York, New York.
Barth Fredrik
1969 Ethnic groups and boundaries.
Brown and Company.
Boston:
Little,
Coser, Lewis A.
1967 Continuities in the study of social conflicts.
New York: Free Press.
Festinger, Leon
1957 A theory of cognitive dissonance.
Stanford University Press.
Flacks, Richard
1971 Youth and social change.
PUblishing Company.
Gordon
Stanford:
Chicago:
Markham
Milton
1964 Assimilation in American life.
New York:
Oxford University Press.
Nagler, Mark
1970 Indians in the city. Ottawa: Canadian
Research Center for Anthropology, Saint Paul
University.
Narroll, R.
1964 Ethnic unit classification.
pology 5(4):283-312.
Current Anthro-
Sahlins, Marshall D. and Elman R. Service (eds.)
1960 Evolution and culture. Ann Arbor: The
University of Mich.igan Press.
Singer, L.
1962 Ethnogenesis and Negro-Americans
today.
Social
Research-29:419-432.
Wolf, Eric R.
1966 Peasants.
Hall, Inc.
Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:
Prentice-
A GRAPHIC MODEL OF THE ASPECTS OF CULTURE
FOR APPLIED ANTHROPOLOGY
profound transformation of culture in every part of
the world.
The pain of confronting youth cUlture,
women's liberation, and modern art in Western civilization is familiar to the Third World as it encounters
Western rationality, compound interest, and transistors.
This phenomenon extends even to those cultures
which we might like to have remain in idyllic innocence as ·primitive."
This shift is basically a
paradigm shift, brought about over the last fifty
years as changes in technology, settlement, communications, and transportation have transformed the
universe which we experience.
The accomplishment of
a man walking on the moon is, quant~tatively
simply another technological advance.
speaking,
For people
across the world to see their environment from afar
as a small, cloudy planet suspended in nothingness,
however, is a qualitative shift in consciousness.
The moon walk is simply a ratner dramatic example of
the new sense of ourselves as human beings which
pervades the latter part of the twentieth century.
In The Meaning of the Twentieth Century--The Great
Transition, Kenneth Bou1ding (1964:28-9) describes the
se1fconsciousness of the creation of social structures
in our time as that of "post-civilization."
Others,
such as the archaeologist Tei1hard de Chardin (1962),
have called it a "post_human" era, and the time in
which man has "come of age" (Bonhoeffer 1949).
I would
describe this situation as a paradigm shift of radically
extreme dimensions.
Every aspect of our lives is so
discontinuous from that of even two generations before
us that change is almost imperceptible, because it is
so complete.
In this context, all of the sciences,
but particularly the social sciences, are also in transition.
THE SOCIAL TASK
It is anthropology, I would suggest, that is best
equipped to deal in a well-informed way with the base
for the massive cultural re-creation task which faces
our day.
As Malinowski points out in ~
Dynamics
£r
Culture Change, "The field of culture change is one
in which it is impossible to keep aPart the theoretical
and practical issues involved" (1945:6).
There needs
to be a way in which to pull together the diversity
and richness of our understanding of cultural dynamics
in such a way that that wisdom can be brought to bear
upon local problems.
Malinowski notes that
•••in colonial policies we have perhaps the
nearest approach to an experiment, at times
almost a controlled experiment, to be found
in social science ••• (1945:7).
The same could well be said of urban ghetto policy,
restructuring in the schools, Peace Corps and other
foreign aid projects, even of community renewal in the
American suburbs.
In all of these instances, it is
clear that the ever-increasing rapidity of culture change
demands the creation of unprecedented theoretical,
strategic, and tactical models.
A simple way of syste-
matizing anthropological models of culture is needed
to allow those grass-roots people now creating the
direction of culture change to do so in an informed
way.
Of course, colonial and domestic policy will pro-
ceed without such a model, but the cost in human life
and particularly in cultural gifts to civilization
becomes increasingly prohibitive.
An anthropological model for practical usage by
laymen as well as by intellectuals must hold every bit
of the rigor demanded by any anthropological model.
It must be thoroughly elegant, rational, and internally
consistent.
For the layman, who may have but passing
acquaintance with anthropological method, or with reading
for that matter, rationality is the key.
His compre-
hension of a model is not on the basis of his acquaintance with past theory, but on the way the model itself
organizes reality.
Again, in practical operations,
the model must be readily internalized.
As Boulding
points out in The Image (1965), visual rationality is
crucial to comprehending and internalizing complexity.
THE STUDY DESIGN
In the following study I shall present a model of
the cultural processes which offers a way of holding
together anthropological cultural theory into a single
graphic abstract.
The cultural process model is designed
as an analytical filter which illuminates the dynamics
of culture at any level of complexity.
Although this
is a working model at present, it has undergone extensive grounding and revision over the past two years by
the staff of the Ecumenical Institute, which is a
research and training body, affiliated with the Chicago
Church Federation.
In addition to work by the 1200
staff members of the Ecumenical Institute, the model
was used as a basis for a four-week intensive work
session in July, 1971, involving approximately 1,000
people from across the world.
I have participated in
planning and carrying out the workshops from which this
model was created in my role as a staff member of the
Ecumenical Institute.
I shall layout
The study has two parts:
first,
the context of the cultural process
model, and then I will present the model itself.
CONTEXT QE THE MODEL
THE HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT
In ~
and His Works, Melville Herskovits notes,
"One of the earliest postulates of anthropological science
was that the ends achieved by all human cUltures are
basically the same •••" (1952:233).
This assumption
supported the theory of the ·psychic unity of mankind.
which held that the resemblances· between the institutions
of different cultures are to be accOunted for by the
different capacities of human beings.
No attempt at
drawing cultural comparisons could have proceeded without
this assumption of cultural equivalence.
Herskovits (195~
points out that this theory was directly behind the work
of Spencer, Tylor, and Morgan.
Out of this stance, social theorists of the nineteenth
,
century put heavy emphasis upon the need for a nomothetic
model of cultural eqUivalences or universals.
As Auguste
Comte put it in his massive System ~. Positive Polity,
·To form •••a satisfactory synthesis of all human conceptions is the most urgent of our social wants •••• (1875:2).
On a basis of sketchy ethnographic eVidence and total
ignorance of the mechanism of inheritance, the evolutionists of this period advocated the creation of universal
cultural laws.
The trend toward faith in inevitable
progress of mankind was rather marked.
As Tylor observed
in The Origins of Culture:
On the one hand, the uniformity which 80 largely
pervades civilization maybe ascribed, in great
measure, to the uniform action of uniform causes:
while on the other hand its various grades may be
regarded as stages of the development of evolution,
each the outcome of previous history and about to
do 1 ts proper part' in shaping the history of the
future •••(1871:xi).
It was through this work that was begun the task of
delineating the universal aspects of culture.
Tylor,
for instance, in his Anthropology, foreshadowed later
systems when he delineated culture as consisting of the
following aspects:
•••language; the -arts of life---the food quest,
implements, dwellings, clothing, fire-making,
cooking, and what would today be called economics
(barter, money, commerce); the -arts of pleasure--poetry, drama, dance, the graphic and plastic
arts; "science·--counting, weighing, and other
methods of reasoning about the physical world,
and magic; the spirit-world or religion in its
various forms; history and mythologyj and -society·
or social institutions •••(1881:73).
Clark Wissler's system, while more usefully arranged,
was similar in content (1923:74).
Murdock's catalogue
approach, in "The Common Denominator of Cultures· in
The Science of Man in the World Crisis, (Linton, ed.
1945:123-42) is vastly more inclusive than other schemes.
He includes a total of forty-six categories, but offers
little rational relationship among them.
The key distinction between the work of nineteenthcentury anthropologists and those of the twentieth
century is in the elaboration of the role that the aspects
of culture play in relationship to each other.
The
primary figure in the shift from nineteenth to twentieth
centuryth1nking
is Franz Boas.
Whatever else may be
said of Boas, it is clear that he trained an entire
generation of American anthropologists
in the understanding
that the "solid work" had not been done in anthropology,
and that theory and method should be held off until
serious empirical data-gathering
was done (Harris 1967:259).
It was through this push toward a more ·scientific
approach" that the description of cultural aspects began
to take reliable form as a useful tool in talking about
culture.
I would point to Emile Durkheim's work, ~
Rules
of Sociolo~ical Method, as the clearest articulation of
the application of scientific reasoning to cultural
variables in such a way as to give functional strength
to the delineation of cultural universals.
Durkheim
points out that a social fact is a thing altogether distinct from its individual manifestations;
tion of behavior (1938:7-8).
it is an abstrao-
His definition of a 'social
A social fact is every way of acting, fixed or
not, capable of exercising on the individual an
external constraint; or again, every way of acting
which is general throughout a given society, while
at the same time existing in its own right independent of its individual manifestations ••• (19J8:1J).
A model of culture, then, is not concerned with the particular practices of a particular group of people except
insofar as they operate as the common consciousness of
what it means to participate in the given culture.
It is
this commonness or statedness or self-consciousness
which
a culture, rather than the mere' repetition of an
activity throughout a culture.
Bronislaw Malinowski pulled together the insights
of the functionalists and structuralists as to the dynamic
interactions of social facts into a design of the
imperatives and responses out of which any culture
operates.
This model assumes that social imperatives
call into being social responses, or aspects of culture.
The responses take institutional form, but are never
altogether synonymous with any given institution.
His
model in tabular form, is as follows:
Imperatives
The cultural apparatus of
implements and consumer's
goods must be produced,
used, maintained, and replaced by new production.
2. Human behavior, as regards
its technical, customary,
legal or moral prescription must be codified,
regulated in action and
sanction.
3. The human material by
which every institution
is maintained must be
renewed, formed, drilled,
and provided with full
knowledge of tribal tradition.
4. Authority within each institution must be defined,
equipped with powers, and
endowed with means of forceful expression of its
orders.
1.
1.
Responses
Economics
4. Political
Organization
In another section of the same boo:k, Malinowski
describes the imperatives and responses of the relig10us
and aesthetic elements of culture (1944:92-119).
The
cultural process model is based on these presuppositions
as the most viable way to hold together the demand for
rational models of the aspects of culture and the dynamic
framework of culture as an integrated system which is
assumed in our time.
~
CULTURAL PROCESS MODEL
THE PRACTICAL PRESUPPOSITIONS
The cultural process model here being introduced is
a series of interlocking triangles which deal abstractly
with the process of creating commonness of social facts
which goes on in any culture at any time.
Figure 1 is
the basic cultural process model, representing
the cultural process as a whole, and levell,
level 0,
the processes
of economic commonality, political commonality, and social
commonality.
This basic model can be expressed thusly;
the cultural prooess of humanness is a dynamic, whiohis
made up of eoonomic commonality, political oommonality,
and sooial oommonality.
inolusiveness,
The model is thus out to hold
in that eaoh level down further delineates
the contents of the level above it.
The model desoribes social processes.
By this is
meant the arenas of aotivity in whioh a oulture is always
about the task of creating commonality.
thing as a-social fact.
This is the same
Processes are not reduoible to
their institutional manifestations.
For instanoe, the
.,
'.
';:'.'.{. ~t\- '< •
.~
,'Ii
",..
V
y..
f!'r.'tti',0
process of education will go on whether there is an
educational structure or not.
And yet, to deal with
the process of education, one must include educational
structures.
In addition to the processes, the model is also
understood in terms of the dynamic relationships among
the processes.
No process takes place in a vacuum;
rather, it takes place in interaction with all of the
other processes.
The process of economic commonality,
for instance, operates in continual interactton with
political and social commonality, and they with it.
At every moment each process is creating, judging, and
sustaining all of the others, and being created, jUdged,
and sustained by the others.
THE MODEL RATIONALE
The cultural process triangles operat~ out of a single
abstract rationale.
The foundational, or lower left,
pole of any triangle pertains to the drive for selfpreservation.
In the context of the whole cultural
process, this is the process of economic commonality.
Within the economic process, this is common resources;
within the political process it 1s order, and so on.
(See figure 2)
The foundational pole of any triangle
is that without which the other two processes do not go
on.
Without life sustenance through the economic, for
instance, one's polity and sociality has no relevance.
Within economic commonality, there is no possibility of
production or distribution but that there are resources
with which to begin.
On the lower right-hand pole of any triangle is the
communal pole, which pertains to the relationships of
power and decision-making in the midst of any social
group.
Eighteenth century political theorists stressed
the need for any social group to counteract people's
fundamental tendency to destroy each other by creating
some sort of a social contract.
The maintaining of
this common social contract in any dimension of culture
is the communal aspect.
The final dynamic of the cultural process in any
triangle is the top pole, the rational dynamic.
This
is the dynamic which dramatizes the uniquely human in
the triangle; it is the spirit which makes participation
in the social process of one's culture understood to be
worthwhile.
Without this process there would be no
commonness, because there would be no mechanism for
maintaining human consciousness in being.
It is in the dynamics of the foundational, communal,
and rational aspects of any triangle that the cultural
process model deals with cUltur~ as a series of human
relationships, rather than a static holding of mere
cultural data.
THE ECONOMIC COMMONALITY
The cultural dynamic of humanness is a process, one
34
aspect of which is creating economic commonality.
This
foundational pole was chiefly the articulation of the
nineteenth century, although the activity itself has
always been present.
Adam Smith, Karl Marx, and Thomas
R. Malthus are key articulators of the modern theoretics
in this arena.
Durkheim, in The Division of Labor in
Society (1947:203), points to the foundational nature
of the economic process when he notes that even if
political activity were absent, economic life would
Social solidarity would then be nothing else
than the spontaneous accord of individual interests
•••The typical social relation would be economic
•••resulting from the entirely free initiative of
the parties •••
Marx stated clearly that the fundamental human relationship was an economic one.
In the rise to power of the
bourgeoisie, he saw that an economic system which separated the laborer from his labor by making it a com~
modity, completely altered the social dynamics of the
e~tire culture (1888:15).
Economic commonality is organizing material means
in order to sustain human life.
Through such a means
a culture taps resources of wealth, systematizes creation of goods and services, and regulates mechanisms
for dispensing these usable commodities.
These three
dynamics are named common resources, common production,
The cultural dynamic of humanness is a process, one
aspect of which is creating political commonality.
Despite
his clumsy, style, Auguste Comte was a signal articulator
in this area.
As he rather painfully put it in his
Positive Philosophy:
•••the relation between the political and the
the social condition is simply this:--that there
must always be a spontaneous harmony between the
whole and the parts of the social system •••(1896:II,218).
This communal pole of the cultural processes is the point
at which any social group structures its internal and
external relationships.
It has to do with social ordering,
or the process of corporate order; with decision-making
and arbitration, or the process of corporate justice;
and with guaranteeing the minimal rights or expectations of people within and without the group, held here
in the process of corporate welfare.
This process was
broken open in its modern statement in the eighteenth
century in the work of such writers as Hobbes, Locke,
Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and Thomas Jefferson.
The agoni-
zing struggle of the French and American revolutions shows .
•
through in the clarity and voaiferousness
of their work.
Perhaps the most helpful images these writers produced
were in the area of the social contract--the sort of
consensus which a social group creates to preserve itself
as individuals and the whole, and to wield greater power
oorporately than they oould as the same-sized oolleotion
of individuals.
Rousseau puts the image very olearly
in his A Treatise ~
the Sooial Contraot:
Now as men cannot oreate new powers, but only
compound and direct those which really exist, they
have no other means of preservation, than that of
forming, by their union, an accumulation of forces,
sufficient to oppose the obstacles to their security,
and of putting these in action by a first mover,
capable of making them act in concert with each
other ••• (1776:17).
Political oommonality is the process of individual
and corporate human relationships within the community
that enables it to function as a social unit.
This
requires that the prooess of political commonality
structures the cultural forms, implements the will of
the people, and serves the community's well-being.
Without the function of political commonality, the
culture's bonds, which relate person to person and group
to group, in all dimensions of life, would collapse,
allowing cultural chaos.
The cultural dynamic of humanness is a process, one
aspect of which is creating social commonality.
The
social oommonality is the rational, or organizing pole
of the cultural process.
Durkheim's category, the
"consoience oOllective,· seems tdhold
of this pole.
the significance
Paul Bohannan, in an article entitled
·Conscienoe Collective ~
Culture,· (Wolff 1960:78-9),
points out that the French term conscience
translates
into English as both "conscience" and "consciousness."
For Durkheim, then, internalized sanctions of the culture
are amalgamated with awareness of the social milieu.
Bohannan goes further to note that Durkheim uses
conscience also to point to the shared awareness or
consciousness of life of a culture--not only what a culture holds as its images of humanness, but also how it
rehearses, quickens, and transmits those images.
The
social process is this activity of commonly signifying
what humanness is through internalized sanctions, the
common sense of the social milieu, the images of humanness
itself, and the acting out of those images.
It is clear
in any discussion of this dimension of life today that
we find ourselves in the midst of a void in language
to describe empirically the activities in culture to
which we are pointing.
It seems that this is the area in
which it is most difficult to distinguish social science
from psychology, theology, or just plain hogwash.
It
is clearer than ever before, however, that the social
processes of culture are peculiarly powerful.
Hitler,
modern advertising, and social movements of all sorts
over the past ten years point to the incredible power
and objective weight as cultural fact which these activities have.
It is perhaps most crucial of all that
anthropology organize its profound wisdom in objective
description of the universality of the social processes.
Social commonality is the means of giving an external
rationale to internal consciousness.
Each culture
continually interprets the collective knowledge, organizes
the collective mores, and symbolizes the common life
struggle of its members.
These processes, of communal
wisdom, communal styles, and communal symbols, shape
social commonality.
Without social commonality,
human
society acquires no significance in sustaining and
ordering itself, and the entire cultural process is
denied the vision necessary for its continued creative
CONCLUSION
Even the most naive human being today is aware that
there is something unprecedented about our times, even
if it comes to him only as color television and a
phenomenal degree of defiance on the part of his children
and wife.
This uniqueness of our time seems to be
focussed in the total transformation
of our basic para-
digms of living, and this is as true in Samoa as it is
in Chicago.
The foregoing model, while it is yet highly
abstract and unfinished,
seems to point in the needed
direction in that it provides a simple and rational way
for common man to objectify the terrifyingly rapid change
he finds himself in the midst of, and it holds any particular human activity in relationship
culture's activity.
to all of the
Unless such tools are made available
to the common man across the globe, accompanied by
training in mass problem-solving
methods for cultural
problems, there is serious question whether local man
will have the fortitude to continue to struggle with
the social and individual crises which our age has brought
about, let alone use that new situation as an opportunity
to forge out new paradigms of what it is to be postmodern man.
43
ASA Monographs 1
1965 The Relevance of Models for Social Anthropology.
London: Tavinstock Publications, New York: FredrickA. Praeger.
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1966 Emile Durkheim.
London:
Weidenfeld and Nicolson.
Bohannan, Paul
1960 Conscience Collective and Culture in Kurt H.
Wolff, ed. Emile Durkheim 1858-1917. Columbus:
Ohio State University Press.
Bonhoeffer, Deitrich
1949 Ethics. Eberhard Bethge, ed. and Neville Horton,
trans. New York: Macmillan.
Bou1ding, Kenneth
1956 The Image. New York:
Colophon.
1964 The Meaning of the Twen~ieth Century--The Great
Transition. New York: Harper and Row, Harper Colophon.
Bronowski, J.
1935 The Common Sense of Science.
House.
Comte, Auguste
1875 System of Positive Polity.
New York: Burt Franklin.
Cox, Harvey
1965 The Secular City.
Random
Vols. I & II,
New York:
Deutsch, Karl
1966 The Nerves of Government.
Press.
Duncan, Hugh Dalziel
1968 Symbols in Society.
Press.
New York:
Macmillan.
New York:
New York:
The Free
Oxford University
Durkheim, Emile
1947 The Division of Labor in Society. George
Simpson, trans. Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press.
1926 The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life.
Glencoe, Ill.: The Free Press.
1938 The Rules of the Sociological Method. New York:
The Free Press.
Heilbroner, Robert L.
1968 The Making of Economic Society.
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Englewood
Hamilton, James, James Madison and John Jay
1961 The Federalist Papers. New York: New American
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Harris, Marvin
1968 The Rise of Anthropological Theory.
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Herskovits, Melville J.
1952 Man and His Works.
New York:
Kardiner, Abram and Edward Preble
1961 They Studied Man. New York:
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1962 The Structure of Scientific Revolutions.
Chicago: The University of Chicago Press.
Linton, Fred, ed.
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1945 The Science of Man in the World Crisis.
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Locke, John
1955 Of Civil Government--Second Treati~e.
Henry Regnery.
Luckmann, Thomas
1967 The Invisible Religion.
New York:
New
Chicago:
Macmillan.
Mair, Lucy
1971 An Introduction to Social Anthropology.
_York: Oxford University Press.
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Malinowski, Bronislaw
1945 The Dynamics of Culture Change. New Haven:
Yale University Press.
1944 A Scientific Theory of Culture and Other Essays.
Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press.
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Karl
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F. Engels, ed. New York: Humboldt Publishing.
1904 A Contribution to the Critique of Political
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N.J. Stone, trans. New York: International
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Marx, Karl and Friedrich Engels
1888 The Manifesto of the Communist Party.
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1964 Treasury of Law.
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1941 History as a System and Other Essays Toward a
Philosophy of History. New York: W.W. Norton.
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1954 The Social Contract.
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Tax, Sol, ed.
1962 Anthropology Today: Selections.
The University of Chicago Press.
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1962 The Phenomenon of Man. New York:
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Harper and
Ty10r Edward
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Peter Smith.
Wissler, Clark
1923 Man and Culture.
New York:
Thomas Crowell.
NUTRITIONAL ECOLOGY. A NEW PERSPECTIVE1
Sue Taylor
Nancy Shelor
Margaret Abdelnour
Populations have differential but potentially specifiable nutritional requirements.
In various ecosystems.
essential substances suoh as salt. water and certain
vitamins and minerals are differentially represented.
and
populations exhibit variable effioiency in extracting these
substances fro. the enviroment.
Those groups that exist
with only limited outside contact have managed to maintain
a fairly balanced diet by taking advantage of a variety
of natural food resources. including insects. rodents. and
the internal organs of game which are rich in vitamin B12•
Man's apparent success in extracting essential nutrients2
from a particular ecosystem lies not only in the differential patterns of exploitation. but also in his adaptive
capacity and represents a long-term process o~ experimentation. the immediate effects of which are not necessarily
cognized.
However. nutritional deficiencies) may occur
in response to physiological
disturbances resulting from
inadequate digestion. absorption or utilization of nutrients
consumed, or. these deficiencies may indicate either
enviromental inadequacies or exploitative inefficiencies.
In order to offset these deficiencies.
socio-eultural
instrumentalities,
suoh as trade relations,
oertain ritual observanoes
and 'culinary practioes,
de~ise specifio strategies
which are employed as ecologioal
activities,
may
f
come into play as populations
Traditionally,
food taboos,
problem-solving
ethnographers
devices.
viewed subsistence
trade, food taboos and rituals to be
described as separate entities and in some instances
placed in predetermined
Nutritional
categories
ecology is an attempt to give an ecological
as well as a nutritional
data.
of social behavior.
Nutritional
interpretation
requirements
to cultural
of populations
as
well as the actual intake vary with environmental
and cultural conditions.
fluctuations
resources
in the abundance and variety of food
often lead to trade relations
in the reinterpretation
Potlatch
Both annual and seasonal
as described
of the Northwest
Coast
(Suttles 1968; Piddocke 1965).
practices as the pig feast in Melanesia
Such ritual
show correla-
tions between the increased need for protein intake
as a result of negative nitrogen
(Vayda n.d.).
A nutritional
extends the interpretation
a qualitative
balance and stress
approach
one step further, with
as well as a quantitative
the essential nutrients
food consumption
ideally
provided.
is determined,
analysis of
Once the actual
a.caloric
value is
established with an analysis of the protein, carbohydrate and fat content.
Vitamin and mineral com-
position is also established.
Caloric cost evaluation--
that is, specification of energy expenditure versus
caloric yield--is equally important in a nutritional
approach to subsistence activities.
Optimum utilization of protein is necessary for
growth and development and is dependent on the
presence of the eight essential amino acids in proper
rati04•
Maintenance equilibrium can be achieved
on approximately 20-30 grams of protein per day, with
greater amounts needed for pregnant and lactating
women (Harrison, et al. 1964).
owing to climatic
With some variation
.
conditions, quality
protein
requirements are determined on the basis of 1 gram
per kilogram of body weight (Garn and Block 1970).
In warmer climates, caloric needs are lower (at
least partly because caloric expenditure for body
temperature maintenance is lessened), but protein
requirements may be higher by as much as 5-10 grams
per day (Mitchell and Edman 1951:94).
Salt and
water needs are also higher in warm climates, although
fully adapted or acclimated peoples seem to have
special physiological mechanisms to conserve these
nutrients j-ln
addition, increased sweat and fecal
losses call for increased intake of'iron, and possibly
of calcium.
In cold climates a higher ingestion
of fat is needed for insulation and fuel storage.
By way of illustration, fat intake among the Eskimo
is 162 grams (1,458 calories) per person per day,
as opposed to 6) grams (567 calories) daily in the
population of tropical Barbados (Harrison 1964).
There is also some evidence that fat requirements
are high in arid areas as well (Newman 1962).
Physiological reactions to vitamin and mineral
deficiencies have been described in the literature
in detail; however, little attention has been given
to the effects of nutritional deficiencies
on cultural
behavior.
An example of a nutritional deficiency
•
involving cultural adaptation is the Eskimo's response
to Piblokto (Eskimo'madness).
This condition is
caused by low dietary intake of oaloium coupled with
inadequate sunlight for vitamin D synthesis.
(Vitamin
D., along with phosphorus, is neoessary for calcium
absorption.)
Wallace and Ackerman
(1960) suggested
that Piblokto was the result of hypocaloemia
brought
about by the inability to adapt physiologically
low calcium intake.
to
Piblokto occurs during the winter
and early spring, when the Eskimo are living in large
groups and whan thara is 11ttl~ sunlight.
It begins
with a period of social withdrawal and oulminates in
"running amok,· spasms, collapse and finally total
recovery.
Running amok is probably preceded by
anxiety and hyperventilation,
which result in a
partial depletion of calcium ions in the system.
Shamanistic practices in times of stress resemble
Piblokto behavior; in other words, the culture not
only accomodates but also capitalizes on this response.
We interpret this as an example of the manner in which
cult~ral instrumentalities come into play in the absence
of or in advance of biological adaptation to the
exigencies of the habitat (see Katz and Foulkes 1970).
The nutritional content of foods is often enhanced
by the specific culinary techniques employed •.-The
Mesoamerican practice of soaking maize in lime increas ••
the calcium content twenty times.
In parts of Africa,
baobab leaves are dried in the shade rather than in
the sun, resulting in greater vitamin retention.
In parts of Southeast and Insular Asia, the nutritive
value of soybeans is increased by germination and
fermentation.
Culinary practices in the Near East
provide another example; here, in the absence of
techniques for its preservation
in the raw state,
milk is allowed to curdle and then is dried- and mixed
with wheat (Harrison, et !!. 1964).
Dietary-habits are condition~d by the availability of food resources, certain sociocultural
instru-
mentalities (e.g., food taboos), and extrasocietal
influences.
Food taboos generally take one of the
following forms:
1) a general prohibition
on the
slaughter or consumption of specific animals; 2) the
restriction of certain foods to particular segments
of the population; and 3) temporary, situational
restrictions
(e.g., before or during war, during
menstruation
or after parturition).
Taboos of the
latter two types often have the effect of channelling
food to those members of the population undergoing
a temporary or chronic nutritional deficiency.
Vayda
and Lowmlln-Vayda (1970:1312) provide an example from
the Raring of New Guinea.
They state that inherited
food taboos in the form of proscriptions
on the men's
consumption of hunted game have ••••the beneficial
effect of making more of the scarce animal protein
available to categories of people who especially need
it:
women, who are likely to be either lactating or
pregnant, and growing children.·
Ritual practices frequently constitute devices
to offset environmental
inadequacies.
For instanoe,
the Karimojong of Uganda maintain a complex system
of food production including animal husbandry,
agriculture and gathering.
Yet, the primary source
of food is the blood and milk of cattle.
During the
dry season,--ml1k-supply and agricultural
productivity
are both low.
At this time, rituals are performed that
include prayers for better times and the sacrificial
slaughter (and consumption) of cattle, that is,
ritual activity permits utilization of a resource
normally held in reserve.
When societies are displaced or disrupted by
external forces, the wisdom developed through centuries
of trial and error may cease to be relevant.
For
example, the Zulu of South Africa were forced to
change from their traditional diet to one that gives
a higher caloric yield, but which also results in
an unbalanced diet.
White settlers moving into
the area encouraged the cultivation of maize instead
of millet.
Maize gives a higher yield and requires
less work (Dubos 1965:68-69).
On the other band,
millet is higher in methionine and tryptophane than
maize (Riohard Bozian, personal communication).
A
second factor contributing to the unbalanced diet is
the movement of settlers onto land formerly used
"for hunting and gathering.
The game and berries
so essential in the original diet are no longer
available.
With the trend toward a market economy, traditional agriculture is being commercialized as subsistence crops are replaced by suoh cash crops as
cotton,groundnuts,
coffee, etc.
The reaction to
the introduction of generalized money appears to be
similar cross-culturally.
This money is used initially
to procure trinkets and prestige items introduced
by Westerners.
Only later is the money used to
purchase items for consumption in an attempt to
supplement the diet and perhaps offset the malnut~ition which develops from an ~.mbalance of nutrients.
Agricultural development has been approached
primarily from an economic perspective, with an
emphasis on yield in order to cope with the problems
of undernutrition
in the world today.
The introduction
of such high yield grains as IR-8 (miracle rice)
may alleviate the problem of inadequate caloric
intake.
Unfortunately,
subsistence based primarily
on cereals may lead to malnutrition and increased
susceptibility to disease.
For instance, wheat flour
is low in zinc, a deficiency of which leads to
beri-beri and slow wound healing.
In areas where
cereals constitute the main diet, Shroeder (1970)
indicates that phosphate fertilizers aggravate zinc
deficiency and suggests the use of a zinc supplement.
The process of refining cereals has a detrimental
effect in that 80-9~
of the mineral elements of
the cereal are deleted (Hemphill 1967).
Phillips (1959:383) suggests that the one and
only foundation to agricultural development is an
ecological one--constituted
by knowledge of the
Climate, vegetational and soil features of a specific
locality.
Nutritional ecology, as we are using the
term, combines this approach with a survey of all
available subsistence resources in the ecosystem.
In the remainder of this paper, we suggest some
guidelines for the field study of nutritional ecology.
First, the anthropologist must have at his
disposal a complete ecological study of the ecosystem;
multidisciplinary
team research is crucial.
Second, the anthropologist must determine the
way in which the ecosystem is cognized and exploited.
All analysis on this level must be conducted in
terms of local cognitive categories (-folk taxonomies-).
Steward's (1955) and Netting's (1965, 1968) discussions
of Weffective environments" are pertinent here.
Third, the actual nutritional requirements must
be determined for the society being studied.
Most
available nutritional studies reflect only the
requirements of members of Western societies.
These
standards cannot be applied cross-culturally,
because
nutritional needs vary in accordance with such factors
as climate, altitude, and probably, genetic constitutionS.
In addition, activity rates affect nu~ritional
needs.
In this regard, the division of labor
(whether according to sex or along any other dimensions)
must be takan into account (see R~ppaport 1967),
both in the study of particular societies and in
making cross-cultural
comparisons.
Fourth, it is necessary to determine
tion of seasonally available subsistence
well as seasonal and annual variations
the exploitaresources as
in the dis-
tribution and abundance of food resources as affected
by climatic fluctuations.
Fieth, the study must specify how the distribution of subsistence
resources is undertaken
society in terms of food restrictions,
in the
ceremonial
cycles, and seasonal demographic patterns.
Sixth, the study of nutritional
ecology as we
have discussed it will require a change not only in
the conceptual,
but also in the organizational
structure of field research and data analysis.
research problems of modern anthropology
the capacities of theone~man
scholar.
The
are beyond
1.
An earlier version of this paper was prepared
for a class in Cultural Ecology taught by Prof.
KentD.
Vickery.
We thank Prof. Vickery and
Profs. Barry Issac and Ivan Brady for their
criticisms of sUbsequent drafts.
2.
Essential nutrients are those elements necessary
for life maintenance.
Over fifty have been
identified chemically
including 14 trace elements,
8 amino acids, salt, water, etc.
3. Nutritional deficiencies constitute a lack or
inadequate supply of essential nutrients.
4. Essential amino acids include isoleucine, leucine,
lysine, methionine,
phenylalanine,
threonine,
tryptophane and valine.
;.
Techniques have not yet been developed for
measuring cross-cultural
differences
in require-
ments of vitamins, minerals, amino acids, and
certain other essential nutrients.
58
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1972 Personal communication.
Dubos, Rene
1965 Man adapting.
Press.
New Haven:
Yale University
Garn, Stanley and Walter D. Block
1970 Limited nutritional value of cannibalism.
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.
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196~ Human biology: an introduction to human evolution,
variation an4 growth. New York: Oxford University
Press.
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1967 Proceedings University of Missouri's 1st
annual conference on trace substances in environmental health. University of Missouri, Columbia,
Missouri. July 16, 17, and 18, 1967.
Katz, Solomon H. and Edward F. Foukles
1970 Mineral metabolism and behavioral abnormalities
of calcium homeostasis. American Journal of Physical
Anthropology 32:299-304.
Mitchell, H.H. and E. Edman
1951 Nutrition and climatic stress.
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1965 A trial model of cultural _ecology.
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Anthro-
1968
Hill farmers of Nigeria: cultural ecology of
the Jos Plateau. American Ethnological Society,
Monograph 46. Seattle: University of Washington
Press.
Newman, Marshall T.
1962 Ecology and nutritional stress in man.
American Anthropologist 64:22-33.
Phillips, John
1959· Agriculture and ecology in Africa.
Farber and Farber.
London:
Piddook, Stuart
1965 The potlatch system of the Southern Kwakiutl:
a new perspective.
Southwestern Journal of
Anthropology 21:244-264.
Rappaport, Boy A.
1967 Pigs for the ancestors: ritual in the eoology
of a New Guinea People. New Haven: Yale
University Press.
Schroeder, Henry A.
1970 Manganese. Air Quality Monographs, No. 70-17,
American Petroleum Institute, Washington, D.C.
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1955 Theory of culture change.
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University
Suttles, Wayne
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Aldine Publishing Company.
Vayda, Andrew P.
n.d. The pig complex. To be published in Encyclopedia of Papua and New Guinea by the Melbourne
University Press.
Vayda, Andrew P., and Cherry Lowman-vayda
1970 Interdisciplinary approach to mental disorder
among polar eskimos of Northwest Greenland.
Anthropologica 11:249-261.
A traditional feature of the Lambda Alpha Journal
of Man has been the listing of Masters theses titles
recently awarded by graduate departments in this country.
We hope that it will prove helpfUl in furthering the
exchange of ideas by students of anthropology.
Flynn, Peggy. "The Social Significance of Dominance
and Grooming, With a Comparison of Aboreal and
Terrestrial Monkeys.a 1971.
Fleming, Gary. aAn Examination of the Attitudes of
Africans Studying under the Sponsorship of the .
United States Agency for International Development.1972.
Ungar,'Beth. -Making at Gichuru High School: a
Kikuyu Self-Help Village School and its Students.1972.
BROWN UNIVERSITY. PROVIDENCE. RHODE ISLAND
Arbuckle, John D. -The Skipper and His Role: A
study of an Individual's Social Behavior on a
New Bedford Fishing Trawler.- 1971.
Meintel, Deirdre A.
1971.
-'Culture Shock':
A Reformulation.-·
Muir, Peggy Rosten. -Indian Education at Hampton
Institute and Federal Indian Policy: Solutions
to the Indian Problem." 1971.
Roberts, Ralph L. III. -An Ethnohistorical Study of
the Narragansett Indian Tribe and Tribal Council,
1850-1880; A Case of Boundary Maintenance and
Dissolution.- 1971.
Stone, Linda S. "East Indian Adaptations on st.
Vincent Island.- 1971.
THE UNIVERSITY OF BRITISH COLUMBIA. VANCOUVER. CANADA
Bartle, Philip F.W. -African Rural Urban Migration,
a Decision Making Perspective.- 1971.
Pan, Yuh-Cheng.
T'ien-kuo."
The Position of Women in T'ai-p'ing
1971.
Newell, Claire Marion & Popoff, Terrell. "A Structural
Analysis of Sobranija: Doukhobor and Russian
Orthodox.- 1971.
Calvert, John Hunt. "Frontal Curvature and its Relation
to Age and Sex in Children." 1971.
Lin, Tsong-Yuan.
"The Nature of Dozoku: A Comparison
of the Japanese Dozoku and the Chinese Tsungtsu.·
1970.
Munroe, Scott William.
Bands.· 1969.
·Warriors of the Rock:
Stoney
CALIFORNIA STATE COLLEGE, FULLERTON, CALIFORNIA
Drover, Christopher Elvis.
·4-0RA~64a: An Archaeo1Qgica1 Investigation of a Late Prehistoric
Horizon in Orange County, California.·
1970.
Mabry, Theo Nadine. "An Analysis of the Aldrich Col1e~
tion: Cranial Material from a Huntington Beach
Site, 2500 B.C. to 1000 B.C.· 1970.
THE CATHOLIC UNIVERSITY OF AMERICA, WASHINGTON,D.C.
Ai1inger, Rita. "Latin American Folk Medicine and
. Therapy Compliance."
1972.
Beiro, Sister Bruno, C.S.C. "Change and Socla1
Structure: A Study Among the Garos of East
Pakistan."
1971.
Headley, Robert K. Jr. "The Origin andDlstribution
.of the Siouan-Speaking Tribes." 1971.
Knipmeyer, Mary.
1972.
·Women in Greece and Southern Italy."
Miller, Glenda. "Kazaks and Sama1i:
Cultural Ecology."
1971.
A Study in
Seifert, William H., S.V.D. "An Analysis of the
Processes That Take Place in the Adjustment of an
Individual to a New Cultural Setting." 1971.
THE UNIVERSITY OF COLORADO. BOULDER
Buckles, William G. -An Analysis of Primitive Rock
Art at Medicine Creek Cave, Wyoming, and its
Cultural and Chronological Relationship to Prehistory
of the Plains.R
1964.
Burton, Robert J. "The Pictographs and Petroglyphs
of Dinosaur National Monument.- 1969.
Leach, Larry L.
-The Archaeology of Boundary Village.-
1965.
Akerele, Jacqueline.
-Afro-American Kinesios.R
1972.
Dellah, Carolyn. RCultural Effects of the Perception
of Color: A Case Study in Mahdia, Tunisia.- 1969.
Flayharty, Ross A. RT-W-Diamond, A Tipi Ring Site
in Northern Colorado." 1972.
Garrigues, Stephen Lester.
Community.· 1970.
Green, Howard Nathaniel.
Folklore.R 1969.
-Soka Gakkai in an American
RThe Village of Artas and Its
Miller, Jack E. "Archaeological Excavations at
Georgetowne, Colorado." 1971~
Rajanikorn, Wejaparn. "Buddhism and Its Influence
on a Thai Girlhood." 1967.
Riley, Patricia Ann.
Dyad. R 1971.
-An Anthropological Study of the
Witkind, Max. "An Archaeological Interpretation of the
Roberts Buffalo Jump Site, Larimer County,
Colorado." 1971.
Saastamo, Susan Ann. "The Application of a Functional
Typology in the Analysis of Artifacts from the
Excavation of Old Fort Colville." 1970.
Tokle, John F. "Motif Categorization of Idaho Indian
Mythology." 1970.
Woolums, Christy Ann.
1971.
"A History of Indian Education.·
THE UNIVERSITY OF KANSAS, LAWRENCE
Bhitjitbarnjakarn, Natchalada. "Some Effects of
International and U. S. Programs in Thai Sooiety.·
1971.
.
Gunn, Joel. ·Research in Theory and Method of
Functional Classification for Paleolithic Burins.·
1971.
Holloway, Joseph M. ·A Sabah Problem:
Assimilation.· 1971.
Chinese
Hurtado, Juan Jose. "Ethnographic Data from Cruz
Blanca. An Indian Village in the Guatemalan
Central Highland." 1970.
Moritz, Nancy L. "The New Left: A Movement for
Radical Social Change in the United States."
1971.
Nickels, Martin K. "An Analysis of the Skeletal
Material from Sugar Creek Ossuary (23PL58)."
1971.
Young, Philip A.
"A Phonology of Okanogan."
1971.
THE UNIVERSITY OF KENTUCKY, LEXINGTON
Butler, Ronald J. "Decision Making in a Minority
Community." 1965.
Clay, Brenda Johnson. "Family Authority Structure in
a Russian Orthodox Parish." 1965.
Clay, Rudolf Berle. ·Ceramic Complexes of the TennesseeCumberland Region in Western Kentuclty." 1963.
Davis, William Stephen. ·A Functional Analysis of
Lunda Folklore." 1971.
Hanson, Lee H. "The Hardin Village Site, Gp 22,
a Late Prehistoric Village in Northeastern Kentucky.'
1963.
Keeling, William Howard. "Functional Interrelationships of Socio-economic and Ethnico-religious
Institutions in Tlingit Culture." 1967.
Lewellyn, Joe P. ·Skeletal Analysis of Two Mississippian Sites in the Green River Drainage of Kentucky.'
1964.
Long, Joseph K. DMultiple-discriminant Analysis of
Indian Crania of the Eastern United States.' 1964.
Marquardt, William H.
Research." 1971.
'The Computer in Archaeological
Purrington, Burton Lewin. ·Prehistoric Horizons and
Traditions in the Eastern Mountains of Kentucky."
1967.
Skreija, Andris. 'Interests and Interest Orientations
of Latvian Refugees as Reflected by Their Newspapers.'
1964.
.
LOUISIANA STATE UNIVERSITY, BATON ROUGE
Hoblit, Paul C. hThe Pentecostal Experience:
Revitalization Ritual.h 1970.
A
Pardo, Marta Eugenia. "The Precaristas (Squatters) of
Puntarenas, The Successful Adaptation of a Marginal
People.' 1971.
Lazarz, Sandra. "Some Linguistic Correlations in
the Demographic Distributions of the Italians
in the Near West Side Community of Chicago.n
1972.
Ciski,Robert.
~A Brief Study of the Rural Economy
of Villo' Point, St. Vincent.' 1971.
Sinton, Wendy Weber. "Patterns of Recreation and
Leisure in Jamaica. 1 1971.
Van Gerven, Dennis.
IThiokness and Area Measurements
as Parameters of Skeletal Involution ot the
. Humerus, Femur and Tibia.' 1969.
McGILL UNIVERSITY.
MONTREAL
Byers, Martin.
-A Sierra Leone Community in Crisis:
A Study of Culture Organization.1
1970.
Ewing, William.
'Migration and the Role of Networks.-
1969.
Feit, Harvey.
IMistassini Hunters or the Boreal
Forest: Ecosystem Dynamics and Multiple Subsistence
Patterns. 1 1969.
.
Garstang, Patricia.
ISocial Interaction Patterns and
Values of Children and Their Mothers in a MultiRacial Society.1
1969.
Handelman, Don.
IWest Indian Associations
in Montreal.-
1964.
Hauora, Epeli.
IVillage-Government Communication:
Case study in Trinidad.1969.
A
Henderson, Peta. -The Context or Eoonoaic Choice in the
Rural Sugar-Growing Area of British Honduras.1969.
Hyman, Jacqueline.
IConflicting Perceptions
in Indian-Missionary Contact.1971.
Johnson, Nels. -The Ideological
Sudanese Mahdiya.'
1972.
of Exchange
Structure or the
Lambert, Carmen.
'Modele D'Organisation sooial. d. la
Communaute de Hudson Heights.'
1969.
Laruslc, IgnatiUS.
'The New Auchimau: A Study ot
Patron-Client aelat'ions Among the Waswanipi Cre •• -
1968.
Letourneau,
Georges.
-P.tite Propriete
et Controle
Agri cole .1L-.19?0 '"
Rinke, Christine.
-Kin Knowledge
Family.'
1972.
in a Frenoh-Canadian
Robaok, Judith. ·Bases of Sooial Differentiation
a Guyana Mining Town.· 1969.
in
Sankoff, Gillian. ·The Organizational Factor In
the Eoonomic Development of Traditional Peasant
Sooieties.· 1966.
Schryer, Frans Jozef.
Village."
1972.
"Sooial Confliot in a Mexioan
Silverman, Marilyn.
"Deviance and Conformity in the
Caribbean Mining Town.· 1967.
Smith, Douglas.
·Conflict and Change in the Soc10Economic Organization of Diamond Production
in Guyana.· 1968.
Smith, Judith.
"The Dialectics of Isolation: Presentational Enoounters Between Mistassini Cree
Indians and Frenoh-Canadian Middlemen.·
1910.
Solomon, Cecile. ·Orientation to Others Among
Afrioan Students.· 1971.
Spenoe, Eleanor.
·Marketing Activities and Household
Activities of Country Hawkers in Barbados.·
1964.
Stott, Margaret.
1969.
·Bella-Coola Ceremony and Art.·
Yawney, Carole. "Drinking Patterns and Alcoholism
Among East Indians and Negroes in Trinidad.·
1968.
MIAMI UNIVERSITY. OXFORD. OHIO
Grant, Ruth Haag. "The Necessity of Folklore:
An Analysis of Three Winnebago Trickster Tales."
1971•
THE UNIVERSITY OF MISSOURI. COLUMBIA
Anderson, Linda M. ·Analysis of Iron Age Spearheads
From the Marne CUlture, France." 1971.
Bray, Robert~ "The Culture Complexes and Sequences
at the Rice Site (23SN200), Stone County, Missouri
and an Interpretation of tne Archaeology of the
Table Rook Reservoir Area.· 1955.
Cole, Kenneth.
-Cranial Analysis ot a Late Mississippian Population from Southeast Missouri.-
1965.
CrOUCh, Elizabeth.
-A Study of the Relationship ot
Residence of Woman-Performed AgricUlture and
Man-Performed Warfare.- 1966.
Denny, Sidney Grant. -A Re-evaluation of the Boone
Focus: A Late Woodland Manifestation In Central
Missouri.1964.
Grinstead, Mary Jo. -Methodological Study of the
Use of the Semantic Differential as a Tool for
the Discrimination of Student Types.- 1967.
Healan, Dan M. -Surtace Delineation of Functional
Areas at a Mississippian Ceremonial Center.-
1971.
Heldman, Donald Paul. -A Study of the Bature and
Degree of Cultural Relationship of Missouri to
Illinois Valley Hopewell.196).
Klipp&l, Walter E. -An Archaeological Investigat10n
of the Lower Osage River Valley in Missouri.-
1965.
Logan, Wilfred.
-Analysis of Woodland Complexes
in Northeastern Iowa.- 1950.
Maxwell, Thomas.
-Agricultural
Central Andes.- 195).
Cereaonies of the
Marshall, Richard A. -The Use of Table Rock Reservoir
Projectile Points in the Delineation of Cultural
Complexes and their Distribution.1958.
McMillan, Robert Bruce. -A Survey and Evaluation
of the Archaeology of the Central Gasconade River
Valley in Missouri.196).
Solmeider, Mary'Jane.
-Tradition and Variation
Kiowa Beadwork Designs.1971.
in
Shields, Wayne. -An Archaeological Inve.tigation of
the Chariton River Drainage in Missouri.1966.
Thompson, Richard W. -Sociocultural Determ1DA1lt. of
Material Life Style in Rural Mexico.- 1971.
Vehik,Susan.
-A Multivariate Investigation Into the
Formation ot British Beaker Cultural Groups.1971.
Vincent, John Robert. 'A study of Two Ozark Woodworking
Industries.'
1962.
Williams, Raymond. 'A Study of Fortified Indian
Villages in Southeast Missouri.' 1964.
Wynn, Jack T. 'Inferences trom Toltec Residential
Architecture.1971.
Ziff, Edward L. wAn Investigation into Primate
Phylogeny utilizing Comparative Serum Chemistry.-
1971.
UNIVERSITE DE MONTREAL. CANADA
Aleong, Stanley.
-Structure Residentlelle des Serer
NDUT a Tivigne Tanghor (Senegal).- 1971.
Allaire, Louis. -L'Archeologie des Kitselas d'apres
le Site Stratifie de Gitaus (GdTc:2) sur la
Rivere Skeena en Colombie-Brltanlque,·
1971,
Crepeau, Plerre. ' 'Proverhes du Rwanda, Essai
methodolog~que d'analyse de contenu,- 1971,
Lebuls, Francols,
-Le Complexe Culturel de la Peche
de Subslstance a Nemlska au Nouveau-Quebec.1971,
Lefebvre, Clalre. 'La selection des codes llngulstiquesa la Martlnique, Un modele de communication.1971,
Levasseur, Madeleine,
'Salnt-Reml-de-Triolet,
et Par...ente.·1971 ,
Famille
Nadon, Plerre,
'LaSerpentine (Quebec). Etude des
prlncipaus Mecanlsmes d'lntegration d'une communaute
canadienne-trancalse,'
1971.
Pariseau, Nicole, 'Principes d'organ!satlon
taire en milieu rural Marle-Galantals,-
communau1971,
Pilon, Lise. -Etude de la Parente Rituelle (Parrainage)
en Martinlque et a Marle-Galante,1971.
Rochon, Lise.
1971.
-Une Cooperative de Production a Cuba.-
Savaria, Jules. "Le Mouvement cooperatif au Khanguet
e1 Hadjadj (Tunsie)." 1971.
Tremblay, Normand. "Les dermatoglyphes digitaux
et Pa1maires des esquimaux de Fort-Chimo.~971.
Barnes, Penelope.
"New York Hospitality Programs
for Foreign Graduate Students: An Evaluation.1965.
Carmody, Caroline Winser. -Changes in the Japanese
Family, 1600-1968.- 1968.
Chimene, Vera. -Tooth Proportions and Diet in Gorillas
and Chimpanzees.1970.
Cohen, Milton. -The Role Qf the U.S. Senate Floor
Leader Since 1901.- 1965.
Davis, Sonja D. -A Comparative Analysis of the Changing
Roles of Women in East, West and Southern Africa.1971.
Dessi, Sylvanna.
-The Institution of the 'Mayordollia'
in Mexico." 1966.
Estevez-Weber, Leda. -Socio-Cultural Aspects of the
Dowry System in Greece: A Study in Three Rural
Communities. I 1965.
Fiore, Carol Ann.
-Religion in Tecate.
I
1969.
Fox, Margery.
-Ritual Values and the Malerole in
Childbirth."
1967.
Glaser, June. -The American Upper Class and Its
Relation to Maximum Upward Sooial Mobility: An
Analysis of the Marriage Patterns of Four American
Upper Class Families."
1970.
Glenn, Sylvia Grauer.
aMale-Infant Relationships
Among Nonhume.n Primates.-
1910.
Gordon, Clifford L. -Tribal Cohesion in Kampala,
Uganda and the Copper Belt Cities of zambia.1972.
Gorman, Joy Fischer.
-The Gamelan as an Indicator
of Personality Differences Between the Javanese and
Balinese.1970.
Gorton, Tryphena A. -Functional Analysis of the
Bushbaby Foot and Ankle.
Grossman, Leona. -Emergency Room Visits for Asthmatic
Attacks: A Study of Puerto Ricans at Mt. Sinai
Hospital.w
1971.
Hefner, Patricia C. -The Background, Birth and Physical
Behavioral Development of Two Gorillas Born in
Captivity.1971.
Hittman, Michael.
wThe Relationship Between the
Theories and the Fieldwork of Leslie A. White
and Elmanr.w
1965.
Langley, Sarah.
-Human Pain Response.-
1969.
Lemishow, Florence.
-A Review of Contempor&r7
Approaches to the Plantation System.- 1907.
Meyers, Peter.
-Dreams and Culture.'
1966.
O'Toole, Electa B. 'An Analysis of the Lire Style
of the Travelling People of Ireland.' 1972.
Rutsch, Edward.
·Smoking Technology or the Aborig1nes
of the Iroquois of New York State.' 1968.
..
Sang, Marie Agatha.
-Legitimacy and Rol. Dualism:
an Analysis of the Local Leadership of the Chin.s.
Gentry.' 1970.
Schwartz, Anita. 'The Colony:
Change.- 1969.
Process or Culture
Schwartz, Barbara.
'Puerto Rican Food Habits and
Their Relation to New York Living.1965.
Vetter, John. 'A Typological Analysis of the Br1tish
Mountain Tradition in the North Amer1can Arctic.-
1970.
Wehle, Wally Maria. 'Hermes and Joseph: A study or
Mythology in Thomas Mann's Joseph Novel.' 1970.
Williams, Lorraine.
'Sedenatarization
Asia:· An Evolution of Prehistoric
1967.
in South-West
~videnc ••
Friedlander, Victor. ·Distance and Despotism:
Pima Anomaly.· 1972
the
Hanley, Gerard F. "Agriculture and Marriage in Ireland:
a Self-Regulating System.· 1971.
Leicht, Raymond C. DA Consideration of the Tlatilco
Problem in the Light of Excavations at Nexpa,
Morelos.· 1971.
Kass, Barry D.
-The Evolution of the Zulu State.·
1971.
THE UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA. CHAPEL HILL
Abbott, Susan. -A Proposal for Ethnographic Research
to be carried out on the Duck Valley Indian
Reservation, Idaho and Nev~da.· 1971.
Barcott, Donna Lee. ·Sociocultural Stress Factors
Among Adolescents.1972.
Bouldin, Susan Vandale.
-Education in Cuba:
zation of the Countryside.1972.
Mobili-
Boyce, Douglas Wesley. -Tuscarora Political Organization, 1650-1713.· 1971.
Canouts, Veletta Kay. -Towards a Reconstru~tion or
Creek and Pre-Creek Cultural Ecology.1971.
Davis, Dona Lee. ·Biological, Demographical and
Cultural Factors in Twinning Frequencies.·
1972.
Davis, Dorothy Irene. ·Cross-Cultural Studies ot the
Beliefs and Practices Surrounding Twin Births
Viewed from an Ecological Perspective.1972.
Egloff, Kelth Touton. -Methods and Problems of Mound
Excavation.1971.
Gamble, George Raymond.
In-Iran; = 1972
-Compensatory Birth Behavlor
Gortych, Barbara Mary. •Innovatlon and Tradition
ln Leadership Roles: A Comparison or Tubman
and Sukarno.· 1972.
Grossmith, Christopher John. -Modernizationarid
Natality in Moslem Macedonia.1
1972.
Hall, Lawrence W., Jr.
Town Life. I 1971.
IEnculturation
into the Northern
Hebert, Mayling Simpson. IThe Social Isolation or
Irish Travellers. I 1971.
Kay, Eleanor Lynn. IConsiderations of a aesearch
Design to Measure Conflict among Nurses who Provide
Abortion Services.1 1972.
.
Kotlas, Carolyn Mary. ·Black-White aelations in a
Southern Community Center and Church.· 1972.
Levy, Rochelle Harriett.
IAn Ethnographic
Great Bear Lake ~ndians.1
1971.
Markman, Charles William.
Villages. I 1972.
McEntire, Marie Ellen.
Conscientization.1
Sketch:
IThe Calendar of the Loxicha
IA Critical Analysis or
1972.
Miedema, Virgil Dean. IAspects of the Nepalese
Kinship System.- 1971.
Morrison, Alexander Henderson III. IThe Direct
Historical Approach in American Archaeology. I
1972.
Myers, Robert Amory.
-A Social History of Dominica.-
1972.
Ohgren, Linnea C. -Disappearance
Central Eskimos.1971.
or Shamanism:
Page, John Bryan.
IMexican Machismo: A Complex or
Phenomena in Need of Systematic Study.- 1971.
Smith. Edward Jerome. -A Proposal for the Study of
Legal Perceptions in Bural North Carolina.1
1972.
Terry, Isabel Brumaghim.
IThe West Indies Federation.-
1972.
Vick, Laura Greer. -Personal Preferences for Interindividual Bonds in a Lemur Troop.1 1972.
Williams, Sharlotte Neely. -The Role of Formal Education
Among the Eastern Cherokee Indians, 1880-1971.-
1972.
Blaine, Harry R.
·Cross-Cultural Correlative Ga.es.·
1966.
Bunnell, James V. "A Brief Note on the Origin and
Perpetuation of the Matri-Centered Family.·
1969.
Fisch, Roland E. ·Parent-in-law Avoidances
Athapaskans and Algonquians.·
1969.
of Northe~
Fish, Catherine A. "Mazeway Reformulation:
A
Comparative Study of Revitalization Movements in
Two Indian Tribes.· 1971.
Funaro, James J. "The Function of Ritual as Communication of Social Relations in Human and Nonhuman
Societies." 1969.
Geistweit, Barbara.
·Archaic Manifestations
and the Ohio Valley." 1970.
.
in Ohio
Green, James W. ·Jamaican Acculturation:
The
Profile Bourguignon of a Dominant Culture.·
1964.
Gussler, Judith D. ·Possession-Illness
Changes in South Africa." 1969.
and Culture
Kimball, Linda A. ·An Application of Generative
Grammar to Non-Verbal Behavior; A Preliminary
Study.· 1966.
Kostelnik, Mary B. ·Democracy in Micronesia:
An
Examination of its Form and Meaning.·
1971.
McGuire, Kenneth.
"An Examination of the Ritual Process
of Death in a Small Spanish City.· 1971.
Mirrer, Bonnie M. "Educational Change in Truk Mioronesia.· 1971.
.
Phagan, Carl J. "An Analysis of the Cameron Coll~otion of Artifaots from Highland Eouador."
1970.
Polster, Gary E. ·Gypsy Life in a Mid.estern American
Estel City--An Ethnographio Study.· 1965.
Potter, Martha A. ·Cole Ceramics:
Woodland Pottery.· 1966.
A Study of Late
Pressel, Esther J. "Manus Socio-Economic Structure and
Ethico-Religious System: A Study of Requisite
Functional Relationships."
1964.
Rice, Patricia.
"Changes in the Kazak Pastoral
Economy: History and Analysis."
196).
Rompler, Peter O. "Facing America:
in the United States." 1965.
German Students
Ryder, James W. "Methodological Assumptions and
Theoretical Implications Concerning the Material
Dyad." 1969.
Sanford, Charles F. "An Interpretative study of the
Ohio Hope~ell Mortuary Cult in North American
Archaeology."
1970.
Seall, Lucy T. "A Comparative study of Toys and Their
Usages in Twenty-five Societies."
1965.
Spencer, Judith A. "Societal Conditions of Monotheism:
A Partial Replication of a study by Guy E. Swanson."
1970.
Swartzbaugh, Richard G. "Variations in the Nesting
Behavior of Chimpanzees and Gorillas."
196).
Vermillion, Connie.
"An Examination
of Arab Peasantry."
1964.
Walter, George F. "The Ecology and Distribution of
st. Kitts Green Monkeys, Cercopithecus aethiops
sabaeus Linn.
PORTLAND STATE UNIVERSITY, PORTLAND, OREGON
Pierce, Gwen. "An Exploration Into the Applicability
of a Psychological Technique for Anthropological
Research."
1972.
THE UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA,
PHILADELPHIA
Borgogno, Irene. "Computer Typology--Pro
A Panamanian Example." 1971.
Caughey, F~noes~
Truk." 1971.
and Con:
"Pr_gnancy and Childbirth on Uman,
Glantz, Medora.
"Witchcraft and Soroery in Six
Matrilineal Tribes in Central Africa.·
1911.
Hahn, James. ·Considerations of Biological Factors
Surrounding Changes in Breast-Feedina Behavior."
1971.
Hurlong, Sandra.· ·Historical Worth as a Prinoiple
Integration:
The Traditional Families of an
Argentine City." 1971.
Nowell, George.
"An Aging of the Prehistoric
tion ot Tepe Hissar, Iran.· 1911.
Wetherill,
Elkins.
SAN FRANCISCO
"The Fauna of Chansen."
of
Popula1911.
STATE COLLEGE, SAN FRANCISCO
Caron, Roger C. "Technology, Time and Space in Amerioan
Culture."
1971.
Callaway, Donald G.
1971.
"Warfare Among the Mohave.·
Earnhardt, Eldon D, "Aspects of Invention and
Technology Changes ot the American Plains Indian
Cultures."
1910.
Faber, Mac Jean, "The Tale of the Bungling Host:
A Historic-Geographic Analysis.·
1910.
Gratch, Stephen H. ·Perpetuation of the Shtetl
Culture in the Culture of the Kibbutz.·
1911.
Hansen, Ronald G. "An Application
sis: Archaeology of Mrn-192,·
of Systems Analy1910.
.
Herod, David D. ·Type Versus Style:
Comparability.·
1910.
a Question
of
Hozie, William C. "The Emerging Navajo: A Perspective
ot his Migration to Denver, Colorado.·
1911.
Krutz, Gordon V. ·Compartmentalization as a Factor
in Urban Adjustment:
The Kiowa Case.· 1910.
La Jeunesse, Roger M. "A Morphological Investigation
of a ~r~hlstorlc Popul~t1on from the Southern
Sierra of California.·
1912,
Lenkeit, Don A. RAn Analysis of Dental Variation in
Several Northern California Aboriginal Populations.R
1970.
Morden, Joyce L. 'The Paleopathology
fornia Indians.' 1972.
of Some Cali-
Ostling, Robert N. -Mexicans and Mexicanos:
Contrasting Identities in Tetelea de Avila
Castillo.- 1970.
Whelan, James P. -The Comparative Analysis of the
Mammal Remains from Three Prehistoric Indian
Sites in Alameda County, California.1970.
Wildesen, Leslie. -Temporal and Areal Relations in
Alameda County, California.1970.
SOUTHERN ILLINOIS UNIVERSITY,
CARBONDALE
Iseminger, William R. -Archaeologioal Investigation
in the Kinkaid Creek Valley. Jackson County,
Illinois.' 1971.
Lien, Cheng-S~ng.
-Some Aspects of Taiwan Aboriginal
Kinship Structure.' 1971.
Liu, Ellen.
-A Study of the Decline of Chinese
Lineage in Taiwan and Hong Kong.- 1971.
Schwerdtfeger, Dale W.
Japanese Studies.-
-A Unified Approach to Rural
1971.
Thongthe., Somchintana.
-Geneology and Political
Structure of the Thais.' 1971.
STANFORD UNIVERSITY, STANFORD, CALIFORNIA
Chapman, Peter Sherwood.
·Micronesian Archaeology:
An Annotated Bibliography.'
Klein, Lauren Charles.
Movement.'
'The Aliyot:
A Revitalization
Lee, Shirley Wilson. -A Survey of Acculturation in
the Intermontane Area of the United States.Reynolds, Anne-Marie Lair. -Tiki, A PolYnesian
Myth: An Analysis for Value.-
Porter, Anne Higgins.
"Cultures of Highland and Lowland
New Guinea: A Comparison."
TULANE UNIVERSITY,
NEW ORLEANS, LOUISIANA
Robins, Edward Alan. "Initiation Rites and Personalit~
A Question of Causality."
1969.
Tobias, Peter Michael.
"A Cross-Cultural Analysis of
the Political Systems of Twelve African Kingdoms."
1969.
Wilhelmsen, Finn. "Salmon, Status, Etiquette and
World Renewal Among the Kwaklutl."
1969.
THE UNIVERSITY
OF VICTORIA, BRITISH COLUMBIA
Davis, Bonita.
"An Evaluation or the Relationship
Between Sohool Experience and Attitudes Toward
School: Indian Students From One British
Columbia Reserve.D
1970.
Haggarty, James C. "A Study ot Dermatoglyphic Patterning<in British Columbia Native Populations."
1971.
Haugen, Roger E. "Indian Rodeo in British Columbia:
A Structural-Functional Analysis."
1971.
Shoop, Gregg B. ~Indian Participation in the
Commercial Fisheries of the Alberni-Barclay
Area.· 1971.
Sound
Simonsen, Bjorn. "Archaeological Investigations at
FeTe 4: A Site in the Hecate Strait-Milbank.
Sound Area of British Columbia."
1971.
I..HEUNIVERSITY
OF VIRGINIA ,-CHARLOTTESVILLE
"Social Change and the ArchitecBiel, Bruce Edward.
A Study in Cultural and Social
tual Experience:
Ecology."
1971.
Farmer, Gregory Keven.
"A Modern Millenarian Movement in the Eastern United States."
1970.
Poe, Karen Marie.
·Classificatory and Descriptive
Kinship Systems: ARe-evaluation."
1971.
Riohardson; Linda Margaret,
"Social Structure in
Mesoamerica:
A Comparative Discussion or Two
Highland Community Studies."
1971.
WAKE FOREST UNIVERSITY, WINSTON-SALEM,
NORTH CAROLINA
Moore, Mary Louise Hanson.
"The Sick Role in
Menstruation and Pregnancy."
Ric., Don Stephen.
"The Archeology of British
Honduras: A aeview and Synthesis.'
Rice, Prudence M. "The Bottoms Rock Shelter A
Prehistoric Site in Forsyth County, N. C:"
WASHINGTON STATE UNIVERSITY, PULLMAN
Abbott, Donald Neil. "A Study of Factors Relevant
to the Interpretation of Archaeological Remains
on Southeastern Vancouver Island.' 1971.
Barnes, Paul L. "Archaeology of the Dean Site:
Twin Falls County, Idaho." 1964.
Brown, Carolyn.
"Glossolalia: A Behavioral Approach
to a Socia-Cultural Phenomenon."
1970.
Brunton, Marjorie Ann. ·Cross-cultural Investigation
of the Statuses of Widow and Widower."
1967.
Combes, John D. "Burial Practices as an Indicator
of Cultural Change in the Lower Snake Biver
Region." 1968.
Durrenberger, E. Paul. "The Evolution of Japanese
Social Organization from the Induction of Bice
to the Gempei Wars." 1966.
Gaudet Jr., Frederick William.
"Mesoamerican Community Studies: A Critique of American Ethnology."
1965.
Gleeson Paul Franois, Jr. "Dog Remains tram the
ozette Village Arohaeological Site." 1970.'
Guinn, Stanley James. "A Maritime Village on the
Olympic Peninsula of Washington."
1963.
Haney, Jr., William Edward.
"An Analysis of the
Influence of Environment and Contact History on
the Form of Two Millenarian Movements.'
1965.
Holton, Jennifer James. "Early Indian Cultural
Influence in Malaya." 1967.
Kenaston, Monte Ray. 'The Archaeology or the Harder
Site, Franklin County, Washington.'
1966.
Koch, Walton ~oston. 'An Inventory Analysis of a
Late Historic Eskimo House in Northwestern
Alaska, and Insights into Sources of Error in
Archaeological Interpretations.1968.
Lewis, Gregory Williams.
'Incipient Dog Domestication
in the New World.- 1965.
Mallory, Oscar Lowell. 'A Comparative Cultural
Analysis of Textiles trom McGregor Cave,
Washington.'
1966.
Marshall, Alan Gould. 'An Alluvial Chronology or the
Lower Palouse River Canyon and its Relation to
Local ArchaeologicalSites.·
1971.
Mattson, John Lyle. 'A Contribution
Prehistory.'
1971.
to Skagit
Mauger, Jeffrey Edward.
'A Study ot Donnelly Burins
in the Campus Archaeological Collection.'
1970.
Moore, Winston D. 'Manual Laborers:
Model.' 1966.
A Conceptual
Nesbitt, Paul Edward. 'Petroglyphs or the Snake",
River, Washington.'
;968.
.
Newman, Thomas Stell. 'Toleax Point--An Archaeological
Site on the North Central Washington Coast.- 1959.
Ross, Lester Alan. 'The Irvine Complex: A Late
Prehistoric Horizon Archaeological Complex tor
-the Newport Bay Area, California.'
1969.
Ross, Richard E. 'Prehistory or the Bound Butte
Area, Jefferson County, Oregon.' 1963.
Schwede, Madge L. 'An Ecological study of Nez Perce
Settlement Problems.' 1966.
weatherford, Claudine. 'Trade Bells ot the Southern
Plateau: Their Use and Occurrence Through
Time.' 1971.
Wh1te;G.l'I.'Comparatlve
AD:lysls or Indl:n Skalatal
Material trom the Columbia Plat.au ot Washington.'
1962.
THE GEORGE WASHINGTON UNIVERSITY, WASHINGTON. D.C.
1972.
Canes, Mary P,
"Irish Men and Women."
Eden, Helen M.
"Ghetto Medical Beliefs.'
Fetcbko, Peter J.
1970.
nAnga Material Culture.'
1972.
Gakenheimer, Caroline Bierer. "Artifacts From the
Rio Puerco: The Application of Seriation to
Lithic Materials."
1963.
Gregg, Isabelle A.
"Statistics in Archaeology,-
Hickey, Joseph V,
1970,
'Prehistory of Charles County,'
1970, .
Kagan, Dorothy Louise. 'Clinical, Genetic, and Evolutionary Relevance of Metatarsal Length Patterns,'
1971,
Linskey, Patricia K. -Hunting Patterns in the
Southwest,1970.
Madancy, Rita L,
'Orbital Depth,-
1972,
McFadyen, Annette M, ·Koyukuk River Culture of the
Arctic Woodlands,"
1966.
Ming-hua Chao, Phyllis,
"Th. Role of Religion and
Magic in Tibetan Life.· 1966.
Moors, Marilyn M,
·Negro Enclave.-
Rourke, Patricia A.
Stuart, George E.
1970.
'Cross Cultural Model,·Water •• Valley,-
1971,
1970,
Velten, Terri, ·Labor Migration in East and Central
Africa,· 1966,
WICHITA STATE UNIVERSITY, WICHITA, KANSAS
Blazer, Leland. 'Samoan Character as aevealed by
Three Tests of Personality.'
1968,
Broce, Gerald, "Cultural Continuity in the Transformation. of Comanch. Society,- 1966,
Brosius, A. Lorraine.
Design.' 1971,
"Exhibit I:
Venture into
Carter, Jackson.
"Truk:
A Land Problem."
1972.
Casteel, Darrell.
"Traditional Curing in Chapantongo,
Mexico." 1972.
Crow, John Robert.
"Arctic Drainage Athabaskan
Hunting.· 1972.
Davis, Gordon. UEthiopian Acculturation:
A Restudy
in the Testing of Attitudes and Non-Scientific
Beliefs Among Ethiopian Secondary School Students.u
1969.
Eisenberg, Judith.
"The Trait of Masking in Melanesia.u
1970.
Greenamyer, Edward L. "The Rational Basis of Primitive
and Traditional Thought.u
1968.
Hannus, L. Adrien.
"A Northwestern
A.D. 400-1700." 1972.
Plains Subculture
Hartman, David. "The Messianic Character or Sociali8m
in Germany.u
1967.
Haskell, J. Loring. "Southern Athapaskan Migration, .
A.D. 200-17;0: An Evaluation and Synthesis.u
1971.
Hayes, J. Michael.
·Sedna Creek and the British
Mountain Tradition."
1969.
Holmes, Jeanette.
"Aboriginal and Modern Samoa:
A Study of Cultural Change Based Upon London
Missionary Society Journals.·
1967.
Holmes, Roy Michael.
"Mohave Dreaming:
Theme, and Function.·
1972.
Focus,
James, Lyle. ·Problems Relating to the SUbhuman
Phase of Hominid EVOlution, with Special Reference
to Ramapith.cus."
1970.
Kroeker, Peter J. "Lenguas and Mennonites: A
Study of Cultural Change in the Paraguayan Chaoo,
1928-1970.
Martin, Jerry. "The Navotusila Credit Union:
Study in Economic Values.·
1968.
A
Martin, Lucille.
·Modoc Assimilation:
An Acculturation
of the Study of the Modoc Indians in the MidWestern United States." 1968.
Mitchell, R. Charles.
on Intelligence."
Ottaway, Harold.
nThe Effects of Assimilation
1972.
'The Cheyenne Arrow Ceremony, 1968.'
1969.
Parson, Edward R. ITortolian Culture:
Study." 1965.
A Diacronic
Pequeno-Rossie, Pedro. "The Northern Central American
Tribes: The Chorti, The Jicaque and the Lenca
in the Ulua River Basin, Honduras on the Eve of
the Spanish Conquest. An Ethnohistorlcal Analysis.'
1967.
Rhoads, Ellen C. "Climates and Clothing:
Analysis.'
1971.
An Ecological
Salm, Edward. "Folsom and Llano Point Technology:
An Analysis of Manufacturing Techniques.1965.
Swain, Jack R. -Haskell Institute: A Study ot the
Effect of Indian Bureau Policy on Curriculum.'
1966.
Vehik, Rain. IAn Archeological Evaluation
Central Kansas.' 1967.
of South
Vickery, Lucretia.
"Excavations at TA-26, A Small
Pueblo Site Near Taos, New Mexico.- 1969.
THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN, MILWAUKEE
Anderson, Ralph. -The Analysis of Demographic Variables
in Prehistoric and Non-census Societies.1
Achcznski, Heien. -Burial Practices of the Effigy
People as a Clue to Chronological and Geographical
Distribution of the Effigy Mounds.1
Gregg, Michael. "Societal Structure and PopUlation
Considerations for Cahokia."
.
Scheibengraber, Karl. -Bioholography and Holovarlate
Analysis in Physical Anthropology.-