Journal of Research in Peace, Gender and Development (ISSN: 2251-0036) Vol. 2(10) pp. 214-225, October 2012
Available online@ http://www.interesjournals.org/JRPGD
Copyright ©2012 International Research Journals
Review
Female genital mutilation as violence against women
among the Kayoro Region of Ghana
1
Edet P.B., 2Eneji, C.V.O, 3Ekefre E., 4Eneji, J.E.O., 5Unwanade .C.C, 6Bassey J.E.
1
Dept. of Educational Foundations, Guidance and Counseling, Faculty of Education, University of Calabar, Nigeria
Rural Development And Gender Studies, Dept. of Geography, School of Environmental Science, Federal University of
Technology, Yola, Nigeria
3
Dept. of Education Foundation, Cross River University of Technology, Nigeria
4
Dept. of Nursing Sciences, University of Nigeria, Enugu Campus, Enugu, Nigeria
5
Dept. of Sociology, University of Calabar, Nigeria
6
Dept. of Adult Education, Faculty of Education, University of Calabar, Nigeria
2
*Corresponding Author E-mail: vcogareneji@yahoo.com
Abstract
This study was carried out to investigate violence against women as related to female genital
mutilation, trace the origin of female genital mutilation and, find answers as to why the practice is still
being carried out even at this modern time. The study also investigated into the hazardous effects of
the practice. The sample was made up of 35 respondents consisting of 20 girls, 5 circumcisors 5
elderly women, 5 opinion leaders. The interview transcript of respondents and field notes provided a
rich source of data for the study. Findings indicated that the practice brings prestige to the receivers,
makes the married women stay faithful to their husbands, as it is found out that the circumcised
women have lower sexual inclinations and this keeps them faithful and less proned to sexual
promiscuity, as it is assumed that any girl that is not circumcised this way is mocked at and ridiculed.
Some however expressed disgust to the practice wishing that they had somewhere else to run to. The
forgoing represents the views of the girls. The elderly women confirmed that the practice brings
respect to the whole family and it is considered a taboo if any girl does not undergo female genital
mutilation in the area. It is believed that if such a girl/woman is married the husband may not love her.
The ceremony after the FGM is special. And one of the respondents expressed that any girl that does
not undergo FGM may be regarded as an outcast and cannot be allowed to live among others in the
family. According to the elderly women, this practice makes wives “real wives” and more attached to
their husbands. Some recommendations were made based on the findings.
Keywords: Female Genital Mutilation, Male Circumcision,
HooddectoLabia Mayora, Labia Manora, Infibulation.
Female
circumcision,
Clitoridectomy,
INTRODUCTION
Circumcision is regarded as a normal cultural act or
practice on both males and females in the African
traditional system. But when it comes to female genital
mutilation (FGM) the story is quite different as this
practice presents some hazardous and negative
psychological effects on the recipients .Tracing the origin
of FGM among the kayoro of Ghana been confusing as
well as misleading as no researcher has been able to
actually categorically state how the practice came into,
and developed such a deep root in Ghana among the
Edet et al. 215
Kayoro indigenes. By reason of its cultural status so
many important beliefs have been attached to the
practice making it quite difficult to eradicate or even
control. The elderly in this society cherish and promote
the practice, while the younger ones who are the victims,
or potential victims despite it, and even wish they had
somewhere else to run to so as to avoid being a
subsequent victim. Because of the hazardous effects this
practice has on recipients some NGOS and even WHO
have illegalized this practice but to no avail because they
had been deeply rooted in the socio-cultural lives of the
people.
Statement of the problem
The problem of this study is that of violent against women
in relation to female genital mutilation. It is a serious
problem because of the hazardous, emotional, physical
and other enduring effects this practice exposes the
victims to, coupled with the insensibility of the
practitioners to heed to the laws banning its continued
practice.
Purpose of the study
The purpose of the study is to investigate into the root
causes of the traditional principles and values which have
influenced the practice of female genital mutilation in
Kayoro. The social psychological, economic, emotional,
and physical effects of this practice will also be
investigated.
Research questions
1. What is the origin of FGM in the area?
2. What factors induce the people of Kayoro to practice
female genital mutilation [FGM]?
3. What are the possible benefits /negative effects of
FGM on the recipients of this practice?
4. What are he types of female genital mutilation
practiced in the area?
5. What are the probable interventions towards this
practice in the area?
The literature review was organized under the following
sub-headings:
i.
Origins of FGM
ii.
Types of FGM
iii. Cultural and religious factors which influence the
practice of FGM
iv. Health hazards associated with FGM
v. Efforts made by WHO and NGOs to stop and reduce
the practice of FGM.
The origins of female genital mutilation
The attempts to theoretically reconstruct the origins of
FGM presents a formidable challenge that too many may
seem an exercise in futility, leading one scholar to
caution that: even retroactive reconstruction via
circumstantial extrapolation is problematic” (Obioral
1997). Scholars differ in their views regarding the
importance of such, and maintain that the conditions that
led to the initial adoption of female “circumcision” are not
static and knowing them will enhance understanding of
the perpetuation of the practice (Boddy 1982). To others
however, tracing the origin is an essential endeavor and
they argue that the question of origin is becoming
increasingly important, particularly to African women who
uphold the tradition, and are continually finding
themselves in a position to justify the practice to
outsiders, and perhaps more so, to themselves.
Arguing from a different angle a political scientist
Mackie (1996) locates its genesis in ancient Meroe [in
preset day Sudan], where infibulation was practiced in
the context of fidelity control and paternity confidence
mechanisms under conditions of imperial female slavery.
Dorkenoo (1994) is of the view that female genital
mutilation must have developed independently among
certain ethnic groups in sub-Saharan Africa as part of
puberty rites. Klein (1989) adds that excision practices
can be assumed to date back thousands of years but that
at some point, these came into conjunction with the
obsessive preoccupation with virginity and chastity that
today will characterize Islamic-Arabic cultures (Klein
1989).
According to Dorkenoo (1992), female genital
mutilation is believed to have been introduced to Ghana
by migrating populations from the Sahelian countries’ of
Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger. Heidi (1999) claim that the
prevalence of FGM in Ghana ran between 25 and 35%.
In the northern region of Ghana with a population of
about one million, there are 14 different ethnic groups
among whom genital mutilation is not practiced at all.
However, in the same region there are also migrants from
neighboring countries such as Togo and Burkina Faso,
among whom the practice is carried out [Smith 1992]. It is
believed that female genital mutilation [FGM] has its
origin in the northern part of Ghana due to the males
desire to control females sexuality. In the traditional
African societies, it was absolutely necessary for girls to
216 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
remain chaste until marriage. Therefore young girls were
mutilated to “remove” or prevent any sexual desires, and
to ensure their virginity until marriage.
According to Dorkenoo and Elworthy (1992) in the
olden days, most chiefs in the Kesana- Nankana
traditional area of Ghana used to have two or more
wives. The chiefs therefore, found it difficult to satisfy all
their wives sexually due to their number. For fear that
wealthy men would lure their wives sexually into sexual
intercourse; they came out with the introduction of female
circumcision as a measure of controlling or reducing the
sexual desires of their wives. Another version has it that
hunters in the Kesana-Nankana area normally left their
wives at home for hunting far into the bush for months.
During their absence, the desire for sex by their wives
may be aroused and temptation for them to look for men
could be ruled out when they have undergone FGM.
Circumcision was therefore, necessary to reduce their
wives’ desires and feelings for sex until their husbands
return from hunting. It is however worthy to point out that
no definite evidence exists documenting exactly when,
and why female genital mutilation began but it is
believed to have been introduced into the KesanaNankana area and other areas in the upper East Region
of Ghana by a tribe from Burkina Faso and Mali
(Dorkenoo and Elworthy, 1992), it can be inferred from
the literature review that the origin of FGM is not certain,
however, the practice is linked with a cultural practice
aimed at controlling the sexual desires of girls and
women and this view is held by those who practice FGM.
Types of female genital mutilations
Female genital cutting or circumcision or mutilation refers
to a variety of operations involving partial or total removal
of female external genitalia. In 1995, the World Health
Organization (WHO) classified Female Genital Mutilation
operations into four types based on the severity of
structural disfigurement. FGM is most often performed
between the ages of 4 and 10 years although in some
communities it may be practiced on infants or postponed
until just before marriage.
Type I
Clitoridectomy
Type one of Female Genital Mutilation, often termed
clitoridectomy, involves excision of the skin surrounding
the clitoris with or without excision of part of the entire
clitoris. When this procedure is performed in infants and
young girls, a portion or all of the clitoris and surrounding
tissues may be removed. If only the clitoral prepuce is
removed, the physical manifestation of type 1 FGM may
be subtle, necessitating a careful examination of the
clitoris and adjacent structures for recognition. Type 1 is
therefore, the partial removal of the labia minora of the
clitoris, which is known as clitoridectomy.
Type II
Type II FGM, referred to as excision, is the removal of the
entire clitoris and part of all of the labia minora. Crude
stitches of catgut or thorns may be used to control
bleeding from the clitoral artery and raw tissue surface, or
mud poultries may be applied directly to the perineum.
According to who,[1997] study, patients with Type II FGM
do not have the typical; contour to the anterior perinea
structures resulting from the absence of labia minora
Infibulation (Type III)
Infibulation is the most drastic form of circumcision. It is
also known as “pharaonic circumcision. “Infibulation
involves the cutting of the entire clitoris. Thus the
adjacent tissues or labia minora and labia majora are
both operated upon. Unlike the clitoridectomy where the
labia minora is operated upon, in infibulation’s all or both
the labia minora (small lips of the vagina) and the labia
majora, that is the large lips of the vagina are both
operated upon. When the operation is done the raw
edges of the wounds are then sewn together leaving only
a tiny opening for urination and menstruation. After the
operation, the girl’s legs are bound together and she lies
motionless until the wounds are healed. In addition to the
three types of mutilation is the unclassified or the Type
Four (IV).
Unclassified (Type IV)
These are the range or forms of surgeries and classified
manipulations and practices identified by the WHO.
These include pricking, or stretching or incising of the
clitoris and or labia burning or radiation of the clitoris,
scrapping of tissues surrounding the vaginal orifice
(angurya cuts) and cutting of the vagina (igishiri cuts)
(WHO;1997). “Angurya” cut are operated at the orifice,
which is the foreskin of the opening in which the vagina
joins the clitoris. The “igishiri” cuts are operated on the
vagina itself (Geneva, WHO 1996).
Edet et al. 217
Cultural and religious dimensions associated with
female genital mutilation
The tradition or cultural practice of FGM predates both
Islam and Christianity. A Greek Papyrus from 163 B.C.
mentioned that girls in Egypt were undergoing
circumcision in Egypt and the Nile valley at the time of
the Pharaohs. Also evidence from mummies indicated
that there were types 1 and type iii forms of FGM in Egypt
before Islam or Christianity.
Female Genital Mutilation is a cultural practice. Efforts
to end it requires understanding and changing the beliefs
and perceptions that have sustained the practice over the
centuries irrespective of how, where, and when the
practice began. Those who practice it share similar
beliefs. The details of these mental maps vary across
countries and there are distinctive features to each
culture that provides community workers and others
involved with the anti-female genital mutilation campaigns
need to take into consideration.
According to WHO/PATH (1997), this mental map
shows the psychology and social reasons and the
religious, societal, and (hygienic and aesthetic) beliefs
that contribute to the practice. These beliefs involve
continuing long standing customs and tradition of
maintaining cleanliness, chastity, virginity and upholding
family honour, and sometimes perceived religious
dictates.
Communities have a range of enforcement
mechanisms to ensure that the majority of women comply
with FGM. These include fear of punishment from the
gods, men’s unwillingness to marry uncircumcised
women, insistence that women from other tribes get
circumcised when they marry into the group, as well as
local poems and songs that reinforce the importance of
the ritual. In some cases, women who are not
circumcised may face immediate divorce or forced
excision. Girls who undergo FGM sometimes receive
rewards, including public recognition and celebrations,
gifts, potential marriage offers, respect and opportunity to
engage in adult social functions.
Another reason such as a celebration of womanhood,
preservation of customs or tradition, or a symbol of ethnic
identity has helped to perpetuate the tradition. The ritual
cutting is often an integral part of ceremonies, which may
occur over several weeks, in which girls are feted and
showered with presents and their families are honoured.
It is described as a joyous time with many visitors,
feasting, dancing, and eating of good food and the
creation of an atmosphere of freedom for the girls. The
rituals serve as an act of socialization into cultural values
and an important connection to family, community and
earlier generations. The ceremonies often involve
interrelated aspects: educational as the girls take their
place in society and their role as women, wives, or
mothers. It also entails physical training. The practice is
seen as exposing the girls to physical pains to prepare
them for their new roles as courageous women and to
help them to endure pains at labour. The girls are,
therefore, made to undergo vows of silence to make a
solemn pledge not to speak about their painful
experience during the ceremony to others.
Some of the justifications for the practice hinge on the
belief that it preserves the virginity and protects marital
fidelity because it diminishes sexual desires, practicing
communities cite reasons such as giving pleasure to
husbands, religious mandate, cleanliness, identity,
maintenance of good health and, achieving good social
standing as reasons behind the practice. At the heart of
all these, it is a form of rendering a woman marriageable
which is important in societies where women get their
support from male family members especially husbands.
A circumcised woman will also attract a favorable bride
price, thus benefiting her family. The practice is perceived
as an act of love for daughters. Parents want to provide a
stable married life for their daughters and ensure their full
participation in the community hence forcing their
daughters to undergo the practice. For many girls and
women, being uncircumcised means that they have no
access to status or a voice in their community. Because
of the strong adherence to these traditions, many women
who disapprove of female genital mutilation still submit
themselves and their daughters to the practice. (Geneva:
WHO, 1997)
The tradition argument concerning the ethnic groups
of Ghana indicate that the significance of female genital
mutilation is found in the spiritual, mystical, ritual and
social contexts. The practice is seen as a rite of passage
where as insignificant personality goes through a dying,
regenerative and resurrection process, and then ends up
as a mature person with a clearly defined female sexual
identity, ready to be incorporated into her clan, lineage
and society with the accompanying rights, privileges and
responsibilities. No amount of material wealth can
replace the significance of this “covenant” (Kadri 1986,
Twumasi, 1988).
Reasons usually given for these practices may sound
apparently stupid, illogical, ridiculous, and amusing. Yet,
deep down, these reasons may have metaphorical,
symbolic and psychological explanations. Some of the
reasons which are given are that: excision, increase
fertility; prevention of still-births; prevention of the clitoris
from bursting or pricking the baby’s soft head during
child-birth; it rids a female from the male element in her
218 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
make-up and it prevents embarrassment of the erection
of the clitoris during sexual intercourse. The operation
therefore enhances cleanliness, and it is also part of the
“spiritual” cleansing and purification process.
Reasons for the clitoridectomy among the Wala are
similar to most of the reasons given by inhabitants in
Ghana savanna area. One general reason for the
justification of female genital mutilation / circumcision is
that some women by nature have elongated clitoris and
labia and it is therefore unsightly for their husbands to
see! Hence the need for it to be cut off. Muslims who
have advocated female genital mutilation are cognizant of
the psychological function of the clitoris and believe that
female genital mutilation guarantees virginity or reduces
promiscuity have been challenged and proved wrong. In
a study by McDonald (1986) involving 320 women and
100 men in Egypt, he found out that the subjects had
sexual desires just like their uncircumcised partners.
Female Genital Mutilation in Muslims societies is seen as
a means to pressure these values and to uphold tradition,
religious obligation and the like the Sani (1986) bring in
sociological dimensions for practicing (Smith, 1997).
Sociological/dimensions for practicing FGM
Ideally, the practice of FGM was generally perceived as a
means of improving the moral life of the girls and women
in the Kayoro community and its environs as rite of
passage. The majority of the elderly women [about 80%]
felt the practice has provided the girls with the opportunity
to learn about adulthood better as it afforded them the
opportunity to stay away from promiscuous life. They
were also of the view that it helps them enter into
dignified marriages. However, the girls who were victims
of the practice had different views.
Health hazards
mutilation
associated
with
female
genital
Extensive research indicates that FGM has serious
health hazards which have short term and long term
effects. Some of these are physical pains, fertility and
labour related problems. Sani (1986) Examined the
association between traditional practices of FGM and
adult women’s reproductive morbidity in rural Gambia
with a sample size of 1,348 women aged between 15-54
years, was carried out by WHO (1997). The intention was
to estimate the prevalence of reproductive morbidity on
the basis of gynecological examination and 58% had
signs of genital cutting. The majority of operations
considered clitoridectomy and excision of the labia
minora [WHO classification type ii] and were performed
when they were between the ages of 4 and 7 years. They
found that women who had undergone (FGM) such as
damage to the perineum or anus, vulva, tumors, painful
sex, infertility, prolapse and other reproductive tract
infections [RTIs] were common among the women.
Similarly in their study they explored the association
between female circumcision and fertility using
information from demographic and health surveys [DHS].
In Cote D’ivoire and Tanzania, circumcised women had
lower childlessness, rates lower infertility by age and,
higher total infertility rates than women who were not
circumcised. The reverse pattern prevailed in the Central
African Republic. In all three countries, however,
circumcised women grouped by age at circumcision did
not have significantly different odds of fertility, nor have
children than did uncircumcised women. Thus they found
evidence suggesting that the practice of female
circumcision does not have a statistically discernible
effect on women’s ability to reproduce.
Some of the complications identified by Toubia (1999)
include hemorrhage, severe pain, local and systematic
infection, shock from blood loss, and death in some
cases. Infection is associated with delay healing and the
formation of keloid scars. In addition, pain and fear
following the procedure can lead to acute urinary
retention during the first few days of the operation
because of the swelling tissues. This causes additional
pain and possible chronic urinary track infection. That
apart, there can be profuse bleeding culminating in loss
of blood which, because the blood vessels are damaged
Toubia (1999). Again long-term complications associated
more often, with infibulations than excision or
clitoridectomy. He claims that the possible long-term
complications which include genitor-urinary problems
such as difficulty with menstruation and urination that
result from a complete sealing off of the vagina and
urethra, untreated lower tract infections which can
ascend to the bladder and kidneys, potentially resulting in
renal failure, septicemia, and death. Also chronic pelvic
infections can cause back pain, dysmenorrhea (painful
menstruation), and infertility. Another frequently
mentioned complication is the formation of dermoid cysts,
resulting from embedding epithelial cells and sebaceous
glands in the stitched area. Toubia (1998) claims in
additionally that if the clitoral nerve is trapped in a stitch
or in a scar tissue, a painful neuronal (tumor of neural
tissue) can develop. Infibulated women may experience
painful intercourse and often have to be cut. Often
reported in association with infibulations is obstructed
labour and excessive bleeding from tearing and de-
Edet et al. 219
infibulation during childbirth. Further more, obstructed
labour may lead to the formation of vesico-vaginal and
recto-vaginal fistulae [openings between the vagina
Toubia, (1999). Pointed out, however, that fistulae in
Africa also result from pregnancy in young girls whose
pelvises are not well developed and that the contribution
of FGM to the development of fistulae can be on the
increase in Africa. Some researchers have suggested
that increased obstetrical risk exists for excised women
as well (Epelbian and Epelbian 1981).
Attempts have been made to quantify the range and
frequency of “circumcision” related medical complications
from clinic and hospitals records. Surprisingly, women
are often reluctant to seek medical attention because of
modesty especially in rural setting inaccessibility of health
services especially in the rural areas. Consequently,
complication tends to be reported only if they are severe
and prolonged. Furthermore, in some countries such as
the Sudan, certain types of genital cutting have been
made illegal, and women hide medical complications for
fear of legal repercussions (El Dareer 1982; Toubia
1993).
The best information available on the incidence of
various complications attributable to genital cutting
comes from several large-scale population based
surveys, the first of which was conducted by Asma EL
Dareer in Northern Sudan in 1982). Self-reported
retrospective survey data, however, also suffer from a
number of limitations such as recall bias; and the results
of different surveys are not in all aspect directly
comparable because of differences in classifying
morbidity and different question construction and probing
techniques. These differences might be due to variation
in the type of cutting, sanitation, and training of the
circumciser as well as survey methodology. This broad
range of estimated incidence suggests that when
evaluating risk factors of genital cutting, it is important to
control for factors that may contribute to this range in
variation, such as training of the circumciser, location of
the operation, and medical support. However, it is
obvious from the foregoing exposition that FGM has
health hazards associated with the practice.
Psychological efects
While there are few studies on the psychological effects
of female genital mutilation or female circumcision,
available information indicates a strong potential impact
on the lives of girls and women. Girls have reported
disturbances in eating, sleep mood, and cognition shortly
after experiencing the procedure. Many girls and women
experience fear, submission or inhibition and suppressed
anger, bitterness or betrayal. Studies from Somalia and
Sudan indicate resulting negative effects of self-esteem
and self-identity (Toubia, 1999).
There are few studies on the effects of female
circumcision or female genital mutilation on the sexuality
of adult women. Information from available studies
indicate that all types of female circumcision or female
genital mutilation can interfere, to some degree with
women sexual pleasure and climax. Toubia (1999) claims
that when parts of the genitalia are removed, other areas
of the body such as breasts, can take over roles in sexual
stimulation. However, the sexual experience of
circumcised women is still not fully understood and
further research is needed in this area (Toubia 1995).
In Ghana, operations are carried out without
anaesthetics and severe pain may, cause shock and, in a
few cases, even death.
Procedure for data analysis
Data analysis focused on interpretation and description of
the respondent’s of the interviewee, what they actually
said, and thus the tape recordings were transcribed. In
going through the transcriptions, the researcher listened
to the tape for phrases with contextual or special
connotation and noted them down. “Open coding” of
data,
breaking
own,
examining,
comparing,
conceptualizing and categorizing data and descriptive
codes, were also employed. The topical headings and
themes were finally pulled together for discussion. Thus
data reconstruction involved further interrogating to find
out the recurring words or phrases, the concepts the
interviewees used to capture what they said and the
emerging themes or patterns that were identified in the
phrases or statements of the interviewees. Essentially,
the data reconstruction involved a thematic approach. As
a result of the interactive process of reading and
interrogating the data to find connections or themes, it
was organized into various themes to reflect the
interviews to answer the research questions posed for
the study. Data analysis was organized to find answers to
the following research questions
1.
For what reasons do the Kayoro indigenes practice
female genital mutilation?
2.
What are the hazardous effects of FGM on the
victims?
3.
What are the possible intervention strategies that
can be done to stop
The questionnaire for the collection of the data for this
study is presented using the direct statement of the
220 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
Figure 1. Represents a graphic view of the responses from the girls. Cultural and
religious views expressed by girls of practicing
REASON FOR FGM [GIRLS] TOTAL NO. 20
Reduced sexual
arousement, 12
Taboo to
abstain from it,
9
Reduced sexual
promiscuity, 15
Cleanliness, 14
Dignified
marriage, 19
interviewees and more than one statement is used to
emphasize the issue which emerged from the themes.
The statements are therefore presented under the
following themes: sociological/cultural factors and the
reasons, health problems associated with FGM; legal
issues and interventions. These views are also
augmented with observations and field notes made
during the field study. The next section presents the
views and experiences of the girls, elderly women and
circumcisers who constituted the sample of this study.
Sociological/cultural reasons
Sociological/cultural views of
undergone the practice of FGM
girls
who
have
Girls who have undergone the practice and elderly
women and circumcisers were interviewed to express
their views and experiences about the cultural importance
attached to FGM. More than three-quarters of the girls
shared the view that it helped them to remain chaste or
stay away from promiscuous sex life. The following were
samples of their statements regarding their perception of
the practice
“The whole society views the practice as” something”
very important because it helps us to have sex with our
husbands only when we marry”
“It brings respect and dignity to one’s family because
once you do it, you are seen as a good wife) or girl who is
loved by the husband because you will stay with him
only”
“Those who do not do it are laughed at and, in the
olden days some of them had difficulty in having
husbands because the general view is that, they will not
be faithful to their husbands and this brings disgrace to
their families.
These views clearly suggest the underlying conviction
that the practice is used as a mechanism for helping
married women to remain faithful to their husbands when
they marry. The girls were, however, quick to add that
they doubted if this cultural reasons now hold. As some
of them put:
“They only inflict pain on us for now, but we appreciate
it because some married women who have not
undergone the practice engage in immoral life sex “It is
not true that girls who have undergone the practice and
are the married women do always not remain chaste the
whole practice is scaring us and some of us want to run
to the southern part of Ghana…. Our problem is that we
don’t know who to run to in the southern part of Ghana”
These views in Figure 1 and experiences of the girls
who have undergone the practice of clitoridectomy were
matched with the views of the elderly women in the
Kayoro community and some circumcisers.
Edet et al. 221
Figure 2. The pie-charts present the views of the elderly women and opinion leaders
regarding cultural or sociological reasons for practicing FGM. Cultural views of elderly
Women, Circumcisers and Opinion Leaders about FGM
Sociological and cultural views of elderly women and
circumcisers about FGM
The majority of the elders [about 80%] and the
circumcisers [about 90%] also held views which were
similar to those expressed by the girls. The majority were
of the view that it is practiced to bring dignity to families
as it helps the girls to remain chaste and stay away from
immoral life as evidence from a sample of their
statements:
“it is good, for
it brings respect to the whole
family…..you know if you do not do it, it is considered as
a taboo and your husband will not love you”
“Ah! In our culture we like it for it brings dignity to the
family….. The ceremony that is performed after one had
undergone the practice is considered very special and it
brings a lot of respect to the girl and her family. Look, the
girls who undergo the practice lead good life lives even in
the absence of their husbands……. It’s a good practice”
“For me, if you don’t do it you cannot stay in my family
for you are considered as an out cast….. No responsible
man will marry you ah!Harem [a taboo].
The cultural issues were extended further to relate the
practice of FGM to marital homes and relationships
between husbands and wives. In this area too, the
majority of the respondents about 85% of the elderly
women and the circumcisers were of the view that the
practice creates a friendly and cordial relationship
between couples as indicated in a sample of their
statements:
“For us Kayoro, if your wife undergoes the practice of
FGM, then she is considered a real wife….. You have to
love her because she is your own………
Hmm, you cannot say you have a real wife when your
wife does not perform FGM” “The practice is very good
for it makes your wife more attached to you. You know
once a woman undergoes clitoridectomy she learns to
take good care of herself.
And this makes you love her more ah! Ah! She also
loves you as a husband because she feels satisfied with
you:
“Ah! From my experience as a wife the practice of
clitoridectomy made my husband love me. You know my
husband kept telling me I love you because you are not
“banza”[hopeless woman] for I know you can stay and
wait for me even in my absence.
The next figure 2 highlights and discusses the health
hazards.
Health hazards associated with FGM
Views of girls who have undergone FGM on health
hazards associated with the practice
Another objective of the research was to find out if the
practice of the FGM has health hazards. Girls who have
undergone the practice as well as elderly women in the
Kayoro community and some circumcisers were
interviewed to express their views about the likely health
222 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
Figure 3. Views of girls about the health hazards associated with FGM
HEALTH HAZARDS [GIRLS] TOTAL NO. 20
6
HIV/AIDS, 12 0%
Pains during
sexual
intercourse, 5
Problems
associated with
given birth, 18
hazards associated with the practice, all the rights (about
100%) interviewed were of the view that the practice has
serious health related problems as indicated in a sample
of their statements:
“Hmm! as for FGM, it is painful and after the serious
pains you can bleed a lot…. You even experience serious
pains when you have sex with your husband…. I married
for eight years and I could not have a child because of
this so it can make you barren”
“The practice causes a lot of pain to us…. After one
had gone through it in the first three or four days one
begins to feel cold, and headache all because of the
pains. You know the wound at your lower parts so when it
starts paining you it affects the whole body. It is really a
bother to us nowadays”
“It can let somebody to bleed to death at times. It is
not a joke, for after going through the practice, you really
feel serious pains. When you undergo the practice and
you menstruate the pains come again. If you are not
carful and you are not treated, it can at times kill
somebody. The pie chart in Figure 3 presents views of
girls about health hazards associated with FGM
Since the girls who experienced FGM were
interviewed, the researcher interviewed some elderly
women and men in the community to match their views
with that of the girls. Surprisingly, the views of the
majority of the elders ran counter to what the girls said as
evidence in the sample of their statements: (Figure 4)
Bleed to death,
14
Serious pains
which affet
psychological
well-being, 17
Health hazard (elderly women, circumcisers and
opinion leaders) total no.
Perhaps the perception or thinking of the elders that the
practice does not have health hazards might be due to
their entrenched belief in their culture which has blurred
their thoughts and made them passionate about the
practice. Some of the girls interviewed even said the
practice has long term health problems. As they put it,
“After going through the practice you can have serious
health problems which will continue for a long time and
which eventually lead to your death or you will become
barren”
“The practice has long term effects……. Some of the
girls can even develop cancer and become unhappy and
in the end die…..we the young ones don not like it, but
we cannot fight our elders to abolish it! Probed further to
find out whether the practice can lead to HIV/AIDS
infection, the majority of the girls [80%] interviewed
shared the view that it can lead to HIV/AIDS infection as
indicated in a sample of their statements.
“It is a serious problem for the wanzams or the
Pokubuiga/circumcisers that do not have proper
tools/instruments……some of the cutters or the
equipment used are not sterilized after use…….Hmm!
what is serious is that they use the same knife for every
girl that is to be circumcized….. It is really a problem but
how do we challenge them? Some parents at times do
Edet et al. 223
Figure 4. Views of the elders on health hazards associated with FGM
declare some garb outcast”
“The knife are at times not cleaned and used for a lot
of girls but you cannot complain, you have to do it
because you are forced by your family members or
parents”
“Who says it can kill you or make you fall sick? That is
a tradition, and it has a traditional backing so if you do it
and you fall sick it means you are not chaste or a virgin
and it will bring disgrace to your family. Mama, this thing
is very good for women”
“Our great grandfather started doing this and their
daughters and wives live longer and gave birth to many
children….oh! why sickness or becoming barren after
undergoing FGM then the gods are annoyed with you,
you and your family should bow down your heads in
shame
“This is a tradition which brings respect to the whole
family. We love the practice and it will continue. We don’t
think you will fall sick or die because we pray before we
do it so the girls are protected by the ancestors”
“It can cause HIV/AIDS infection because the knives
are not cleaned and they are the same thing used for the
other people”
It is shocking to note that the evidence gathered from
the elders regarding this serious pandemic [AIDS] also
ran counter to the views of the girls. The majority of the
leaders [90%] were of the view that it cannot lead to AIDS
infection as indicated in sample of their statements.
“What is AIDS…. Ah! This practice has been there for
ages and they did not die… why do you say the children
will get AIDS …..Who says so? The practice is also
spiritual; so that ancestors will never allow this to happen”
“there is nothing to fear about AIDS… you know the
herbs we apply or use for curing the sore is very strong…
the practice is very good ad it helps the girls to lead good
lives. Don’t talk about AIDS it is not true that you can
have it after going through the practice”
Interventions
When the question and the discussion were stressed
further regarding how the practice should be abolished or
stopped and what measures the intervention should be
put in place, the majority of the girls [80%] suggested that
education should be strengthened and the law enforcing
agencies must also be up to their task to help in stopping
the practice as indicated in a sample of thier statements:
“We are now in a new generation….. The practice is
causing a lot of harm to us…death, cancer and
barrenness. The whole Ghana should stand up ad save
us from this practice through conscious education and
strict enforcement of the law. Women associations and
other NGOs should be vigilant and arrest the
“Pokubuiga”,
“The elders in the community, the traditional rulers
who help the “Pokubuiga” must be arrested prosecuted
and imprisoned. You know if the public is dedicated to
rise up against this practice they will be afraid. The
Muslim leaders themselves should be educated about the
224 J. Res. Peace Gend. Dev.
harm caused by this dangerous practice because when
they become aware of the danger through education they
will not say it is a rite of passage”
“There should be education in schools and the
mosques to teach the public about the danger. Regarding
the opinion of the elders pertaining to what interventions
should be put in place to help stop the practice; the
majority of them [80%] were of the view that it can only
be stopped when the community leaders take initiative as
evidence in a sample of their statements.
“It is not easy to stop this practice for it is our culture.
But if you want to stop this then you should start to talk to
the community leaders and chiefs gradually for them to
find a new of performing the rite of passage for the girls.
You know it is not easy to change ones culture but if it is
started with the chiefs and the community leader’s
advocate for its abolition then we will succeed.
“Stopping this practice outright will be difficult because
it is part of our culture. You know even if it is stopped in
towns it will be practiced in the hinterland. We need to
star the educating the chiefs and the community leaders
to become aware of the dangers about the practice. Once
they become aware o the dangers then they will begin to
enforce the laws to stop it. It is not all that easy but it will
reduce and eventually stop the practice”
CONCLUSION
Based on the evidence from the study the following
conclusions were made:
• That the practice of FGM found to be seriously
rooted in the cultural practices of the
Kayoro indigenes of the Northern region of Ghana and
efforts to reduce or eliminate it through law enactment or
arrests is not likely to succeed.
• That girls in the Kayoro community abhor the practice
but have no means of escaping, apart from running away
to southern Ghana which also creates a lot of social and
economic hardship for them.
• That FGM creates a lot of health hazards for girls and
women in the Kayoro community ranging from pains
during sexual intercourse, difficult and prolonged labour
conditions, barrenness, and long term or perpetual pains
among others for some women.
• That the practice is now being done to young babies
who are between one week to three months to help the
perpetrators of this act escape being reported to the law
enforcement agencies and the NGOs.
RECOMMENDATIONS
There should be a comprehensive educational pro-
gramme to sensitize members of the Kayoro community
about the health hazards associated with FGM.
•
The approach to sensitization should be holistic
involving the youth especially
the girls, their mothers and fathers, the “Pokibuiga” [the
traditional cutters or circumcisers, religious and opinion
leaders and legislators in order to put great pressure on
the community stop the produce
•
The ministry of education and the Ghana education
service should make considerable effort to introduce the
hazards associated with FGM into the educational
curricula of the Kayoro community as part of basic health
education programme from a child-to-child approach to
help hasten the need for change from this outmoded
custom.
The community as well as the churches and mosques
should help carry out the convention
and explain it
well to the people since the constitution of Ghana speaks
against it.
•
The maternal health unit of the ministry of health
should as a matter of urgency incorporate
FGM
into their educational programmes since there is nothing
like that at the moment and should team up with NGOs to
work to reduce the perception within the Kayoro
community that stopping FGM will promote promiscuity or
illicit sex behaviours among the youth and help to
eradicate the practice in the entire Northern Region of
Ghana.
•
The study also has implications for guidance and
counseling; Since the practice is ingrained
in
the
culture and tradition of the people, it is suggested that
Glassers reality therapy should be used as the stepping
stone for the recommendations made above to help the
people own the recommendations for its sustenance and
also help them develop the need and appreciation for
change of their culture.
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