UNITED STATES Census Snapshot: 2010 Same-sex couples per 1,000 Same-sex couples

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UNITED STATES
Census Snapshot: 2010
Same-sex couples
646,464
Same-sex couples per 1,000
households
5.5
2.3
Husband/wife
131,729
Same-sex “husband/wife” couples per
1,000 “husband/wife” couples
Unmarried partner
514,735
Same-sex “unmarried partner” couples
70.0
per 1,000 “unmarried partner” couples
Same-sex couples per 1,000 households
by county (adjusted)
All Same-sex Couples
Same-sex female couples per 1,000 households
by county (adjusted)
Female
Male
332,887
51%
313,577
49%
Same-sex couples
who identify as spouses
Female
Male
67,506
51%
64,223
49%
Same-sex male couples per 1,000 households
by county (adjusted)
Same-sex couples
who identify as unmarried partners
Female
Male
265,381
52%
249,354
48%
Percent of same-sex couples raising children
by county (adjusted)
All Same-sex Couples
Raising
"own"
children
111,033
17%
Not
raising
"own"
children
535,431
83%
Same-sex couples
who identify as spouses
Raising
"own"
children
41,194
31%
Not
raising
"own"
children
90,535
69%
Same-sex couples
who identify as unmarried partners
Raising
"own"
children
69,839
14%
Not
raising
"own"
children
444,896
86%
Percent of same-sex couples who identify as spouses
by state
Data and methodology
Data are compiled using the US Census Bureau’s state-level preferred estimates for same-sex couples found here. Same-sex
couples are identified in households where Person 1 describes his or her relationship with another adult of the same sex as either
a “husband/wife” or “unmarried partner”. The Census Bureau preferred estimates adjust original Census tabulations reported in
the Census 2010 SF-1, PCT15 to account for the likelihood that a small portion of different-sex married couples miscode the sex of
a spouse and are incorrectly counted as a same-sex couple.
Adjusted data
The Census Bureau only released preferred estimates for states. County and city data used in this report are adjusted by the
authors and do not represent official Census Bureau tabulations. Like the Census Bureau preferred estimates, the adjustment
procedure accounts for the likelihood that a small portion of different-sex married couples miscode the sex of a spouse and are
incorrectly counted as a same-sex couple. Note that the adjusted figures do not take into account the possibility that some samesex couples may not be counted in Census tabulations due to concerns about confidentiality or because neither partner was
Person 1 in the household.
Go here for a complete description of the adjustment procedure.
States ranked by same-sex couples per 1,000 households
Rank
1
District of Columbia
Same-sex
couples
4,822
Same-sex
couples per
1000
households
18.08
Rank
26
Alaska
Same-sex
couples
1,228
Same-sex
couples per
1000
households
4.76
2
Vermont
2,143
8.36
27
Louisiana
8,076
4.67
3
Massachusetts
20,256
7.95
28
Virginia
14,243
4.66
4
California
98,153
7.80
29
Utah
3,909
4.45
5
Oregon
11,773
7.75
30
Pennsylvania
22,336
4.45
6
Delaware
2,646
7.73
31
Missouri
10,557
4.44
7
New Mexico
5,825
7.36
32
Indiana
11,074
4.43
8
Washington
19,003
7.25
33
Tennessee
10,898
4.37
9
Hawaii
3,239
7.11
34
Ohio
19,684
4.28
10
Maine
3,958
7.10
35
Oklahoma
6,134
4.20
11
Nevada
7,140
7.10
36
Kentucky
7,195
4.18
12
Rhode Island
2,785
6.73
37
Wisconsin
9,179
4.03
13
New York
48,932
6.69
38
South Carolina
7,214
4.01
14
Arizona
15,817
6.64
39
Michigan
14,598
3.77
15
Florida
48,496
6.54
40
West Virginia
2,848
3.73
16
Colorado
12,424
6.30
41
Arkansas
4,226
3.68
17
New Hampshire
3,260
6.28
42
Kansas
4,009
3.60
18
Georgia
21,318
5.95
43
Idaho
2,042
3.52
19
Maryland
12,538
5.81
44
Alabama
6,582
3.49
20
Connecticut
7,852
5.73
45
Iowa
4,093
3.35
21
New Jersey
16,875
5.25
46
Montana
1,348
3.29
22
Texas
46,401
5.20
47
Nebraska
2,356
3.27
23
Minnesota
10,207
4.89
48
Mississippi
3,484
3.12
24
North Carolina
18,309
4.89
49
Wyoming
657
2.90
25
Illinois
23,049
4.77
50
South Dakota
714
2.22
51
North Dakota
559
1.99
States ranked by percent same-sex couples identifying as husbands or wives
Rank
1
Massachusetts
% Same-sex
couples
identifying
as husband
or wife
44%
Same-sex
husband/
wife couples
8,863
Same-sex
unmarried
partner
couples
11,393
Rank
26
Maryland
% Samesex couples
identifying
as husband
or wife
19%
Same-sex
husband/
wife couples
2,321
Same-sex
unmarried
partner
couples
10,217
2
Vermont
35%
755
1,388
27
Kentucky
18%
1,328
5,867
3
Connecticut
34%
2,704
5,148
28
Texas
18%
8,397
38,004
4
Iowa
34%
1,373
2,720
29
Tennessee
18%
1,959
8,939
5
New Hampshire
31%
1,016
2,244
30
18%
580
2,659
6
Mississippi
30%
1,050
2,434
31
18%
3,224
15,085
7
California
29%
28,312
69,841
32
Hawaii
North
Carolina
Nevada
18%
1,252
5,888
8
Wyoming
27%
179
478
33
Virginia
17%
2,474
11,769
9
New Jersey
26%
4,447
12,428
34
Georgia
17%
3,661
17,657
10
North Dakota
26%
146
413
35
Oregon
17%
2,002
9,771
11
Alabama
26%
1,704
4,878
36
Washington
16%
3,072
15,931
12
Arkansas
25%
1,040
3,186
37
Illinois
16%
3,607
19,442
13
South Dakota
25%
175
539
38
DC
15%
745
4,077
14
West Virginia
24%
680
2,168
39
Michigan
15%
2,202
12,396
15
Alaska
23%
278
950
40
Missouri
15%
1,592
8,965
16
South Carolina
22%
1,596
5,618
41
New Mexico
15%
858
4,967
17
Idaho
22%
446
1,596
42
Indiana
14%
1,603
9,471
18
Oklahoma
22%
1,335
4,799
43
Pennsylvania
14%
3,228
19,108
19
Nebraska
22%
510
1,846
44
Delaware
14%
380
2,266
20
Louisiana
21%
1,731
6,345
45
Arizona
14%
2,265
13,552
21
Rhode Island
21%
592
2,193
46
Florida
14%
6,784
41,712
22
Montana
21%
286
1,062
47
Ohio
14%
2,661
17,023
23
Kansas
21%
833
3,176
48
Minnesota
13%
1,330
8,877
24
Utah
21%
809
3,100
49
Colorado
13%
1,618
10,806
25
New York
21%
10,125
38,807
50
Wisconsin
13%
1,194
7,985
51
Maine
10%
407
3,551
Cities ranked by same-sex couples per 1,000 households
Large cities
Population above 250,000
Same-sex
couples per
Same-sex
1000
couples
households
(adjusted)
(adjusted)
San Francisco, CA
10,461
30.25
Mid-size cities
Population between 100,000 and 250,000
Same-sex
couples per
Same-sex
1000
couples
households
(adjusted)
(adjusted)
Fort Lauderdale, FL
2,324
31.08
Provincetown, MA
2
Seattle, WA
6,537
23.06
Berkeley, CA
3
Oakland, CA
3,359
21.84
Salt Lake City, UT
4
Minneapolis, MN
3,555
21.74
Cambridge, MA
5
Atlanta, GA
3,656
19.75
6
Portland, OR
4,784
7
Long Beach, CA
3,128
8
Washington, DC
9
Rank
1
Small cities
Population below 100,000
949
20.61
Wilton Manors, FL
1,145
15.36
Palm Springs, CA
633
14.39
Orlando, FL
1,414
19.25
St. Petersburg, FL
19.13
Madison, WI
4,822
18.08
Denver, CO
4,117
10
Boston, MA
11
St. Louis, MO
12
Same-sex
couples
(adjusted)
237
Same-sex
couples
per 1000
households
(adjusted)
148.08
781
125.33
2,440
107.28
Rehoboth Beach, DE
76
99.97
13.80
Guerneville, CA
185
80.36
1,500
13.78
West Hollywood, CA
1,397
62.05
1,358
13.24
Pleasant Ridge, MI
61
54.77
Alexandria, VA
776
11.39
Rancho Mirage, CA
462
52.29
15.65
Pasadena,CA
627
11.35
New Hope, PA
63
49.99
3,715
14.70
Jersey City, NJ
1,080
11.15
Oakland Park, FL
865
49.41
1,998
14.06
Arlington,VA
1,087
11.08
Cathedral City, CA
790
46.33
Sacramento, CA
2,271
13.00
Providence, RI
693
11.05
Miami Shores, FL
155
42.87
13
Dallas, TX
5,610
12.25
Richmond, VA
908
10.42
Avondale Estates, GA
58
42.78
14
San Diego, CA
5,910
12.23
Vallejo, CA
420
10.34
Northwest Harbor, NY
56
42.74
15
Austin, TX
3,820
11.76
Lansing, MI
501
10.34
Northampton, MA
484
40.31
16
Columbus, OH
3,786
11.42
Rochester, NY
894
10.28
Ocean Grove, NJ
78
40.16
17
Baltimore, MD
2,689
10.76
Santa Rosa, CA
650
10.22
Eldorado at Santa Fe, NM
115
40.00
18
New Orleans, LA
1,518
10.68
Durham, NC
951
10.17
Lambertville, NJ
77
39.28
19
St. Paul, MN
1,179
10.62
Richmond, CA
367
10.16
Asbury Park, NJ
255
37.91
20
Phoenix, AZ
5,450
10.59
Ann Arbor, MI
476
10.12
Signal Hill, CA
157
37.85
21
Chicago, IL
10,849
10.38
Eugene, OR
663
9.98
Decatur, GA
294
34.15
22
Tampa, FL
1,410
10.37
Enterprise, NV
387
9.72
Vashon, WA
152
33.03
23
Kansas City, MO
1,955
10.16
Concord, CA
426
9.62
Brisbane, CA
59
32.39
24
Los Angeles, CA
13,292
10.08
Hollywood, FL
558
9.55
North Druid Hills, GA
311
31.99
25
Albuquerque, NM
2,260
10.07
Paradise, NV
857
9.52
Ferndale, MI
303
31.72
About the authors
Gary J. Gates, PhD is the Williams Distinguished Scholar at the Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law.
Abigail M. Cooke is a PhD candidate in the Department of Geography at UCLA and is affiliated with the California Center for Population Research.
For more information
The Williams Institute, UCLA School of Law, (310) 267-4382
www.law.ucla.edu/williamsinstitute
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
Filed 06/24/11 Page 1 of 51
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
EDITH SCHLAIN WINDSOR, in her
capacity as Executor of the estate of THEA
CLARA SPYER,
Plaintiff,
10 Civ. 8435 (BSJ) (JCF)
ECF Case
v.
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Defendant.
MEMORANDUM OF LAW IN SUPPORT OF
PLAINTIFF’S MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT
PAUL, WEISS, RIFKIND, WHARTON
& GARRISON LLP
Roberta A. Kaplan, Esq.
Andrew J. Ehrlich, Esq.
1285 Avenue of the Americas
New York, NY 10019-6064
(212) 373-3000
rkaplan@paulweiss.com
aehrlich@paulweiss.com
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
James D. Esseks, Esq.
Rose A. Saxe, Esq.
125 Broad Street
New York, NY 10004
(212) 549-2500
jesseks@aclu.org
rsaxe@aclu.org
NEW YORK CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
Melissa Goodman, Esq.
Alexis Karteron, Esq.
Arthur Eisenberg, Esq.
125 Broad Street, 19th Floor
New York, NY 10004
(212) 607-3300
mgoodman@nyclu.org
akarteron@nyclu.org
aeisenberg@nyclu.org
Attorneys for Plaintiff Edith Schlain Windsor
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
Filed 06/24/11 Page 2 of 51
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES ......................................................................................... iii
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT..................................................................................... 1
FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND ..................................................... 3
ARGUMENT ................................................................................................................. 9
I.
THE APPLICABLE STANDARD...................................................................... 9
II.
DOMA IS SUBJECT TO AND CANNOT SURVIVE STRICT OR
INTERMEDIATE SCRUTINY..........................................................................10
A.
B.
Sexual Orientation Discrimination Requires Strict or Intermediate
Scrutiny..................................................................................................11
1.
Lesbians and Gay Men Have Suffered a History of
Discrimination ............................................................................13
2.
Sexual Orientation Has No Bearing on Ability to
Participate in or Contribute to Society.........................................16
3.
Sexual Orientation Is a Core Part of Individual Identity and
Is Immutable ...............................................................................17
4.
Lesbians and Gay Men Lack Political Power...............................20
DOMA Is neither Narrowly Tailored to Serve Any Compelling
Government Interest nor Substantially Related to an Important
Government Interest ...............................................................................23
1.
DOMA Does Not Satisfy Either the Strict or Intermediate
Scrutiny Standard........................................................................23
2.
All of Congress’s Justifications for DOMA Fail..........................24
a)
Preserving “Traditional” Marriage Is Not a
Compelling or Important Government Interest.................25
b)
DOMA Does Not Promote Heterosexuality .....................26
c)
DOMA Does Not Promote Responsible Procreation
or Child-Rearing..............................................................26
d)
DOMA Undermines Democratic Self-Governance ..........28
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
III.
IV.
Filed 06/24/11 Page 3 of 51
e)
DOMA Does Not Conserve Resources ............................29
f)
“Moral Disapproval” Is Not a Compelling or
Important Government Interest........................................30
EVEN UNDER RATIONAL BASIS REVIEW, DOMA IS
UNCONSTITUTIONAL....................................................................................31
A.
The Applicable Standard ........................................................................32
B.
Congress’s 1996 Justifications for DOMA Fail Rational Basis
Review ...................................................................................................33
C.
No Other Rational Basis for DOMA Can Be Asserted ............................37
BAKER v. NELSON IS NEITHER CONTROLLING NOR PERSUASIVE
AUTHORITY ....................................................................................................40
CONCLUSION .............................................................................................................43
ii
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
Filed 06/24/11 Page 4 of 51
TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
CASES
Page(s)
Able v. United States,
968 F. Supp. 850 (E.D.N.Y. 1997) .....................................................................12, 19
Able v. United States,
155 F.3d 628 (2d Cir. 1998) ........................................................................ 12, 13, 19
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Peña,
515 U.S. 200 (1995)..................................................................................... 10, 20, 23
Ake v. Wilson,
354 F. Supp. 2d 1298 (M.D. Fla. 2005)....................................................................33
Alexander v. Cahill,
598 F.3d 79 (2d Cir. 2010).......................................................................................41
Alma Society, Inc. v. Mellon,
601 F.2d 1225 (2d Cir. 1979) ...................................................................................23
Baker v. Nelson,
191 N.W.2d 185 (Minn. 1971) .................................................................................41
Baker v. Nelson,
409 U.S. 810 (1972)...........................................................................................40, 41
In re Balas,
No. 2:11-BK-17831 (TD), 2011 WL 2312169 (Bankr. C.D. Cal. June 13, 2011) .......3, 33
Board of Trustees of the University of Alabama v. Garrett,
531 U.S. 356 (2001).................................................................................................32
Beard v. Banks,
548 U.S. 521 (2006).................................................................................................. 9
Bowen v. Gilliard,
483 U.S. 587 (1987)...........................................................................................12, 20
Bush v. Vera,
517 U.S. 952 (1996).................................................................................................41
Christian Legal Society Chapter of the University of California, Hastings College
of the Law v. Martinez,
130 S. Ct. 2971 (2010).......................................................................................11, 18
City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center,
473 U.S. 432 (1985)..........................................................................................passim
iii
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
Filed 06/24/11 Page 5 of 51
Clark v. Jeter,
486 U.S. 456 (1988).................................................................................................23
Dean v. District of Columbia,
653 A.2d 307 (D.C. 1995)........................................................................................14
Dragovich v. United States Department of the Treasury,
No. 10-01564 (CW), 2011 WL 175502 (N.D. Cal. Jan. 18, 2011) ................ 30, 33, 35
Estate of Goldwater v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
539 F.2d 878 (2d Cir. 1976)...................................................................................... 7
In re Estate of Ranftle,
81 A.D.3d 566 (1st Dep’t 2011)................................................................................ 6
Frontiero v. Richardson,
411 U.S. 677 (1973)............................................................................... 12, 15, 16, 21
Gill v. Office of Personnel Management,
699 F. Supp. 2d 374 (D. Mass. 2010) ................................................................passim
In re Golinski,
587 F.3d 901 (9th Cir. 2009)...............................................................................................3
Goodridge v. Department of Public Health,
798 N.E.2d 941 (Mass. 2003)...................................................................................25
Graham v. Richardson,
403 U.S. 365 (1971)...........................................................................................18, 30
Green Party of Connecticut v. Garfield,
616 F.3d 213 (2d Cir. 2010).....................................................................................41
Hernandez-Montiel v. Immigration and Naturalization Service
225 F.3d 1084 (9th Cir. 2000)..................................................................................19
High Tech Gays v. Defense Industrial Security Clearance Office,
909 F.2d 375 (9th Cir. 1990)....................................................................................21
Illinois Board of Elections v. Socialist Workers Party,
440 U.S. 173 (1979).................................................................................................41
Johnson v. Robison,
415 U.S. 361 (1974).................................................................................................12
In re Kandu,
315 B.R. 123 (W.D. Wa. 2004)..........................................................................33, 42
iv
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
Filed 06/24/11 Page 6 of 51
Kerrigan v. Commissioner of Public Health,
957 A.2d 407 (Conn. 2008)...............................................................................passim
Kimel v. Florida Board of Regents,
528 U.S. 62 (2000)...................................................................................................17
Lamprecht v. Federal Communications Commission,
958 F.2d 382 (D.C. Cir. 1992) .................................................................................14
Lawrence v. Texas,
539 U.S. 558 (2003) .........................................................................................passim
In re Levenson,
587 F.3d 925 (9th Cir. 2009)......................................................................................passim
Lofton v. Secretary of the Department of Children and Family Services,
358 F.3d 804 (11th Cir. 2004)..................................................................................13
Log Cabin Republicans v. United States,
716 F. Supp. 2d 884 (C.D. Cal. 2010) ......................................................................22
Loper v. New York City Police Department,
999 F.2d 699 (2d Cir. 1993)...................................................................................... 9
Lyng v. Castillo,
477 U.S. 635 (1986).................................................................................................12
Mandel v. Bradley,
432 U.S. 173 (1977)................................................................................................ 41
In re Marriage Cases,
183 P.3d 384 (Cal. 2008) ............................................................................. 12, 14, 19
In the Matter of the Marriage of J.B. and H.B.,
326 S.W.3d 654 (Tex. App. 2010) ...........................................................................41
Martinez v. County of Monroe,
850 N.Y.S.2d 740 (4th Dep’t 2008) .......................................................................... 7
Massachusetts Board of Retirement v. Murgia,
427 U.S. 307 (1976).................................................................................... 12, 13, 18
Matthews v. Lucas,
427 U.S. 495 (1976) ................................................................................................12
Morse v. Republican Party of Virginia,
517 U.S. 186 (1996).................................................................................................41
v
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
Filed 06/24/11 Page 7 of 51
Myers v. County of Orange,
157 F.3d 66 (2d Cir. 1998).......................................................................................32
Neill v. Gibson,
278 F.3d 1044 (10th Cir. 2001) ................................................................................13
Parham v. Hughes,
441 U.S. 347 (1979).................................................................................................17
Pedersen v. Office of Personnel Management,
No. 3:10-cv-1750 (VLB) (D. Conn.) ......................................................................... 9
Perry v. Schwarzenegger,
704 F. Supp. 2d 921 (N.D. Cal. 2010) .......................................................... 11, 13, 14
Plyler v. Doe,
457 U.S. 202 (1982)..........................................................................................passim
Rinaldi v. Yeager,
384 U.S. 305 (1966).................................................................................................32
Romer v. Evans,
517 U.S. 620 (1996)..........................................................................................passim
Rowland v. Mad River Local School District,
470 U.S. 1009 (1985)...............................................................................................13
San Antonio Independent School District v. Rodriguez,
411 U.S. 1 (1973) ........................................................................................ 12, 18, 21
Shapiro v. Thompson,
394 U.S. 618 (1969).................................................................................................30
Sharif v. New York State Education Department,
709 F. Supp. 345 (S.D.N.Y. 1989) ...........................................................................32
Shaw v. Hunt,
517 U.S. 899 (1996).................................................................................................23
Smelt v. County of Orange,
374 F. Supp. 2d 861 (C.D. Cal. 2005) ................................................................33, 42
Tester v. City of New York,
No. 95 Civ. 7972 (LMM), 1997 WL 81662 (S.D.N.Y. Feb. 25, 1997)......................13
United States Department of Agriculture v. Moreno,
413 U.S. 528 (1973).................................................................................................31
vi
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 29
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United States v. Brennan,
No. 08-5171-cv (L), 2011 WL 1679850 (2d Cir. May 5, 2011) ................................23
United States v. Carolene Products Company,
304 U.S. 144 (1938)...........................................................................................11, 21
United States v. Virginia,
518 U.S. 515 (1996)..........................................................................................passim
Varnum v. Brien,
763 N.W.2d 862 (Iowa 2009)....................................................................... 14, 19, 25
Watkins v. United States Army,
875 F.2d 699 (9th Cir. 1989)..............................................................................13, 19
Williams v. Illinois,
399 U.S. 235 (1970).................................................................................................25
Witt v. United States Department of the Air Force,
739 F. Supp. 2d 1308 (W.D. Wash. 2010)................................................................22
STATUTES
Defense of Marriage Act (“DOMA”), Section 3, 1 U.S.C. § 7 (2006) .....................passim
26 U.S.C. § 2010(c) (Supp. 2010)................................................................................... 7
26 U.S.C. § 2056(a) (2006)............................................................................................. 7
OTHER AUTHORITIES
Cong. Budget Off., U.S. Cong., The Potential Budgetary Impact of Recognizing
Same-Sex Marriages 1 (June 21, 2004) .............................................................29, 35
Defense of Marriage Act: Hearing on H.R. 3396 Before the Subcomm. on the
Const. of the H. Comm. on the Judiciary, 104th Cong. 1 (1996)...............................27
Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a) ....................................................................................................... 9
Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution ...............................................1, 8, 29
H.R. Rep. No. 104-664 (1996).................................................................................24, 30
H.R. Rep. No. 97-201 (1981).......................................................................................... 7
Rev. Rul. 58-66, 1958-1 C.B. 60..................................................................................... 7
S. Rep. No. 97-144 (1981) .............................................................................................. 7
vii
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Plaintiff Edith Schlain Windsor respectfully submits this memorandum of
law in support of her motion for summary judgment.
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
Edith Schlain Windsor, or Edie, is the sole executor of the estate of her
late spouse, Thea Clara Spyer. Prior to Thea’s death in February 2009, Edie and Thea
spent over four decades together in a loving, committed union. At the beginning of their
relationship, in 1965, neither Thea nor Edie imagined that they would have the
opportunity to legally marry. But Edie and Thea had the courage and self-respect to get
engaged and, after an engagement that lasted more than forty years, Edie and Thea were
finally wed in May 2007.
Sadly, Edie and Thea were able to spend less than two years as a married
couple before Thea passed away at the age of 77. Then, while grieving the loss of the
love of her life, Edie also had to face the injustice of the federal government’s refusal to
recognize her marriage. Under Section 3 of the Defense of Marriage Act, or DOMA,
which requires the federal government to disregard marriages that are valid under state
law if they are not between one man and one woman, the federal government treated Edie
and Thea as if they were legal strangers.
Because of DOMA, the federal government imposed more than $363,000
in federal estate tax on Thea’s estate, significantly reducing Edie’s inheritance. Yet, if
“Thea” were instead “Theo,” her estate would have passed to Edie tax-free. For Edie and
Thea, the “tax” for being gay exceeded $363,000.
This disparate treatment violates Edie’s right to the equal protection of the
laws that is guaranteed by the Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution.
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Indeed, because of the patent nature of this constitutional violation, the President of the
United States and his Department of Justice have declined to defend this lawsuit.
DOMA is a sweeping statute that rewrites over one thousand federal laws
and overturns the federal government’s long-standing practice of deferring to state
determinations of marital status. Throughout the history of this country, the federal
government has never married people, leaving that to the states. The federal government
nevertheless has attached 1,138 different protections or responsibilities to marriage, and
has always deferred to the states’ determinations of whether a couple is validly married,
despite significant variation in marriage laws from state to state. That practice changed
in 1996, when, following a decision from the Hawaii Supreme Court which Congress
feared would lead to same sex-couples actually having the opportunity to marry, the
federal government explicitly differentiated among valid state marriages, and preemptively refused recognition of the otherwise valid marriages of gay and lesbian couples
for all federal purposes. Since DOMA’s passage fifteen years ago, five states and the
District of Columbia now allow same-sex couples to marry, and several other states,
including New York, recognize marriages of same-sex couples performed elsewhere.
Yet, the federal government continues to denigrate these state-approved marriages
through DOMA’s exclusion of these marriages from all federal protections and
obligations.
At its core, this case presents a straightforward question of constitutional
law: Should the government be permitted to levy a substantial estate tax upon Edie
Windsor simply because, as a lesbian, she was married to a woman, instead of a man?
That it has taken until the second decade of the twenty-first century for the Attorney
2
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General of the United States and several other federal courts1 to see the obvious
impermissibility of such blatant discrimination under the United State Constitution
speaks, we respectfully contend, more to the lingering legacy of stereotypes and prejudice
than it does to the difficulty of the constitutional principles at issue. As Justice Kennedy
so presciently observed in the landmark case of Lawrence v. Texas: “[T]hose who drew
and ratified the [Constitution] . . . knew times can blind us to certain truths and later
generations can see that laws once thought necessary and proper in fact serve only to
oppress.
As the Constitution endures, persons in every generation can invoke its
principles in their own search for greater freedom.” 539 U.S. 558, 578 (2003).
FACTUAL AND PROCEDURAL BACKGROUND
Before the modern gay rights movement began, at a time when lesbians
and gay men faced dangerous prejudice if they disclosed their sexual orientation, Edie
Windsor and Thea Spyer met, fell in love, and began a committed relationship that would
last until Thea’s death, forty-four years later.
Edie and Thea’s Engagement & Marriage
Edie and Thea first met in 1963 at a restaurant in Greenwich Village
which was one of the few places in New York City accepting of lesbian and gay clientele.
Affidavit of Edith Schlain Windsor (“Windsor Aff.”) ¶ 5. Edie, who was working long
hours at her job at IBM as one of the first software programmers, called an old friend and
asked her to take her “where the lesbians go.” Id. The night they met, Edie and Thea
1
See Letter of Att’y Gen. Holder to Speaker Boehner of the U.S. House of Rep. (Feb.
23, 2011) [hereinafter Holder Letter]; Gill v. Office of Pers. Mgmt., 699 F. Supp. 2d
374 (D. Mass. 2010); In re Levenson, 587 F.3d 925 (9th Cir. 2009) (Reinhardt, J.); In re
Golinski, 587 F.3d 901 (9th Cir. 2009) (Kozinski, J.); In re Balas, No. 2:11-BK-17831
(TD), 2011 WL 2312169 (Bankr. C.D. Cal. June 13, 2011).
3
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spent the whole time dancing together; by the end of the evening, Edie had danced a hole
through the bottom of her stockings. Id.
After a few chance encounters over the next two years, Edie begged
friends for a place to stay on the East End of Long Island for Memorial Day weekend to
ensure that she would see Thea, who was renting a place there for the summer. Id. ¶¶ 6–
7. When they met again that weekend and Thea asked Edie what she wanted from her,
Edie’s response was simple: “Not much. I’d like to date for a year. And if that goes the
way it is now, I think I’d like to be engaged, say for a year. And if it still feels this goofy
joyous, I’d like us to spend the rest of our lives together.” Id. ¶ 9. And so began a
committed relationship that lasted for the next forty-four years.
Thea and Edie’s life together was full of joy and passion. Id. ¶ 14. They
traveled in the United States and abroad, and entertained frequently. Id. Thea, a clinical
psychologist and an accomplished cook, would prepare elaborate meals for their friends
on holidays and at other times, including annual celebrations of their anniversary every
Memorial Day weekend.
Id.
They grew closer together as a couple, and they
independently thrived professionally and personally. Id. And, of course, they continued
to dance. Id. ¶¶ 16, 19.
In 1967, there was no legal recognition for same-sex couples in the United
States and little hope for immediate change. Id. ¶ 10. Even so, after having been
together for two years, Thea asked Edie to marry her. Id. Of course, they knew that they
could not legally marry. Id. They also faced tremendous pressure—as did all lesbians
and gay men at that time—to conceal their relationship from their co-workers, society,
and their family and friends, for fear of insult and discrimination. Id. ¶ 11. For example,
4
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instead of an engagement ring, Thea gave Edie a circular diamond pin to signify their
commitment to one another, because a ring would have been hard to explain to others.
Id. ¶ 10. Six months later, they moved together into a Greenwich Village apartment. Id.
¶ 12. In 1968, they bought a small summer cottage on Long Island, which was where
they spent many of their happiest moments, and where Edie cared for Thea in her final
years. Id. ¶¶ 13, 16.
In 1993, when New York City began registering domestic partnerships,
Edie and Thea were one of the first couples to register—they were the eightieth couple to
receive such recognition. Id. ¶¶ 21–22. Although Thea had appointments with patients
scheduled all day long, Edie had little patience, prompting, “I have waited more than
twenty-eight years for this day, and I am not waiting a single day more!” Id. ¶ 22. That
was all it took. Thea cleared her schedule and bought flowers. Id. While they were
elated to have some recognition after such a long time together, the limited protections
and obligations of a New York City domestic partnership were no substitute for marriage.
Id. ¶ 23.
Over the years, health problems began to plague Thea and, indirectly,
Edie. Id. ¶¶ 15–20. In 1977, twelve years after their relationship began, Thea was
diagnosed with Progressive Multiple Sclerosis, or MS, a chronic disease of the central
nervous system that causes gradually worsening and irreversible neurological damage
and paralysis. Id. ¶ 15. But Edie and Thea refused to give up on the life they had built
together. Id. ¶ 16. Thea reinvented herself with each year of her increasing physical
disability, working to maintain a life that was full and active. Id. Edie committed herself
to ensuring that their lives remained full of joy and passionate commitment. Id. Edie
5
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nursed, encouraged, and supported Thea as her disability caused ever-increasing
paralysis—first requiring a cane, then crutches, then a manual wheelchair, then a
motorized wheelchair that Thea could operate with her remaining usable hand. Id. ¶ 17.
In 2002, Thea suffered a heart attack and was diagnosed with another
serious medical condition, aortic stenosis, the narrowing of the aortic valve of the heart.
Id. ¶ 24. Because of the near complete paralysis that had resulted from her MS, Thea was
not willing to undergo the lengthy hospitalization that would have resulted from surgery
to fix the valve. Id. The doctors told Edie and Thea that Thea did not have long to live.
Id.
In 2007, as Thea’s condition worsened, it was clear that Thea would not
live long enough for them to have the opportunity to marry in New York. Id. ¶ 25. Thus,
with a physician and other friends, Thea, then 75, and Edie, then 77, traveled to Toronto,
Canada, and were married on May 22, 2007. Id. ¶ 26. They spent two difficult, but
loving years together as a married couple before Thea died on February 5, 2009. Id. ¶ 28.
After Thea’s passing, Edie was hospitalized with stress cardiomyopathy, an ailment
commonly known as “broken heart syndrome,” which has caused serious, irreversible
damages to her heart. Id. ¶¶ 29.
Thea’s Estate and the Burdens of DOMA
After Thea died, her Last Will and Testament, dated September 7, 2004,
was admitted to probate by the Surrogate’s Court of New York County (Index No. 20091162), and Edie was appointed as executor of Thea’s estate on April 24, 2009. Id. ¶ 30.
Thea’s estate passed for Edie’s benefit. Id. ¶¶ 31–32.
Under New York’s marriage recognition rule, Edie and Thea’s legal
Canadian marriage is recognized as valid in New York. See In re Estate of Ranftle, 81
6
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A.D.3d 566 (1st Dep’t 2011) (recognizing validity under New York law, for purposes of
probating will, of Canadian marriage of same-sex couple); Martinez v. Cnty. of Monroe,
850 N.Y.S.2d 740 (4th Dep’t 2008).
Solely because of the operation of DOMA,
however, the federal government does not recognize their marriage, as New York State
does. Consequently, because Thea’s taxable estate and adjusted taxable gifts exceeded
the applicable exclusion amount set forth in 26 U.S.C. § 2010(c) (Supp. 2010), a federal
estate tax was imposed on Thea’s estate that would not otherwise have been imposed if
Edie and Thea’s marriage were recognized under federal law.
More specifically, under 26 U.S.C. § 2056(a), property that passes from a
decedent to a surviving spouse generally passes free of any federal estate tax. Congress
enacted this unlimited marital deduction three decades ago to eliminate what the House
Ways and Means Committee called the “widow’s tax,” which fell “most heavily on
widows” who were “subject to estate taxes even though the property remains within the
marital unit.”
H.R. Rep. No. 97-201, at 159 (1981).
In justifying the unlimited
deduction, the Committee explained that “an individual should be free to pass his entire
estate to a surviving spouse without the imposition of any additional tax.” Id.; see also S.
Rep. No. 97-144, at 127 (1981).
Ordinarily, whether a couple is married for purposes of applying the estate
tax marital deduction depends on whether the couple is considered validly married under
the law of the state of decedent’s domicile at the time of death. See, e.g., Estate of
Goldwater v. Comm’r, 539 F.2d 878 (2d Cir. 1976) (relying on New York law to
determine status of “surviving spouse” for purposes of estate tax marital deduction), cert.
denied sub nom., Lipkowitz v. Comm’r, 429 U.S. 1023 (1976); cf. Rev. Rul. 58-66, 1958-
7
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1 C.B. 60, 60 (“The marital status of individuals as determined under state law is
recognized in the administration of the Federal income tax laws.”). Although the estate
tax marital deduction applies on its face to all lawfully married couples, married samesex couples alone are denied its protections because, pursuant to DOMA, the federal
government refuses to recognize their marriages. More specifically, Section 3 of DOMA
provides, in relevant part, that “[i]n determining the meaning of any Act of Congress, or
of any ruling, regulation, or interpretation of the various administrative bureaus and
agencies of the United States, the word ‘marriage’ means only a legal union between one
man and one woman as husband and wife, and the word ‘spouse’ refers only to a person
of the opposite sex who is a husband or a wife.” 1 U.S.C. § 7.
As a direct result of the federal government’s unconstitutional exclusion of
same-sex surviving spouses from the protections of the estate tax marital deduction,
$363,053.00 in federal estate tax was imposed on Thea’s estate, which Edie paid in her
capacity as executor of Thea’s estate.
The Instant Lawsuit
On November 9, 2010, Edie filed this lawsuit, seeking a refund of the
federal estate tax levied on and paid by Thea’s estate and a declaration that Section 3 of
DOMA violates the equal protection guarantee secured by the Fifth Amendment to the
United States Constitution.
On
February
23,
2011,
after
having
carefully
considered
the
constitutionality of Section 3 of DOMA, the President and the Attorney General
announced that they had determined that heightened scrutiny is the appropriate standard
of review for government classifications based on sexual orientation and that, under that
8
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standard, Section 3 of DOMA is unconstitutional. As the Attorney General explained in
his letter to Congress:
[T]he legislative record underlying DOMA’s passage
contains discussion and debate that undermines any defense
under heightened scrutiny. The record contains numerous
expressions reflecting moral disapproval of gays and
lesbians and their intimate and family relationships—
precisely the kind of stereotype-based thinking and animus
the Equal Protection Clause is designed to guard against.
Holder Letter, at 4.
Accordingly, the Executive Branch decided to stop defending
DOMA in this case, as well as in a companion case filed in the District of Connecticut,
Pedersen v. Off. Pers. Mgmt., No. 3:10-cv-1750 (D. Conn.).
Following that announcement, on April 18, 2011, the Bipartisan Legal
Advisory Group of the U.S. House of Representatives, or BLAG, moved to intervene for
the limited purpose of defending the constitutionality of Section 3 of DOMA. On May
11, 2011, the Court established a discovery and briefing schedule. BLAG’s motion to
intervene was granted on June 2, 2011.
ARGUMENT
I.
THE APPLICABLE STANDARD
Summary judgment is appropriate where the pleadings, the discovery
materials, and any affidavits show “that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact
and the movant is entitled to judgment as a matter of law.” Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a); see also
Beard v. Banks, 548 U.S. 521, 529, 534 (2006) (granting summary judgment in
constitutional challenge); Loper v. New York City Police Dep’t, 999 F.2d 699 (2d Cir.
1993) (affirming summary judgment entered by district court declaring state statute
unconstitutional).
9
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Since it is undisputed that Edie has been injured by virtue of having to pay
a $363,000 estate tax, the only issue in this case is whether her injury violates the
Constitution’s equal protection guarantee. To overcome summary judgment under strict
scrutiny, BLAG must persuade this Court that there is a genuine issue of material fact as
to whether Section 3 of DOMA is narrowly tailored to further a compelling government
interest.
See Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Peña, 515 U.S. 200, 227 (1995).
Alternatively, under the more lenient rational basis test, BLAG must, at the very least,
demonstrate that there is a dispute of fact as to whether Section 3 rationally advances a
legitimate government purpose. See City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Ctr., 473 U.S.
432, 440 (1985).
Because, as demonstrated below, BLAG cannot come close to satisfying
either of these standards to justify the overt discrimination that occurred here, the Court
should grant summary judgment for Plaintiff.
II.
DOMA IS SUBJECT TO AND CANNOT SURVIVE
STRICT OR INTERMEDIATE SCRUTINY __
DOMA classifies legally married couples into two distinct groups—
married straight couples, and married gay couples—and subjects the latter to disparate
treatment by, among other things, denying them over 1,000 federal protections and
obligations. Never before, or since, has the federal government categorically disregarded
state determinations of who is validly married and substituted its own definition.
Accordingly, to defend DOMA, BLAG must justify DOMA’s discriminatory treatment of
10
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married same-sex couples, which is a departure from the government’s long-standing
practice of deferring to state definitions of marriage.2
As the Supreme Court clearly has recognized, treating lesbians and gay
men differently than straight people is sexual orientation discrimination. Christian Legal
Soc’y Chapter of the Univ. of Cal., Hastings Coll. of the Law v. Martinez (“CLS”), 130
S. Ct. 2971, 2990 (2010). Because DOMA is discriminatory federal legislation directed
at an historically and politically marginalized class of people based on an immutable
characteristic irrelevant to their ability to contribute to society, the Constitution requires
DOMA be subjected to strict, or at the very least, intermediate scrutiny. As the President
and Attorney General have already concluded, DOMA cannot survive such searching
review.
(Nor can DOMA survive even rational basis review, as Part III, infra,
demonstrates.)
A.
Sexual Orientation Discrimination Requires Strict or Intermediate Scrutiny
Most
legislative
classifications
come
with
a
presumption
of
constitutionality, and the courts generally “will not presume that any given legislative
action . . . is rooted in considerations that the Constitution will not tolerate.” City of
Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 446. Certain kinds of classifications, however, carry a particularly
high risk of improper use in the legislative process, and are therefore treated as “suspect”
or “quasi-suspect.” Cf. United States v. Carolene Prods. Co., 304 U.S. 144, 153 n.4
(1938).
2
The issue here is thus different from Perry v. Schwarzenegger, 704 F. Supp. 2d 921
(N.D. Cal. 2010), and other cases seeking the freedom to marry for same-sex couples.
The only question at issue in this case is what possible justification the government
might have for singling out and disregarding one group of valid marriages for all
federal purposes.
11
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In a long line of cases, the Supreme Court has developed a test for
determining whether a legislative classification should be treated with this kind of
suspicion and subjected to heightened scrutiny.3 Under this test, the essential criteria are
that: “(1) the group has suffered a history of invidious discrimination; and (2) the
characteristics that distinguish the group’s members bear no relation to their ability to
perform or contribute to society.” Kerrigan v. Comm’r of Pub. Health, 957 A.2d 407,
426 (Conn. 2008) (explaining U.S. Supreme Court’s jurisprudence) (internal citations and
quotation marks omitted); see also, e.g., Mass. Bd. of Ret. v. Murgia, 427 U.S. 307, 313
(1976) (per curiam); United States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515, 532–33 (1996).
In
assessing whether a group is subject to strict or intermediate scrutiny, courts sometimes
also consider whether the characteristic that defines the group is immutable or “so
integral an aspect of one’s identity [that] it is not appropriate to require a person to
repudiate or change [it] . . . in order to avoid discriminatory treatment,” In re Marriage
Cases, 183 P.3d 384, 442 (Cal. 2008); see also Able v. United States, 968 F. Supp. 850,
863–64 (E.D.N.Y. 1997), rev’d on other grounds, 155 F.3d 628, 632 (2d Cir. 1998), and
whether the group is a minority or comparatively politically powerless, Bowen v.
Gilliard, 483 U.S. 587, 602–03 (1987); City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 442–46.
3
See, e.g., San Antonio Indep. Sch. Dist. v. Rodriguez, 411 U.S. 1, 28 (1973) (wealth);
Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S. 677, 684–88 (1973) (plurality opinion) (sex);
Johnson v. Robison, 415 U.S. 361, 375 n.14 (1974) (conscientious objectors); Mass.
Bd. of Ret. v. Murgia, 427 U.S. 307, 313 (1976) (per curium) (age); Matthews v.
Lucas, 427 U.S. 495, 505–06 (illegitimacy) (1976); City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at
440–41 (mental disability); Lyng v. Castillo, 477 U.S. 635, 638 (1986) (close
relatives).
12
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No single factor is dispositive.
Filed 06/24/11 Page 21 of 51
Murgia, 427 U.S. at 321 (internal
quotation marks omitted). Instead, the existence of any one of these factors can serve as
a warning sign that a particular classification “provides no sensible ground for differential
treatment,” City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 440, or is “more likely than others to reflect
deep-seated prejudice rather than legislative rationality in pursuit of some legitimate
objective,” Plyler v. Doe, 457 U.S. 202, 216 n.14 (1982).
Neither the Supreme Court nor the Second Circuit has yet articulated the
level of scrutiny that should apply to laws like DOMA that discriminate based on sexual
orientation.4 However, it is plain that “gays and lesbians are the type of minority strict
scrutiny was designed to protect.” Perry v. Schwarzenegger, 704 F. Supp. 2d 921, 997
(N.D. Cal. 2010) (citing Murgia, 427 U.S. at 313). At the very least, intermediate
scrutiny should apply to such laws. See Virginia, 518 U.S. at 573–74; Kerrigan, 957
A.2d at 426 (listing factors for quasi-suspect status).
1.
Lesbians and Gay Men Have Suffered a History of Discrimination
The long history of purposeful discrimination that lesbians and gay men
have suffered at the hands of both governmental and private actors is both painfully clear
and undisputed in this case. To our knowledge, no court has ever found to the contrary.
See Rowland v. Mad River Local Sch. Dist., 470 U.S. 1009, 1014–15 (1985) (Brennan &
4
See Able v. United States, 155 F.3d 628, 632 (2d Cir. 1998); Tester v. City of New
York, No. 95 Civ. 7972 (LMM), 1997 WL 81662, at *5 (S.D.N.Y. Feb. 25, 1997);
Holder Letter at 1. Although several courts of appeal have declined to find that
sexual orientation classifications are suspect or quasi-suspect, many of these
decisions rest on previous circuit precedent or on pre-Lawrence cases. See, e.g.,
Lofton v. Sec’y of Dep’t of Children & Family Servs., 358 F.3d 804, 818 n.16 (11th
Cir. 2004) (citing ten cases, all decided before Lawrence, that denied heightened
scrutiny to laws that classify based on sexual orientation).
13
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Marshall, JJ., dissenting from denial of writ of certiorari).5 This extensive history of
discrimination suggests that any legislative burdens placed on lesbians and gay men “are
more likely than others to reflect deep-seated prejudice rather than legislative rationality
in pursuit of some legitimate objective.” Plyler, 457 U.S. at 216 n.14.
As set forth in the expert affidavit of Professor George Chauncey, in early
colonial America, being identified as an individual who had same-sex sexual relations
could endanger one’s life: the strong influence of Puritanism led to the execution of
several men for the crime of sodomy. Expert Affidavit of George Chauncey, Ph.D.
(“Chauncey Aff.”) ¶ 19.6
Well into the twentieth century, the medical community
condemned homosexuality as a “mental defect” or “disease.”
Id. ¶¶ 26–27.
This
ostensibly scientific view (now rejected) helped legitimize much anti-gay bias. Id. The
early twentieth century also saw the passage of state and local laws directed at preventing
lesbians and gay men from gathering together. Id. ¶¶ 29, 36–38.
5
See also Neill v. Gibson, 278 F.3d 1044, 1065–67 (10th Cir. 2001) (Lucero, J.,
dissenting); Watkins v. U.S. Army, 875 F2d 699, 724 (9th Cir. 1989) (Norris, J.,
concurring); Perry, 704 F. Supp. 2d at 996; Varnum v. Brien, 763 N.W.2d 862, 889–
90 (Iowa 2009); In re Marriage Cases, 183 P.3d at 442; Kerrigan, 957 A.2d at 434;
Dean v. Dist. of Columbia, 653 A.2d 307, 344–45 (D.C. 1995) (Ferren, J., dissenting
in part); Expert Affidavit of George Chauncey, Ph.D. ¶¶ 10–55, 65–86, 90–103;
Holder Letter at 2.
6
It is appropriate for the Court to consider the parties’ expert affidavits and the factual
record in this case because district courts are empowered to make findings of fact as
to constitutional questions. Lamprecht v. FCC, 958 F.2d 382, 392 (D.C. Cir. 1992)
(Thomas, J.) (“We know of no support . . . for the proposition that if the
constitutionality of a statute depends in part on the existence of certain facts, a court
may not review a legislature’s judgment that the facts exist. If a legislature could
make a statute constitutional simply by ‘finding’ that black is white or freedom,
slavery, judicial review would be an elaborate farce. At least since Marbury v.
Madison . . . that has not been the law.”).
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In the domain of federal service, despite the pressing need for soldiers, the
military systematically attempted to screen out lesbians and gay men from the armed
forces during World War II, and to discharge and deny benefits to those soldiers who
were “discovered” later. See id. ¶¶ 39–41. Such discrimination was not limited to the
military. All federal agencies were prohibited from hiring lesbians and gay men after the
war (a ban that lasted until 1975), and the federal government engaged in far-reaching
surveillance and investigation to identify and purge supposed “homosexuals” from the
federal civil service. See id. ¶¶ 42–50. With such blatant official discrimination, it is no
surprise that lesbians and gay men were demonized by the media through the 1950s and
1960s. See id. ¶¶ 51–55.
The slightest advancement for civil rights for lesbians and gay men has
been met with vicious anti-gay backlash. See id. ¶¶ 66–68; Expert Affidavit of Gary
Segura, Ph.D. (“Segura Aff.”) ¶¶ 35–44. Campaigns have spread false stereotypes of
lesbians and gay men as child molesters, unfit parents, and threats to heterosexuals—
stereotypes that linger to this day.
See Chauncey Aff. ¶¶ 68–86.
Unfortunately,
discrimination against lesbians and gay men is not a historical relic. Indeed, until judicial
intervention in 2003, states were able to “demean [lesbians’ and gay men’s] existence or
control their destiny by making their private sexual conduct a crime.” Lawrence, 539
U.S. at 578. To this day, lesbians and gay men are subjected to continued opprobrium
from leading political and religious figures and the ever-present threat of anti-gay
violence. Chauncey Aff. ¶¶ 91–102. The Supreme Court has long recognized that such
an extensive history of discrimination supports the application of heightened scrutiny.
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See, e.g., Virginia, 518 U.S. at 531–32 (noting the “long and unfortunate history of sex
discrimination”) (quoting Frontiero v. Richardson, 411 U.S. 677, 684 (1973)).
In short, it is difficult to imagine how BLAG, or indeed anyone else, could
seriously dispute the history of discrimination suffered by gay men and lesbians.
2.
Sexual Orientation Has No Bearing on Ability to Participate in or
Contribute to Society
Classifications based on a “characteristic” that “frequently bears no
relation to ability to perform or contribute to society” further reinforce the need for
heightened scrutiny because such classifications are rarely a legitimate basis for
government decisionmaking. Frontiero, 411 U.S. at 686; accord Plyler, 457 U.S. at 216
n.14 (“Classifications treated as suspect tend to be irrelevant to any proper legislative
goal.”); City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 440–41 (noting that classifications that do not
“rest[] on meaningful considerations” require heightened scrutiny).
As Plaintiff’s uncontradicted expert observes, a person’s sexual
orientation is not correlated with any “‘impairment in judgment, stability, reliability, or
general social and vocational capabilities.’” Expert Affidavit of Letitia Anne Peplau,
Ph.D (“Peplau Aff.”) ¶ 30 (quoting Am. Psychiatric Ass’n, Position Statement on
Homosexuality and Civil Rights, 60 Am. J. Psychiatry 436, 497 (1974)). Indeed, “[b]eing
gay or lesbian has no inherent association with a person’s ability to participate in or
contribute to society.” Peplau Aff. ¶ 29. Obviously, few if any people today would
seriously contend that an individual’s ability to be a judge, a lawyer, a doctor, a scientist,
or even a software programmer is in any way affected by the fact that he or she is
heterosexual, gay, or lesbian. The only people who might take that position are those
who still view homosexuality as a mental disorder, but the medical profession rejected
16
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that conclusion almost forty years ago. Peplau Aff. ¶ 30 (citing Gregory M. Herek &
Linda D. Garnets, Sexual Orientation and Mental Health, 3 Ann. Rev. Clinical Psycol.
353, 354 (2007)); cf. City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 442–43 (holding that classifications
based on disabilities are not suspect because mental and physical disabilities are relevant
to a person’s ability to participate in society).
In light of the overwhelming and undisputed record, it is clear that sexual
orientation bears no relation to an individual’s ability to perform or contribute to society.
Sexual orientation thus plainly satisfies the two essential heightened scrutiny factors.
3.
Sexual Orientation Is a Core Part of Individual Identity and Is
Immutable
In addition to the two essential heightened scrutiny factors discussed
above, sexual orientation classifications also satisfy the alternative factor of immutability.
It is well-settled that legislation should not burden individuals on the basis of a core trait
that they cannot or should not have to change, which provides another reason for courts
to look more closely at laws that do impose such burdens. Cf. Parham v. Hughes, 441
U.S. 347, 353 (1979) (“Unlike the illegitimate child for whom the status of illegitimacy is
involuntary and immutable . . . .”). By contrast, where the characteristic is something
that changes over time for most people, there is less reason for courts to be concerned,
because legislation drawing lines based on that characteristic could potentially burden all
individuals equally. See, e.g., Kimel v. Fla. Bd. of Regents, 528 U.S. 62, 83 (2000)
(reaffirming that age is not suspect classification under Equal Protection Clause because
all people will experience old age if they live out their normal life spans).7
7
Moreover, it is now clear for constitutional purposes that laws that discriminate based
on sexual orientation, such as Section 3 of DOMA, cannot be excused or justified
17
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To the extent immutability is relevant, the Supreme Court also has
recognized that a defining characteristic need not be absolutely unchangeable for it to
form the basis of a suspect classification.
See, e.g., Graham v. Richardson, 403 U.S.
365, 375–76 (1971) (classifications based on alienage subject to strict scrutiny); see also
City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 442–43 & n.10 (relevance of immutability).8 After all, few
if any of the suspect classifications identified by the Supreme Court are truly
“immutable” in the strictest sense of the word—people can convert religions, aliens can
become naturalized, individuals can change their sex, and some people can “pass” or
even modify outward signs of their race or national origin. Nonetheless, all of these
classifications have been deemed “immutable” in the heightened scrutiny analysis.
Applying these principles here, there is, as the Attorney General has
recognized, “a growing scientific consensus [that] accepts that sexual orientation is a
characteristic that is immutable.” Holder Letter at 3; see also Peplau Aff. ¶¶ 19–28. Like
the history of discrimination or the ability to contribute to society, few people today
merely as discrimination against certain conduct. See Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 575
(“When homosexual conduct is made criminal by law of the State, that declaration in
and of itself is an invitation to subject homosexual persons to discrimination . . . .”
(emphasis added)); accord id. at 583 (O’Connor, J., concurring in judgment) (“While
it is true that the law applies only to conduct, the conduct targeted by this law is
conduct that is closely correlated with being homosexual. Under such circumstances,
Texas’ sodomy law is targeted at more than conduct. It is instead directed toward gay
persons as a class.”). The Supreme Court has reaffirmed since Lawrence that, with
regard to sexual orientation and same-sex intimacy, “[o]ur decisions have declined to
distinguish between status and conduct in this context.” CLS, 130 S. Ct. at 2990.
Thus, under the law, lesbians and gay men cannot be denied fair treatment on the
grounds that there is some meaningful distinction that can be drawn between “being
gay” and “engaging in homosexual conduct.”
8
See also Murgia, 427 U.S. at 313 (not listing “immutability” as requirement for strict
scrutiny); San Antonio Indep. Sch. Dist., 411 U.S. at 28 (1973).
18
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would argue that a gay man can willfully change his orientation or that the so-called
“therapies” that have been promoted to enable him to do so are anything other than a
sham. See Am. Psychological Ass’n, Report of the American Psychological Association
Task Force on Appropriate Therapeutic Responses to Sexual Orientation, at v (2009),
http://www.apa.org/pi/lgbt/resources/therapeutic-response.pdf
(“[E]fforts
to
change
sexual orientation are unlikely to be successful and involve some risk of harm.”).
Indeed, sexual orientation is central to individual liberty and identity, as
recognized in Lawrence v. Texas. See 539 U.S. at 574. Accordingly, courts that have
considered the issue since Lawrence have recognized that sexual orientation (whether
straight or gay) constitutes a central element of an individual’s identity, which one should
not be compelled to change in order to avoid discriminatory treatment under the law.
See, e.g., Varnum v. Brien, 763 N.W.2d 862, 893 (Iowa 2009); Kerrigan, 957 A.2d at
438; In re Marriage Cases, 183 P.3d at 442; see also Watkins v. U.S. Army, 875 F.2d
699, 725 (9th Cir. 1989) (Norris, J., concurring) (immutability describes “traits that are
so central to a person’s identity that it would be abhorrent for government to penalize a
person for refusing to change them”); Able v. United States, 968 F. Supp. 850, 863–64
(E.D.N.Y. 1997) (“Whether or not sexual orientation is immutable, it forms a significant
part of a person’s identity.”), rev’d on other grounds, 155 F.3d 628 (2d Cir. 1998); cf.
Hernandez-Montiel v. INS, 225 F.3d 1084, 1093 (9th Cir. 2000) (concluding that “sexual
orientation and sexual identity are immutable” for gay men and lesbians for purposes of
determining whether they were “social group” eligible for asylum), overruled on other
grounds, Thomas v. Gonzalez, 409 F.3d 1177 (9th Cir. 2005).
19
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4.
Filed 06/24/11 Page 28 of 51
Lesbians and Gay Men Lack Political Power
Finally, although political disadvantage is not necessarily required for a
government classification to be treated as suspect,9 to the extent the inability to redress a
group’s grievances politically is relevant, lesbians and gay men are clearly a minority and
frequently lack the political power to defend themselves and their civil rights against a
hostile majority. Segura Aff. ¶¶ 9–85. “Political power refers to a person’s or group’s
demonstrated ability to extract favorable (or prevent unfavorable) policy outcomes from
the political system.” Id. ¶ 13. There can be no serious dispute that ongoing political
events evince “a continuing antipathy or prejudice” towards lesbians and gay men “and a
corresponding need for more intrusive oversight by the judiciary.” City of Cleburne, 473
U.S. at 443; see also Plyler, 457 U.S. at 216 n.14.
Thus, for example, gay rights opponents have aggressively used state
ballot initiatives and referenda to pass discriminatory laws or repeal protective ones and
even to amend state constitutions to deny lesbians and gay men important protections.
See, e.g., Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996); see also Segura Aff. ¶ 36 (citing repeals
of legislatively enacted anti-gay discrimination ordinances through popular vote
mechanisms); id. ¶¶ 37–38 (surveying anti-marriage initiatives). This kind of “direct
democracy” has been used against lesbians and gay men more than any other group.
Segura Aff. ¶ 43.
This extraordinary use of majoritarian democratic processes to
affirmatively disadvantage a lesbian and gay minority vividly illustrates the inability of
9
Though some Supreme Court precedents have considered political powerlessness as a
factor in determining whether heightened scrutiny applies, see, e.g., Bowen v.
Gilliard, 483 U.S. 587, 602 (1987), it is not a necessary factor, see, e.g., Adarand
Constructors, 515 U.S. at 235 (holding that all racial classifications are subject to
strict scrutiny, although many racial groups hold substantial political power).
20
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gay men and lesbians to protect themselves politically. Cf. San Antonio Indep. Sch. Dist.,
411 U.S. at 28 (identifying suspect classifications as those that burden groups that are
“relegated to such a position of political powerlessness as to command extraordinary
protection from the majoritarian political process”); Carolene Prods., 304 U.S. at 153 n.4
(noting that “more searching judicial inquiry” is warranted when majority prejudice
“curtail[s] the operation of those political processes ordinarily to be relied upon to protect
minorities”).
That there have been some modest and even important political initiatives
in recent years that have helped mitigate the discrimination against lesbians and gay men
does not alter this analysis. Segura Aff. ¶¶ 15–17. Indeed, the Supreme Court has
applied heightened scrutiny to statutes that rely on racial classifications after racial
minorities had achieved far greater political victories against discrimination than lesbians
and gay men have today. Id. ¶¶ 81–85. By the early 1970s, African-Americans were
“protected by three federal constitutional amendments, major federal Civil Rights Acts of
1866, 1870, 1871, 1875 (ill-fated though it was), 1957, 1960, 1964, 1965, and 1968, as
well as by antidiscrimination laws in 48 of the states.” High Tech Gays v. Def. Indus.
Sec. Clearance Office, 909 F.2d 375, 378 (9th Cir. 1990) (Canby, J., dissenting). By the
same token, by the time the Frontiero plurality recognized that sex-based classifications
required intermediate judicial scrutiny, Congress had already passed Title VII of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, the Equal Pay Act of 1963, and the Equal Rights Amendment.
Frontiero, 411 U.S. at 687–88; Kerrigan, 957 A.2d at 452–53. The existence of these
protections did not stop the Supreme Court from holding that laws that discriminate on
the basis of race and sex must be subject to heightened scrutiny.
21
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By contrast, lesbians and gay men have virtually no political power when
measured by the same yardstick.
There is no federal legislation prohibiting
discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation in employment, education, access to
public accommodations, or housing.
Segura Aff. ¶ 29.
Until 2009, when sexual
orientation was added to federal anti-hate crime legislation (over significant opposition),
no federal legislation had ever existed to protect individuals on the basis of sexual
orientation. Id. ¶ 31. Additional progress recently—including repeal of the military’s
ban on lesbian and gay service members by a lame-duck congress following two judicial
findings of unconstitutionality, see Log Cabin Republicans v. United States, 716 F. Supp.
2d 884 (C.D. Cal. 2010); Witt v. U.S. Dep’t of Air Force, 739 F. Supp. 2d 1308 (W.D.
Wash. 2010)—while important, hardly demonstrates meaningful political capital,
particularly as there was overwhelming popular support for repeal long before any
legislative progress was made. Segura Aff. ¶ 32. Moreover, eliminating express, de jure
discrimination, such as “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” hardly constitutes evidence of
affirmative political power. Id. ¶ 25.
*
*
*
Because sexual orientation satisfies both of the two essential factors
relevant to determining if a given classification is suspect, as well as the two additional
critieria that courts sometimes rely upon, DOMA’s exclusion of married same-sex
couples from all federal marital protections and obligations should be subject to strict or,
at the very least, intermediate scrutiny.
22
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B.
Filed 06/24/11 Page 31 of 51
DOMA Is neither Narrowly Tailored to Serve Any Compelling Government
Interest nor Substantially Related to an Important Government Interest
1.
DOMA Does Not Satisfy Either the Strict or Intermediate Scrutiny
Standard
The standard for justifying a discriminatory statute like DOMA under
heightened scrutiny is justifiably formidable. To survive strict scrutiny, the government
must prove that the classification at issue is “narrowly tailored” and furthers “compelling
governmental interests.” Adarand Constructors, 515 U.S. at 227 (emphasis added).
Under intermediate scrutiny, the government must still establish that the classification at
issue is “substantially related” to an “important governmental objective.” Clark v. Jeter,
486 U.S. 456, 461 (1988) (emphasis added).
Under both tests, after-the-fact justifications are not permissible. Under
heightened scrutiny, “a tenable justification must describe actual state purposes, not
rationalizations for actions in fact differently grounded.” Virginia, 518 U.S. at 535–36.
In other words, where, as here, heightened scrutiny applies, “the State must show that the
alleged objective was the legislature’s actual purpose for the discriminatory
classification,” Shaw v. Hunt, 517 U.S. 899, 908 n.4 (1996) (internal quotation marks
omitted), and “not hypothesized or invented post hoc in response to litigation,” Virginia,
518 U.S. at 533 (internal quotation marks omitted). See also, e.g., United States v.
Brennan, No. 08-5171-cv (L), 2011 WL 1679850, at *30 (2d Cir. May 5, 2011); Alma
Soc’y, Inc. v. Mellon, 601 F.2d 1225, 1234–35 (2d Cir. 1979); Holder Letter at 4. Given
these demanding standards, BLAG cannot possibly meet its burden to demonstrate that
DOMA’s disparate treatment of married same-sex couples serves any compelling or
23
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important state interest, much less one that is narrowly tailored or substantially related to
an important governmental objective.10
2.
All of Congress’s Justifications for DOMA Fail
According to the legislative history, DOMA’s exclusion in 1996 of all
same-sex couples who might one day get married from all federal marital protections and
obligations was intended to: (a) “defend[] and nurtur[e] the institution of traditional,
heterosexual marriage,” H.R. Rep. No. 104-664, at 12 (1996); (b) “promot[e]
heterosexuality,” id. at 15 n.53; (c) “encourag[e] responsible procreation and childrearing,” id. at 13; (d) “protect[] . . . democratic self-governance,” id. at 16; (e) “preserve
scarce government resources” by preventing marital benefits from “hav[ing] to be made
available to homosexual couples and surviving spouses of homosexual marriages,” id. at
18; and (f) promote a “moral disapproval of homosexuality, and a moral conviction that
heterosexuality better comports with traditional (especially Judeo-Christian) morality,”
id. at 16.
As shown below, excluding married same-sex couples from all federal
benefits and protections is not narrowly tailored to advance any important, much less a
compelling governmental interest.11
10
Because being gay or lesbian, like other classifications that trigger strict scrutiny, has
nothing whatsoever to do with an individual’s ability to perform in any job or
profession, strict scrutiny is the appropriate level of judicial scrutiny to apply to
sexual orientation classifications, but Plaintiff believes that this Court need not
determine whether strict or intermediate scrutiny applies, because DOMA cannot
withstand either.
11
Indeed, as discussed below, none of these justifications can withstand even rational
basis review.
24
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a)
Filed 06/24/11 Page 33 of 51
Preserving “Traditional” Marriage Is Not a Compelling or
Important Government Interest
It is well settled that “tradition” alone cannot justify the government’s
discrimination against a class of individuals. Williams v. Illinois, 399 U.S. 235, 239
(1970) (noting in equal protection challenge that “neither the antiquity of a practice nor
the fact of steadfast legislative and judicial adherence to it through the centuries insulates
it from constitutional attack”); cf. Varnum, 763 N.W.2d at 898 (“A specific tradition
sought to be maintained cannot be an important governmental objective for equal
protection purposes, however, when the tradition is nothing more than the historical
classification currently expressed in the statute being challenged.”); Kerrigan, 957 A.2d
at 478 (same); Goodridge v. Dept. of Pub. Health, 798 N.E.2d 941, 972–73 (Mass. 2003)
(Greaney, J., concurring) (“To define the institution of marriage by the characteristics of
those to whom it always has been accessible, in order to justify the exclusion of those to
whom it never has been accessible, is conclusory and bypasses the core question . . . .”).
In other words, under the Constitution, discriminatory classifications cannot merely
perpetuate past stereotypes or enforce prior discrimination. Thus, the fact that lesbians
and gay men have historically been denied access to marriage cannot provide the
necessary independent basis for the federal government’s disregard of existing stateapproved marriages of same-sex couples today.
Put another way, limiting federal benefits and protections to heterosexual
couples is not an independent justification for DOMA. Instead, it simply restates the
classification itself. Accepting this kind of circular reasoning would render the entire
concept of heightened judicial scrutiny a farce. Indeed, were sustaining the tradition of
excluding same-sex couples from the federal benefits of marriage a compelling interest,
25
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then so too would have been banning interracial marriage in order to preserve a history of
miscegenation laws or avoiding racially integrated education in order to preserve a
history of segregated schools.
In each such case, a government purpose aimed at
perpetuating unequal (albeit traditional) treatment of a group of people cannot justify the
history of discrimination. Cf. Romer, 517 U.S. at 635 (“[The amendment at issue] is a
classification of persons undertaken for its own sake, something the Equal Protection
Clause does not permit.”).
b)
DOMA Does Not Promote Heterosexuality
Similarly, any suggestion that DOMA promotes and encourages
heterosexuality deserves very short shrift.
It is entirely unclear how, for example,
denying an 82-year-old widow an estate tax deduction promotes heterosexuality, either
with respect to Edie Windsor or anyone else for that matter. To the contrary, as discussed
above, the undisputed scientific consensus is that a person’s sexual orientation is
enduring and stable, and not the result of personal choice. Peplau Aff. ¶ 28 (“[T]here is
converging scientific evidence documenting that sexual orientation reflects an enduring
set of attractions and experiences for most people. Efforts to change a person’s sexual
orientation through religious or psychotherapy interventions have not been shown to be
effective.”). There is surely no “substantial relationship” between Section 3 of DOMA
and promoting heterosexuality, or any sense in which DOMA is narrowly tailored to
achieve that end.
c)
DOMA Does Not Promote Responsible Procreation or ChildRearing
Excluding married same-sex couples from all federal marital protections
and obligations is also thoroughly unrelated to any interest the federal government may
26
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have in promoting “responsible procreation” or child-rearing. DOMA instead works
directly contrary to such interests because it “prevent[s] children of same-sex couples
from enjoying the immeasurable advantages that flow from the assurance of a stable
family structure when afforded equal recognition under federal law.” Gill v. Office of
Pers. Mgmt., 699 F. Supp. 2d 374, 389 (D. Mass. 2010) (internal quotation marks
omitted); Expert Affidavit of Michael Lamb (“Lamb Aff.”) ¶¶ 41–42.
DOMA’s congressional supporters claimed it was necessary to override
state determinations of what constitutes a valid marriage “because our society recognizes
that heterosexual marriage provides the ideal structure within which to beget and raise
children.” Defense of Marriage Act: Hearing on H.R. 3396 Before the Subcomm. on the
Const. of the H. Comm. on the Judiciary, 104th Cong. 1 (1996) (statement of Rep.
Canaday, Chairman, H. Subcomm. on the Const.).
Because that statement is
demonstrably false, and relies on stereotypes and other impermissible considerations, it
cannot provide a sufficient justification for DOMA’s disregard for valid state-approved
marriages.
There is clear expert consensus, based on decades of social science
research concerning same-sex couples as parents, that the children raised by lesbian or
gay parents are just as well-adjusted as those of heterosexual parents. See Lamb Aff.
¶¶ 28–37. The factors predicting the healthy adjustment of children are the same for
lesbian and gay parents as for heterosexual parents, and include the quality of the parentchild relationship and the availability of sufficient economic and social resources. See id.
¶¶ 18–20; Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 388 & n.106 (since enactment of DOMA in 1996, “a
consensus has developed among the medical, psychological, and social welfare
27
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communities that children raised by gay and lesbian parents are just as likely to be welladjusted as those raised by heterosexual parents”).12
Moreover, DOMA does nothing to advance this purported interest. It does
not alter the fact that same-sex married couples, like many different-sex married couples,
conceive children through assisted reproduction, or form families through adoption.
Excluding validly married same-sex couples from federal marital benefits and protections
cannot possibly be said to be “narrowly tailored” to achieving a goal of having children
be raised by heterosexual married parents. (Nor, as discussed below, is it even rationally
related to that so-called interest. See infra Part III.B.)
d)
DOMA Undermines Democratic Self-Governance
Despite Congress’s lip-service to the contrary in 1996, DOMA
undermines democratic self-governance because it undermines the ability of citizens of a
state (through their democratically elected leaders) to exercise their authority to regulate
marriage—or to “vote with their feet” by relocating to a state that recognizes marriage
between same sex couples. DOMA instead foists on all states, including those like New
12
Citing Comm. on Psychosocial Aspects of Child and Family Health, Am. Acad. of
Pediatrics, Coparent or Second-Parent Adoption by Same-Sex Parents, 109 Pediatrics
339 (2002), available at http://pediatrics.aappublications.org/cgi/reprint/109/2/
339.pdf; Am. Psychological Ass’n, Resolution on Sexual Orientation, Parents, and
Children, in Proceedings of the American Psychological Association for the
Legislative Year 2004, 60 Am. Psychol. 436, 496–97 (2005), available at
http://www.apa.org/ about/governance/council/policy/parenting.aspx; Am. Acad. of
Child & Adolescent Psychiatry, Gay, Lesbian, Bisexual, or Transgender Parents Policy
Statement,
http://www.aacap.org/cs/root/policy_statements/gay_lesbian_transgender_and_bi
sexual_parents_policy_statement; Am. Med. Ass’n, AMA Policy Regarding Sexual Orientation,
http://www.ama-assn.org/ama/pub/about-ama/our-people/member-groups-sections/glbt-advisory
committee/ama-policy-regarding-sexual-orientation.shtml; Child Welfare League of Am.,
Position Statement on Parenting of Children by Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Adults,
http://www.cwla.org/programs/ culture/glbtqposition.htm.
28
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York that recognize valid marriages of same-sex couples from other jurisdictions, and on
United States citizens from across the country, a mandatory, second-class category of
marriage.
In any event, Congress’s “interest” in “protecting” democratic selfgovernance can never constitute a compelling or important interest that justifies a
discriminatory law. Like the “preserving tradition” argument discussed above, this
circular reasoning would permit the federal government to discriminate simply because
the majority wants to discriminate.
That, of course, is precisely what the Fifth
Amendment was designed to prevent.
e)
DOMA Does Not Conserve Resources
Congress’s justification that federal non-recognition of legal same-sex
marriages conserves resources can be easily disposed of because it is demonstrably false.
According to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office, the recognition of the
marriages of same-sex couples would actually increase annual net federal revenue.
Cong. Budget Off., U.S. Cong., The Potential Budgetary Impact of Recognizing SameSex Marriages 1 (June 21, 2004), http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/55xx/doc5559/06-21SameSexMarriage.pdf.13
Even if refusing to recognize the legal marriages of same-sex couples did
save the federal government money (which it does not), such cost-cutting, standing alone,
cannot constitute a compelling or important governmental interest. Plyler, 457 U.S. at
13
In any event, saving public resources, although mentioned in the House Report, did
not actually motivate the enactment of DOMA. Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 390 n.116
(“[T]he House rejected a proposed amendment to DOMA that would have required a
budgetary analysis of DOMA’s impact prior to passage.”) (citing 142 Cong. Rec.
H7503–05 (daily ed. July 12, 1996)).
29
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227 (“[A] concern for the preservation of resources standing alone can hardly justify the
classification used in allocating those resources.”) (citing Graham, 403 U.S. at 374–75);
Shapiro v. Thompson, 394 U.S. 618, 633 (1969) (“[A State] must do more than show that
denying welfare benefits to new residents saves money.”), overruled on other grounds by
Edelman v. Jordan, 415 U.S. 651 (1974); In re Levenson, 587 F.3d 925, 933 (9th Cir.
2009) (Reinhardt, J.) (“[T]hat a government policy incidentally saves the government an
insignificant amount of money does not provide a rational basis for that policy if the
policy is, as a cost-saving measure, drastically underinclusive, let alone founded upon a
prohibited or arbitrary ground.”).
f)
“Moral Disapproval” Is Not a Compelling or Important
Government Interest
If there is one objective that DOMA was in fact intended to achieve it is
moral condemnation of gay men and lesbians. The legislative history explicitly states
that DOMA was intended to express the “moral disapproval of homosexuality, and a
moral conviction that heterosexuality better comports with traditional (especially JudeoChristian) morality.” H.R. Rep. No. 104-664, at 15–16; see Dragovich v. U.S. Dep’t of
Treas., No. 10-01564 (CW), 2011 WL 175502, at *12 (N.D. Cal. Jan. 18, 2011)
(“[A]nimus toward, and moral rejection of, homosexuality and same-sex relationships are
apparent on the congressional record.”); see also Exs. 1–7 to Affidavit of Andrew J.
Ehrlich (collecting examples of anti-gay animus in congressional record).
But “the denial of federal benefits to same-sex spouses cannot be justified
as an expression of the government’s disapproval of homosexuality, preference for
heterosexuality, or desire to discourage gay marriage.”
30
Levenson, 587 F.3d at 932.
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Animus against gay men and lesbians, as a matter of law, is not a legitimate, much less an
important or compelling, government interest. Romer, 517 U.S. at 632.
“[I]f the constitutional conception of ‘equal protection of the laws’ means
anything, it must at the very least mean that a bare congressional desire to harm a
politically unpopular group cannot constitute a legitimate governmental interest.” United
States Dep’t of Agric. v. Moreno, 413 U.S. 528, 534 (1973). Indeed, the Supreme Court
has soundly rejected moral disapproval as a justification for discrimination against
lesbians and gay men, holding that “‘the fact that the governing majority in a State has
traditionally viewed [homosexuality] as immoral is not a sufficient reason for upholding a
law prohibiting the practice.’” Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 577 (quoting Bowers v. Hardwick,
478 U.S. 186, 216 (1986) (Stevens, J., dissenting)); id. at 583 (O’Connor, J., concurring)
(“Moral disapproval of a group cannot be a legitimate governmental interest under the
Equal Protection Clause because legal classifications must not be ‘drawn for the purpose
of disadvantaging the group burdened by the law.’” (quoting Romer, 517 U.S. at 633)).
Here too, “mere negative attitudes, or fear, unsubstantiated by factors which are properly
cognizable . . . , are not permissible bases” for governmental discrimination. City of
Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 488.
III.
EVEN UNDER RATIONAL BASIS
REVIEW, DOMA IS UNCONSTITUTIONAL
While, as discussed above, the question of DOMA’s constitutionality
should properly be analyzed under the heightened scrutiny standard, even if it were to be
analyzed under the more lenient rational basis standard, it would still fail.
31
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A.
Filed 06/24/11 Page 40 of 51
The Applicable Standard
Under rational basis review, a statute will be upheld as constitutional “if
the classification drawn by the statute is rationally related to a legitimate state interest.”
City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 440. Still, there must be a “link between classification and
objective,” Romer, 517 U.S. at 632, i.e., “some relation between the classification and the
purpose it serve[s].” Id. at 633. Importantly, it is the classification—the challenged
discrimination—and not the law as a whole that must rationally advance a legitimate
governmental interest. Bd. of Trustees of the Univ. of Ala. v. Garrett, 531 U.S. 356, 366–
67 (2001); Rinaldi v. Yeager, 384 U.S. 305, 308–09 (1966).
“Despite the wide latitude afforded [the government under this level of
review] . . . distinctions that do not have a rational basis will not be sustained.” Myers v.
Cnty. of Orange, 157 F.3d 66, 75 (2d Cir. 1998). “In a long line of cases, the Supreme
Court has applied rational basis scrutiny to strike down legislation where the permissible
bounds of rationality were exceeded.” Sharif v. N.Y. State Educ. Dep’t, 709 F. Supp.
345, 364 (S.D.N.Y. 1989) (citing cases).
A classification fails rational basis review if its connection to the asserted
purpose, while not totally lacking, is “so attenuated as to render the distinction arbitrary
or irrational.” City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 446. For example, in Romer, Colorado
defended its ban on antidiscrimination protection for gay people by asserting that the ban
rationally furthered two state interests: (1) respecting the religious liberties of landlords
and employers, and (2) conserving state resources to fight discrimination against other
groups. 517 U.S. at 635. Yet the Supreme Court held that those interests, even if
legitimate on their own, were “so far removed” from the ban’s classification, which
singled out gay people for its burden, that it was “impossible to credit” that they were the
32
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reason for the law. Id. Here too, DOMA is so far removed from any legitimate purpose
that it is simply impossible to credit any “relation between the classification and the
purpose it serves.” Id. at 633.
B.
Congress’s 1996 Justifications for DOMA Fail Rational Basis Review
In circuits that, unlike the Second Circuit, had already decided what level
of scrutiny applies to sexual orientation classifications, and prior to the U.S. Attorney
General’s determination that such classifications should be subject to heightened
scrutiny, numerous courts have applied rational basis review to DOMA’s purported
justifications.
Even under that lower level of scrutiny, these courts held that the
government’s justifications were either illegitimate or insufficient. See, e.g., Dragovich,
2011 WL 175502; Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d 374; Levenson, 587 F.3d 925; In re Balas, No.
2:11-BK-17831 (TD), 2011 WL 2312169 (Bankr. C.D. Cal. June 13, 2011).14
As discussed above, the House Report for DOMA identified the
congressional interests purportedly served by denying federal marital protections and
14
While a few district courts previously held that DOMA’s discrimination against
married same-sex couples was not unconstitutional, those decisions either did not
involve Section 3 of DOMA and federal benefits at all, see e.g., Ake v. Wilson, 354 F.
Supp. 2d 1298 (M.D. Fla. 2005) (challenge to Florida’s refusal to recognize marriage
of same-sex couple married in Massachusetts); or ignored the complete lack of any
rational connection between DOMA’s sexual orientation classification and a
legitimate government interest, see e.g., In re Kandu, 315 B.R. 123, 145–47 (W.D.
Wa. 2004) (accepting assertion that DOMA advanced interest in “encouraging the
development of relationships optimal for procreation” and finding that DOMA
“simply codified that definition of marriage historically understood by society”);
Smelt v. Cnty. of Orange, 374 F. Supp. 2d 861, 880 (C.D. Cal. 2005) (accepting
assertion that “Congress could plausibly have believed sending [the] message [that
heterosexual marriages have special significance] makes it more likely people will
enter into opposite-sex unions, and encourages those relationships”), aff’d in part and
vacated in part on other grounds, 477 F.3d 673 (9th Cir. 2006).
33
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obligations to married same-sex couples. See 142 Cong. Rec. H7503–05 (daily ed. July
12, 1996). As also explained above, those justifications are unsound either because they
are plainly illegitimate interests or because the relationship between the purported
justifications and DOMA’s discriminatory classification is “so attenuated as to render the
distinction arbitrary or irrational.” City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 446.
Preserving “traditional” marriage is not a legitimate interest. As set
forth above, a history and tradition of limiting marriage to straight couples alone cannot
justify DOMA’s discrimination.
That purported justification does not explain the
classification as equal protection requires, but merely restates the classification and fails
to provide any independent purpose for DOMA’s exclusion of one class of staterecognized marriages from federal marital protections and obligations. See Romer, 517
U.S. at 633 (classification “must bear a rational relationship to an independent and
legitimate legislative end”). Accordingly, it cannot provide a rational basis for DOMA’s
denigration of married same-sex couples. Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 389–90; Levenson, 587
F.3d at 932.
DOMA does not “promote” heterosexuality. No one could rationally
credit that denying the validity of state-approved marriages of same sex couples would
have any impact on whether different-sex couples marry or divorce, or cohabit. Nor does
Section 3 of DOMA “encourage[ gay men and lesbians] to enter into marriages with
members of the opposite sex.” Levenson, 587 F.3d at 932 (applying rational basis
review). Indeed, applying rational basis scrutiny to this purported governmental interest,
Judge Tauro in Gill simply could not “discern a means by which the federal
government’s denial of benefits to same-sex spouses might encourage homosexual people
34
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to marry people of the opposite sex.” Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 389. Accord Dragovich,
2011 WL 175502, at *11 (“The exclusion of same-sex couples from the federal definition
of marriage does not encourage heterosexual marriages.”).
DOMA does not advance any legitimate interest in child-rearing. Section
3 of DOMA’s connection with child-rearing is also too attenuated to meet even rational
basis review. Procreation and child-rearing are not the sole or even the primary focus of
marriage, certainly under federal law. For example, “the ability to procreate is not now,
nor has it ever been, a precondition to marriage in any state in the country.” Gill, 699 F.
Supp. 2d at 389 (citing Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 605 (2003) (Scalia, J., dissenting)); see
also Expert Affidavit of Nancy Cott (“Cott Aff.”) ¶ 19. The federal government, for its
part, has never treated married heterosexual couples differently if they were infertile or
otherwise unable or unwilling to procreate.
And the great majority of the federal
protections and obligations that come with marriage relate not to child-rearing or
procreation but to practical protections aimed at the adults.15 On the other hand, DOMA
excludes married same-sex couples not just from federal recognition of their relationship
in contexts relating to children or procreation, but in every one of the 1,138 federal
statutes and programs that relate to marriage in any way. DOMA’s sweeping breadth,
and the striking disconnect between the classification and the purported purpose, make it
“impossible to credit” that this law was crafted to promote child-rearing by heterosexuals.
Romer, 517 U.S. at 635.
15
DOMA affects over a thousand rights and obligations, many of which do not relate to
children. See Cong. Budget Off., U.S. Cong., The Potential Budgetary Impact of
Recognizing Same-Sex Marriages 1 (June 21, 2004), http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/
55xx/doc5559/06-21-SameSexMarriage.pdf.
35
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Because it is “beyond scientific dispute” that a child’s adjustment is not
determined by his parents’ sexual orientation, see Lamb Aff. ¶ 13, any suggestion by
DOMA’s defenders that it advances a legitimate interest in ensuring that children will be
better adjusted by being raised in households with heterosexual parents to whom they are
biologically-related cannot provide a rational basis for DOMA’s discrimination. Gill,
699 F. Supp. 2d at 388–89. The scientific evidence, in fact, demonstrates that male and
female parents can be equally competent, and that the absence of a male or female parent
does not affect child development. Lamb Aff. ¶¶ 23–27. And even more fundamentally,
as discussed above, DOMA does nothing to alter the fact that same-sex couples may
marry and raise children together, and may reside in states like New York that recognize
their marriages.
In re Levenson, 587 F.3d at 934 (DOMA “does not serve any
governmental interest in promoting a child-rearing environment,” and thus fails rational
basis review “because [. . . ] the denial of benefits to same-sex spouses will not affect the
decisions made by same-sex couples regarding marriage or parenting.”). As a result, it is
simply impossible to credit this so-called “interest” as a rational justification for
DOMA’s exclusion of same-sex couples from federal benefits and programs.
DOMA does not promote self-governance. Nor can Section 3 of DOMA
be said to rationally advance a legitimate interest in promoting self-governance; instead,
as discussed above, it denies states their traditional role in regulating marriage, and
arbitrarily disregards the state-approved marriages of same-sex couples. Gill, 699 F.
Supp. 2d. at 391 (“There can be no dispute that the subject of domestic relations is the
exclusive province of the states. And the powers to establish eligibility requirements for
36
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marriage, as well as to issue determinations of martial status, lie at the very core of such
domestic relations law.”); Cott Aff. ¶ 88.
DOMA does not conserve resources. Finally, DOMA does not rationally
advance any legitimate interest in conserving government resources.
As the court
observed in Gill, “the Congressional Budget Office concluded in 2004 that recognition of
same-sex marriages by all fifty states would actually result in a net increase in federal
revenue.” 699 F. Supp. 2d at 390 n.116. Moreover, this justification fails because
“[t]here is no rational relationship” whatsoever between the sex of a person’s spouse and
the federal government’s desire to limit its outlays. Levenson, 587 F.3d at 933; accord
Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 390. See also Romer, 517 U.S. at 635 (“Colorado also cites its
interest in conserving resources to fight discrimination against other groups. The breadth
of the amendment is so far removed from [this] justification[] that we find it impossible
to credit . . . .”).
The only congressional justification DOMA does rationally advance is one
the Supreme Court has held is constitutionally invalid no matter what the standard—the
expression of animus and moral disapproval toward lesbians and gay men. See Romer,
517 U.S. at 632; Part II.B.2.f, supra.
C.
No Other Rational Basis for DOMA Can Be Asserted
Moreover, none of the additional purported justifications asserted in previous
litigation regarding Section 3 of DOMA can overcome the patent lack of a rational basis for
the statute’s discrimination.
DOMA does not avoid inconsistency. As Judge Reinhardt of the Ninth
Circuit recognized, the claim that DOMA’s definition of marriage avoids inconsistency
across states, because same-sex couples cannot marry in every jurisdiction, must fail
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“[e]ven under the more deferential rational basis review [. . . ].” Levenson, 587 F.3d at
933. Varying state eligibility requirements for marriage throughout our country’s history
have meant that heterosexual couples who could validly marry in one state might not be
able to in another. Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 391; Cott Aff. ¶¶ 24–64. “And yet the federal
government has fully embraced these variations and inconsistencies in state marriage
laws by recognizing as valid for federal purposes any heterosexual marriage which has
been declared valid pursuant to state law.” Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 391 (internal citations
omitted).
In other words, Congress has never before cared about uniformity across
state definitions of marriage, even though, for example, only a minority of states
recognize common law marriages, Cott Aff. ¶¶ 36–38, so any assertion of such an
interest here simply cannot be credited. See City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 448–50 (under
rational basis review, government may not single out a group for disfavored treatment
where the group does not present any “special threat to the [state’s] legitimate interests”).
While the rational basis inquiry may not require a perfect fit between a classification and
its justification, “this deferential constitutional test nonetheless demands some reasonable
relation between the classification in question and the purpose it purportedly serves.”
Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 396. The government “may not rely on a classification whose
relationship to an asserted goal is so attenuated as to render the distinction arbitrary or
irrational.” Id. at 388 (quoting City of Cleburne, 473 U.S. at 446).
DOMA does not preserve the status quo. The argument, asserted in other
cases, that DOMA “preserves the status quo,” in that no state allowed same-sex couples
to marry when DOMA was enacted in 1996, is similarly unavailing. As courts applying
38
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rational basis review have pointed out, the “assertion that pursuit of this interest provides
a justification for DOMA rests on a conspicuous misconception of what the status quo
was at the federal level in 1996.” Gill, 699 F. Supp. 2d at 393 (emphasis in original). At
the time, the federal status quo “was to recognize, for federal purposes, any marriage
declared valid according to state law.” Id. In other words, “DOMA did not preserve the
status quo vis-à-vis the relationship between federal and state definitions of marriage; to
the contrary, it disrupted the long-standing practice of the federal government deferring
to each state’s decisions as to the requirements for a valid marriage.” Levenson, 587 F.3d
at 933.
*
*
*
As the Supreme Court has explained, “laws singling out a certain class of
citizens for disfavored legal status or general hardships are rare.” Romer, 517 U.S. at
633.
They are rare in part because such classifications generally lack any rational
connection to a legitimate government interest.16 The Supreme Court in Romer held that
the purported justifications for the Colorado amendment at issue failed to provide a
rational basis because “[the amendment’s] sheer breadth is so discontinuous with the
reasons offered for it that the amendment seem[ed] inexplicable by anything but animus
toward the class it affect[ed].” Id. at 632. DOMA paints with a similarly broad brush by
denying married same-sex couples all federal marital benefits and protections, regardless
of the nature of those protections.
16
As Justice O’Connor explained in her concurring opinion in Lawrence: “Moral
disapproval of a group cannot be a legitimate governmental interest under the Equal
Protection Clause because legal classifications must not be drawn for the purpose of
disadvantaging the group burdened by the law.” 539 U.S. at 583.
39
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In other words, like the Colorado amendment in Romer, Section 3 of
DOMA has no “identifiable legitimate purpose or discrete objective.” Id. at 635. Its
sweeping breadth—covering the entire range of federal statutes and benefits that pertain
to marriage or spouses, including denying couples married under state law recognition of
their marriage for purposes of the marital exemption to the federal estate tax; denying
married lesbian and gay federal employees the ability to provide health insurance to their
spouses; and preventing married bi-national same-sex couples from remaining together in
the United States in the ways available to straight couples—makes it impossible to
explain the exclusion of married same-sex couples from those benefits and protections by
anything other than sheer animus. Cf. id. (“We cannot say that Amendment 2 is directed
to any identifiable legitimate purpose or discrete objective. It is a status-based enactment
divorced from any factual context from which we could discern a relationship to
legitimate state interests; it is a classification of persons undertaken for its own sake,
something the Equal Protection Clause does not permit.”).
Because, under our
constitutional framework, the government needs more than animus or moral disapproval
to justify the harms and denigration DOMA imposes on married same-sex couples,
DOMA fails even rational basis review.
IV.
BAKER v. NELSON IS NEITHER CONTROLLING
NOR PERSUASIVE AUTHORITY_______
Finally, although we anticipate that BLAG will rely heavily on it in their
opposition, the Supreme Court’s summary dismissal in Baker v. Nelson, 409 U.S. 810
(1972), almost four decades ago is not persuasive authority that should inform, let alone
bind, this Court’s resolution of Plaintiff’s equal protection challenge to DOMA.
40
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In Baker, a same-sex couple seeking the right to marry challenged on due
process and equal protection grounds a Minnesota marriage licensing law that limited
marriage to heterosexual couples. Baker v. Nelson, 191 N.W.2d 185 (Minn. 1971). The
Minnesota Supreme Court, applying rational basis review, upheld the statute. See id. at
186–87. The U.S. Supreme Court, which was required to accept the appeal under its
since-repealed mandatory appellate jurisdiction, summarily dismissed the appeal “for
want of a substantial federal question.” Baker, 409 U.S. at 810.
The precedential effect of such a dismissal is exceptionally narrow.
Summary dispositions are treated as binding only with regard to the precise legal
questions and facts presented in the jurisdictional statement.
Ill. Bd. of Elections v.
Socialist Workers Party, 440 U.S. 173, 182 (1979); Mandel v. Bradley, 432 U.S. 173,
176 (1977) (per curiam); Alexander v. Cahill, 598 F.3d 79, 89 n.7 (2d Cir. 2010).
Summary dispositions, moreover, do not signal the Supreme Court’s adoption of a lower
court’s reasoning.
Mandel, 432 U.S. at 176; Bush v. Vera, 517 U.S. 952, 996 (1996)
(Kennedy, J. concurring) (“We do not endorse the reasoning of the [lower court] when
we order summary affirmance.”).
As such, summary dispositions are “a rather slender
reed on which to rest future decisions.” Morse v. Republican Party of Va., 517 U.S. 186,
203 n.21 (1996) (quoting Anderson v. Celebrezze, 460 U.S. 780, 784–85 n.5 (1983)); see
also Green Party of Conn. v. Garfield, 616 F.3d 213, 225 (2d Cir. 2010) (summary
dispositions “provide little guidance” in subsequent disputes).
Plaintiff’s claims here present very different legal questions and facts than
those at issue in Baker. See Mandel, 432 U.S. at 80, 177 (Brennan, J., concurring).
Baker concerned whether the state’s marriage licensing statute (1) deprived appellants of
41
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“their liberty to marry” without due process; (2) violated their equal protection rights; and
(3) violated their privacy rights.
In re Kandu, 315 B.R. 123, 137 (Bankr. W.D. Wash.
2004) (quoting jurisdictional statement).
Here, by contrast, Plaintiff challenges the
federal government’s refusal to recognize her valid, state-sanctioned marriage for
purposes of federal rights and benefits by virtue of DOMA—an entirely different statute
that has different legal effects, legislative history, and justifications through entirely
different legal arguments than those at issue in Baker. For this reason, Baker has no
binding effect in this case. See Smelt v. Cnty. of Orange, 374 F. Supp. 2d 861, 873 (C.D.
Cal. 2005) (stating that the court “[could not] conclude Baker necessarily decided the
questions raised by the constitutional challenge to DOMA”), aff’d in part and vacated in
part on other grounds, 447 F.3d 673 (9th Cir. 2006); In re Kandu 315 B.R. at 137–38
(rejecting Baker’s application to DOMA challenge in part because case concerned
“subsequently-enacted federal legislation with its own Congressional history that
concerns exclusively federal benefits”); see also In the Matter of the Marriage of J.B. &
H.B., 326 S.W.3d 654, 671–72 (Tex. App. 2010) (finding Baker did “not control the
disposition” of equal protection challenge to state law that precluded adjudication of
married same-sex couple’s divorce petition because it was “distinguishable” and
presented different legal issues).17
17
Indeed, two courts already have held that Baker does not control or inform the
outcome of equal protection challenges to DOMA because the issues presented are
different. Smelt, 374 F. Supp. 2d at 874 (holding that Baker “is not binding precedent
on Plaintiffs’ constitutional challenge to Section 3 of DOMA”), aff’d in part and
vacated in part on other grounds, 477 F.3d 673 (9th Cir. 2006); In re Kandu 315 B.R.
at 137–38 (same). While, as discussed above, Plaintiff disagrees with these courts’
reasoning on the constitutionality of DOMA, there is no dispute that these cases
accurately state Baker’s precedential weight.
42
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CONCLUSION
For all the foregoing reasons, the Court should grant Plaintiff’s motion for
summary judgment.
Dated: New York, New York
June 24, 2011
PAUL, WEISS, RIFKIND, WHARTON
& GARRISON LLP
/s/ Andrew J. Ehrlich
____________________________________
Roberta A. Kaplan, Esq.
Andrew J. Ehrlich, Esq.
1285 Avenue of the Americas
New York, New York 10019-6064
(212) 373-3000
rkaplan@paulweiss.com
aehrlich@paulweiss.com
– and –
James D. Esseks, Esq.
Rose A. Saxe, Esq.
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
125 Broad Street
New York, New York 10004-2400
(212) 549-2500
jesseks@aclu.org
rsaxe@aclu.org
– and –
Melissa Goodman, Esq.
Alexis Karteron, Esq.
Arthur Eisenberg, Esq.
NEW YORK CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
125 Broad Street, 19th Floor
New York, New York 10004
(212) 607-3300
mgoodman@nyclu.org
akarteron@nyclu.org
aeisenberg@nyclu.org
Attorneys for Plaintiff Edith Schlain Windsor
43
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Filed 09/15/11 Page 1 of 38
UNITED STATES DISTRICT COURT
SOUTHERN DISTRICT OF NEW YORK
EDITH SCHLAIN WINDSOR, in her
capacity as Executor of the estate of THEA
CLARA SPYER,
Plaintiff,
10 Civ. 8435 (BSJ) (JCF)
ECF Case
v.
THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA,
Defendant.
REPLY MEMORANDUM OF LAW IN SUPPORT OF
PLAINTIFF'S MOTION FOR SUMMARY JUDGMENT
PAUL, WEISS, RIFKIND, WHARTON
& GARRISON LLP
Roberta A. Kaplan, Esq.
Andrew J. Ehrlich, Esq.
1285 Avenue of the Americas
New York, NY 10019-6064
(212)373-3000
rkaplan@paulweiss.com
aehrlich@paulweiss. com
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
James D. Esseks, Esq.
Rose A. Saxe, Esq.
125 Broad Street
New York, NY 10004
(212) 549-2500
jesseks@aclu.org
rsaxe@aclu.org
NEW YORK CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
Melissa Goodman, Esq.
Alexis Karteron, Esq.
Arthur Eisenberg, Esq.
125 Broad Street, 19th Floor
New York, NY 10004
(212) 607-3300
akarteron@nyclu. org
aeisenberg@nyclu.org
mgoodman@nyclu.org
Attorneys for Plaintiff Edith Schlain Windsor
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
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TABLE OF CONTENTS
Page
Table of Authorities
ii
Preliminary Statement
1
Argument
6
I.
II.
BLAG'S OPPOSITION TO PLAINTIFF'S SUMMARY JUDGMENT
MOTION IS PROCEDURALLY UNSOUND
THERE IS NO BINDING PRECEDENT IN THE SECOND CIRCUIT
AS TO WHETHER HEIGHTENED SCRUTINY SHOULD APPLY
III.
13
A.
B.
14
D.
V.
9
DOMA IS SUBJECT TO HEIGHTENED SCRUTINY
C.
IV.
6
History of Discrimination
Sexual Orientation Has No Impact on an Individual's Ability to
Contribute to Society
16
Sexual Orientation Is Immutable and Is a Core Part of Individual
Identity
17
Lesbians and Gay Men Lack Political Power
21
BLAG MISSTATES THE SCIENTIFIC CONSENSUS CONCERNING
GAY PARENTS
24
SECTION THREE OF DOMA IS A UNIQUE DEPARTURE FROM A
TRADITION OF FEDERAL DEFERENCE TO STATE DECISIONS
ABOUT WHETHER A PERSON IS MARRIED
29
CONCLUSION
30
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TABLE OF AUTHORITIES
Page(s)
CASES
Able v. United States,
155 F.3d 682 (2d Cir. 1998)
10
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena,
515 U.S. 200 (1995)
24
Baker v. Nelson,
409 U.S. 810 (1972)
24
Ben-Shalom v. Marsh,
703 F. Supp. 1372 (E.D. Wis. 1989)
12
Ben-Shalom v. Marsh,
881 F.2d 454 (7th Cir. 1989)
12
Bowen v. Gilliard,
483 U.S. 587 (1987)
14
Bowers v. Hardwick,
478 U.S. 186 (1986)
10
Celotex Corp. v. Catrett,
All U.S. 317 (1986)
7
City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Center,
473 U.S. 432 (1985)
14
Cooky. Gates,
528 F.3d 42 (1st Cir. 2008)
13
Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharmaceuticals, Inc.,
509 U.S. 579 (1993)
25
Dunn v. Commissioner of Internal Revenue,
70 T.C. 361 (1978)
29
Elk Grove United School District v. Newdow,
542 U.S. 1 (2004)
29
Equality Foundation of Greater Cincinnati, Inc. v. City of Cincinnati,
860 F. Supp. 417 (S.D.Ohio 1994)
12
Equality Foundation of Greater Cincinnati, Inc. v. City of Cincinnati,
54 F.3d 261 (6th Cir. 1995)
12
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 4 of 38
In re Estate ofRanftle,
917N.Y.S.2d 195 (1st Dep't 2011)
6
Gill v. Office of Personnel Management,
699 F. Supp. 2d 374 (D. Mass. 2010)
26
Hernandez v. Robles,
855 N.E.2d 1 (N.Y. 2006)
5
High Tech Gays v. Defense Industrial Security Clearance Office,
668 F. Supp. 1361 (N.D. Cal. 1987)
12
High Tech Gays v. Defense Industrial Security Clearance Office,
895 F.2d 563 (9th Cir. 1990)
12
Holmes v. California National Guard,
124 F.3d 1126 (9th Cir. 1997)
13
Jeffreys v. City of New York,
426 F.3d 549 (2d Cir. 2005)
9, 28
Johnson v. Johnson,
385 F.3d 503 (5th Cir. 2004)
12
Kerrigan v. Commissioner of Public Health,
957 A.2d 407 (Conn. 2008)
14
Kimel v. Florida Board of Regents,
528 U.S. 62 (2000)
20
Lawrence v. Texas,
539 U.S. 558 (2003)
passim
Lewis v. N. Y. State Deparment of Civil Service,
872 N.Y.S.2d 578 (3d Dep't 2009)
Lofton v. Kearney,
157 F.Supp.2d 1372 (S.D. Fla. 2001)
6
28
Lofton v. Secretary of the Department of Children & Family Services,
358 F.3d 804 (11th Cir. 2004)
Martinez v. County of Monroe,
850 N.Y.S.2d 740 (4th Dep't 2008)
12, 13
6
Massachusetts Board of Retirement v. Murgia,
All U.S. 307 (1976)
in
17
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In re May's Estate,
114N.E.2d4(N.Y. 1953)
6
Nordlinger v. Hahn,
505 U.S. 1 (1992)
13
Padula v. Webster,
822 F.2d 97 (D.C. Cir. 1987)
11, 12
Price-Comelison v. Brooks,
524F.3d 1103 (10th Cir. 2008)
13
Richenberg v. Perry,
91 F.3d. 256 (8th Cir. 1996)
12, 13
Romer v. Evans,
517 U.S. 620 (1996)
passim
Rowland v. Mad River Local School District,
470 U.S. 1009(1985)
11
Scarbrough v. Morgan County Board of Education,
470 F.3d 250 (6th Cir. 2006)
13
Thomasson v. Perry,
80 F.3d 915 (4th Cir. 1996)
12
Trans Sport, Inc. v. Starter Sportswear, Inc.,
964 F.2d 186 (2d Cir. 1992)
29
Tuan Anh Nguyen v. Immigation and Naturalization Service,
533 U.S. 53 (2001)
24, 25
United States v. Virginia,
518 U.S. 515 (1996)
17, 24
Veney v. Wyche,
293 F.3d 726 (4th Cir. 2002)
13
Witt v. Department of the Air Force,
527 F.3d 806 (9th Cir. 2008)
13
Woodward v. United States,
871 F.2d 1068 (Fed. Cir. 1989)
12
IV
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 6 of 38
STATUTES
1 U.S.C. § 7
1
10 U.S.C. § 654(f)(1)
3
26 U.S.C. §7703
29
42 U.S.C. §416
29
OTHER AUTHORITIES
142 Cong. Rec. H7485 (daily ed. July 12, 1996)
3
142 Cong. Rec. S10068 (daily ed. Sept. 9, 1996)
3
Arthur S. Leonard, Exorcizing the Ghosts q/'Bowers v. Hardwick: Uprooting
Invalid Precedents, 84 Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 519 (2009)
13
George W. Dent, TVo Difference?: An Analysis of Same-Sex Parenting, 10 Ave
Maria L. Rev. (forthcoming 2011)
28
George W. Dent, The Defense of Traditional Marriage, 15 J.L. & Pol. 581 (1999)
28
Gregory M. Herek et al., Demographic, Psychological, and Social Characteristics
of Self-Identified Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Adults in a US Probability
Sample Sex. Res. Soc. Pol'y 176 (2010)
18
John Hart Ely, Democracy & Distrust (1980)
11
Laurence H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law (2d ed.) (1988)
11
Lisa M. Diamond & Ritch C. Savin-Williams, Explaining Diversity in the
Development of Same-Sex Sexuality Among Young Women J. of Soc. Issues
301 (2000)
18
New Paradigms for Research on Heterosexual & Sexual-Minority Development,
32 J. of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychol. 492 (2003)
18
Nigel Dickson et al., Same-Sex Attraction in a Birth Cohort: Prevalence and
Persistence in Early Adulthood Soc. Sci. & Med. 1607(2003)
19
Sheryl Gay Stolberg, For Bachmann, Gay Rights Stand Reflects Mix of Issues and
Faith, N.Y. Times (July 17, 2011)
23
The Constitutional Status of Sexual Orientation: Homosexuality as a Suspect
Classification, 98 Harv. L. Rev. 1285 (1985)
11
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 7 of 38
Will Weissert, Perry Signs Pledge on Anti-Gay Marriage Amendment, Associated
Press (Aug. 26, 2011)
VI
23
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 8 of 38
Plaintiff Edith ("Edie") Schlain Windsor respectfully submits this reply
memorandum of law in support of her motion for summary judgment.
PRELIMINARY STATEMENT
As is so often true when a case is exposed to the bright light of the
adversarial process, what is most telling about BLAG's opposition to Plaintiffs motion
for summary judgment are the arguments that BLAG does not make, instead of the ones
that it does. Most significantly, apart from an incomprehensible footnote (BLAG Opp.
Br. at 20 n.34), BLAG does not even argue that Section 3 of the so-called Defense of
Marriage Act, or DOMA, 1 U.S.C. § 7, survives the demanding review required under the
heightened scrutiny standard. BLAG does not argue that the statutory discrimination
against gay men and lesbians at issue in this case is either narrowly tailored to serve a
compelling governmental interest or that it is substantially related to an important
governmental objective.1
BLAG, similarly does not (because it cannot) dispute the history of
discrimination endured by lesbians and gay men in this country, often at the hands of the
federal government itself. BLAG does not (again, because it cannot) dispute that gay
men and lesbians are as able as straight people to contribute to our society. Because the
courts have long held that these are the two most important factors in deciding whether
heightened scrutiny should apply, BLAG has no persuasive argument as to why laws like
i
If the language in footnote 3 in BLAG's most recent reply brief on its motion to
dismiss (BLAG MTD Reply Br. at 4 n.3) means that BLAG rests on the same
justifications under heightened scrutiny as it does for rational basis, that cannot
substitute for an argument as to how DOMA would be tailored to meet those
interests. As discussed below, the government bears the burden of proof under
heightened scrutiny, and BLAG, represented by distinguished counsel, has chosen
what arguments to make in its briefing in this case.
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 9 of 38
DOMA that discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation should not be subject to
heightened judicial scrutiny.
Rather than address these essential constitutional issues, BLAG instead
relies on outdated and non-binding cases from other jurisdictions, and a series of
irrelevant arguments, in order to justify the obviously unconstitutional treatment received
by Edie Windsor, who was forced to pay a $363,053 federal estate tax bill that a straight
widow would not have had to pay. None of BLAG's arguments justify DOMA's blatant
discrimination against lesbians and gay men. Indeed, at least three of the propositions
advanced by BLAG in its opposition brief so obviously lack merit legally, factually, and
as a matter of common sense, that they deserve discussion up front.
First, and perhaps most surprising, is BLAG's assertion, as part of its
attempt to avoid equal protection analysis altogether, that there is no such thing as a
"class" of gay men and lesbians. (See BLAG Opp. Br. at 11 ("These differing definitions
[of 'gay,' 'lesbian,' and 'homosexual'] show that these terms are amorphous and do not
adequately describe a particular class.").)
While at first blush this statement, we
respectfully submit, is fairly shocking, what BLAG appears to be saying is that because
academics in the field do not uniformly agree upon the precise definition of terms like
"gay" or "lesbian," what constitutes a homosexual sexual orientation is too amorphous
for lesbians and gay men to constitute an identifiable class of persons for purposes of the
United States Constitution.
Almost as surprising is BLAG's contention that Plaintiff had a "choice" about being a
lesbian based on the fact that she was briefly married to a man in the early 1950s.
(BLAG Opp. Br. at 12 n.4.) This argument, like many of BLAG's other assertions,
reflects a serious misconception about the life experiences of lesbians and gay men.
As Plaintiff recounts in her supplemental affidavit, shortly after marrying her
brother's best friend as a result of the overwhelming social pressure not to be "queer,"
Edie told him that it was simply not fair to him for them to remain married. (Suppl.
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 10 of 38
We respectfully would ask the Court to take a minute or two to pause on
this statement given the reality of life today in the United States. When a relative, friend,
or colleague says that he is gay, is it really credible (or even intellectually honest) for
BLAG to argue that it is impossible to know what that person is talking about? Indeed,
Congress itself has passed legislation using the terms "lesbian" and "gay." See Policy
Concerning Homosexuality in the Armed Forces, 10 U.S.C. § 654(f)(1) (repealed 2010)
("[T]he term 'homosexual' . . . includes the terms 'gay' and iesbian[.]"'). And when
DOMA was passed in 1996, the legislative record was replete with references to lesbians
and gay men.
See, e.g., 142 Cong. Rec. H7485 (daily ed. July 12, 1996) ("I think
Congress should decide whether the domestic spouses of gays and lesbians should get
Social Security survivor benefits.") (emphasis added); 142 Cong. Rec. H7495 (daily ed.
July 12, 1996) ("Homosexual marriages are not necessary; gays can legally achieve the
same legal ends as marriage through draft wills, medical powers of attorney, and
contractual agreements.... [A]sking the rest of the country to recognize such
marriages . . . is simply asking for special privileges."); 142 Cong. Rec. SI0068 (daily ed.
Sept. 9, 1996) ("Homosexuals and lesbians boast that they are close to realizing their
goal—legitimizing their behavior."). Presumably, the members of Congress who made
these statements knew the class of people they were talking about.3
Windsor Aff. ffl[ 3-14.) Thus, Plaintiff herself makes it clear that she did not really
have any "choice" about her sexual orientation.
3
Similarly, the Supreme Court's decisions in both Lawrence and Romer reflect the
common-sense understanding that there is an identifiable class of gay people who are
harmed by discrimination. Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558, 575 (2003) ("When
homosexual conduct is made criminal by the law of the State, that declaration in and
of itself is an invitation to subject homosexual persons to discrimination both in the
public and in the private spheres.") (emphasis added); Romer v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620,
624 (1996) ("Amendment 2, in explicit terms, does more than repeal or rescind these
provisions. It prohibits all legislative, executive or judicial action at any level of state
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 11 of 38
In fact, BLAG's claim that there is no identifiable class of lesbians or gay
men is inconsistent with BLAG's own position in this case. To illustrate, at the very
same time that it questions the existence of a "class" of lesbians and gay men, BLAG also
argues that "[g]ays and lesbians have wielded considerable power in corporate America."
(BLAG Opp. Br. at 14.) It goes without saying that it would be strange for a group
without any identifiable or clear identity to have the kind of political power and influence
that BLAG attributes to gay men and lesbians.
More fundamentally, however, it is important to remember who and what
this case is really about—Edie Windsor and her marriage to Thea Spyer. Given the
sacrifices that she and her late spouse, Thea Spyer, made and the life they built together
while facing social pressures and prejudices that few who grew up in recent generations
can imagine, to tell Edie Windsor that there is no such thing as being gay or lesbian is, in
a word, absurd.
Second, BLAG argues in its opposition papers that the discrimination
faced by lesbians and gay men lasted for only a relatively short period of time, that things
are getting better, and therefore, this discrimination really isn't very significant for
constitutional purposes. (BLAG Opp. Br. at 8-9.) Again, as discussed in greater detail
below, it simply defies common sense, not to mention the extensive evidentiary record
put forth by Plaintiffs experts, to suggest that the record of discrimination against
lesbians and gay men in this country is anything other than historical fact.
Plaintiffs own life experience again provides stark corroboration. While
working as a graduate student at NYU in the 1950's, Edie Windsor was terrified when
she was called in by the FBI for an interview to get the security clearance required for her
or local government designed to protect the named class, a class we shall refer to as
homosexual persons or gays and lesbians..") (emphasis added).
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 12 of 38
job working on NYU's Univac computer. Why? Because she was worried that the FBI
was "on to" the fact that she was a lesbian and that she would lose her job as a result.
(Suppl. Windsor Aff. fflf 17-23.) Later, when Edie went to work as one of the first
software programmers at IBM after receiving her Master's Degree in mathematics,
lesbians were prohibited by federal law from working at IBM because it had contracts
with the federal government. (See Chauncey Dep. 39:23^-1:9, Kaplan Decl. Ex. A.) So
at the very time that Edie was building a distinguished career at IBM, she was technically
forbidden by federal law from working there in the first place.
As for the contention that discrimination is not as bad today as it was back
then, that argument is simply not relevant for purposes of heightened scrutiny. If it were,
then laws discriminating against African-Americans and women would receive only
rational basis review, since discrimination against these groups has abated (though not
disappeared) over time. Moreover, even BLAG does not dispute that discrimination
against gay men and lesbians continues today. (BLAG Opp. Br. at 8-9.) The very law at
issue in this case (DOMA) is in fact a concrete manifestation of such discrimination;
BLAG has conceded in its written discovery responses that if Plaintiff had been married
to a man, Thea Spyer's estate would not have been liable for federal estate tax at all.
(Am. Response to Plaintiffs First Request for Admission, dated Aug. 2, 2011.)
Third and finally, BLAG's argument that Edie and Thea were not validly
married for purposes of New York law can and should be dismissed at the outset since
BLAG misrepresents the relevant case law. (BLAG Opp. Br. at 24—25.) The New York
Court of Appeals' decision in Hernandez v. Robles, 855 N.E.2d 1 (N.Y. 2006), did not,
as BLAG contends, stand for the proposition that out-of-state marriage between same sex
couples are not recognized in New York. It held that New York's prior law, limiting
marriages performed under New York law to one man and one woman, did not violate
5
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 13 of 38
the New York State constitution. Id. at 8. In New York, however, the longstanding rule
is that an out-of-state marriage is valid in New York unless the marriage is "abhorrent" to
New York public policy; and marriages between same-sex couples clearly did not fall
within this narrowly circumscribed exception. See In re Estate ofRanftle, 917 N.Y.S.2d
195, 196-97 (1st Dep't 2011); Martinez v. Cnty. of Monroe, 850 N.Y.S.2d 740, 743 (4th
Dep't 2008); see also In re May's Estate, 114 N.E.2d 4, 7 (N.Y. 1953).
As a result, every appellate court in New York to address the issue has
held that valid out-of-state marriages between same-sex couples are recognized in New
York. See Ranftle, 917 N.Y.S.2d at 196-97; Lewis v. N.Y. State Dep't of Civil Serv., 872
N.Y.S.2d 578, 581-85 (3d Dep't 2009), aff'd on other grounds sub nom Godfrey v.
Spano, 920 N.E.2d 328 (N.Y. 2009); Martinez, 850 N.Y.S.2d at 743. Thus, as the State
of New York itself has explained in its amicus brief in this case: "New York has long
recognized as valid same-sex marriages that were solemnized under the laws of other
States or nations, such as Plaintiff Edith Windsor's Canadian marriage to Thea Spyer."
(Br. of State of New York as Amicus Curaie, dated July 27, 2011, at 1-3.)
ARGUMENT
I.
BLAG'S OPPOSITION TO PLAINTIFF'S
SUMMARY JUDGMENT MOTION IS PROCEDURALLY UNSOUND
As its central position, BLAG asserts that Plaintiffs motion for summary
judgment should be denied because, in its view, there is a rational basis for the
discrimination at the heart of DOMA, and a rational basis is supposedly all that the law
requires. Plaintiff has responded to those arguments in her opposition to BLAG's motion
to dismiss, and does so below as well.
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 14 of 38
But, as noted in Plaintiffs opposition to BLAG's motion to dismiss (Opp.
to MTD Br. at 6), whether or not heightened scrutiny or rational basis review applies
depends in part on a series of factual, not merely legal, questions.
BLAG opposes
Plaintiffs motion for summary judgment by pointing to untested, hearsay documents in
an effort to disprove factual contentions relating both to some of the heightened scrutiny
factors (history of discrimination, immutability) as well to as the purported justifications
for the discrimination effected by DOMA (the science on parenting by gay people).
As the Court is aware, summary judgment is appropriate where, as here,
the moving party can establish "that there is no genuine dispute as to any material fact
and [the moving party] is entitled to judgment as a matter of law." Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(a);
see also Celotex Corp. v. Catrett, All U.S. 317, 322-23 (1986). Once that showing is
made, the burden shifts to the other party (here, BLAG) to demonstrate the existence of
"any genuine issues of material fact" thereby justifying the need for a trial.
Celotex
Corp., All U.S. at 322. Typically, the type of information that would "support" such a
showing that a statement of fact "is genuinely disputed" includes citations to materials in
the record such as "depositions, documents[,] affidavits[,] admissions, [or] interrogatory
answers . . . ." Fed. R. Civ. P. 56(c)(1)(A).
That is exactly what Plaintiff has done here. As set forth in Plaintiffs
moving brief, and as discussed below, Plaintiff has submitted two affidavits from herself,
as well as affidavits from five renowned experts in fields ranging from American history
to child psychology to political science. Certainly, on the question of whether some form
of heightened scrutiny should apply, BLAG cannot possibly meet its burden of
demonstrating an actual factual dispute about whether there is a history of discrimination
against gay men and lesbians, whether being gay or lesbian has anything to do with an
individual's ability to contribute to society, or whether one "chooses" to be gay. And
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 15 of 38
while BLAG argues that sexual orientation is not immutable, Plaintiff has submitted a
sworn declaration from the author of two of the four articles cited by BLAG in support of
that contention, Professor Lisa Diamond, condemning their misuse of her research and
stating unequivocally that "[i]f the question is whether gays, lesbians and bisexuals are a
group of people with a distinct, immutable characteristic, my scientific answer to that
question is yes." (Suppl. Diamond Decl. ^ 10.) Indeed, along with the instant reply
memorandum, Plaintiff has submitted supplemental affidavits from Professors Lamb and
Peplau responding to BLAG's distortions of the science on gay parenting and
immutability.
BLAG, by contrast, has offered nothing other than selective citations to
materials whose relevance and reliability are questionable at best.
Perhaps most
significantly, it has not offered a single affidavit from a single witness—whether a
member of the House of Representatives or the author of one of the articles it seeks to
rely upon—in order to make the required showing that there is a genuine issue of
disputed fact in this case. Thus, given the absence of admissible documents or any
witnesses on its side of the case, BLAG would have no evidence to introduce at trial even
if summary judgment were denied.
Once the Court concludes that heightened scrutiny does apply, BLAG's
purported "dispute" about the consensus on parenting by gay people cannot raise a
genuine issue of material fact because BLAG does not even attempt to argue that DOMA
is narrowly tailored to serve a compelling state interest or substantially related to an
important government objective. Moreover, as discussed in Plaintiffs opening brief and
her opposition to BLAG's motion to dismiss, DOMA is not even rationally related to any
legitimate interest the federal government may allegedly have in "responsible
procreation" by straight couples, in ensuring that children have straight role models, or in
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 16 of 38
encouraging straight couples to get married. In other words, no one could reasonably
conclude that excluding married same-sex couples from federal protections will do
anything to advance these supposed interests. (PI. Br. at 26-28, 35-36; Opp. to MTD Br.
at 26-30.) Indeed, even if BLAG's citations to hearsay articles are acceptable under the
"constitutional facts" doctrine, the actual evidentiary responses from Plaintiffs experts to
BLAG's mis-cited and mischaracterized hearsay articles demonstrate that those articles
fail to create any genuine issue of material fact. See Jeffreys v. City of New York, 426
F.3d 549, 554 (2d Cir. 2005) ("At the summary judgment stage, a nonmoving party must
offer some hard evidence showing that its version of the events is not wholly fanciful.")
(internal quotations omitted). Thus, even under the "constitutional facts" doctrine and
rational basis review, BLAG has failed to demonstrate that there is any genuine issue of
disputed material fact, as required by Rule 56.
II.
THERE IS NO BINDING PRECEDENT IN THE SECOND CIRCUIT
AS TO WHETHER HEIGHTENED SCRUTINY SHOULD APPLY
The Supreme Court and the Second Circuit have not yet confronted the
issue of what level of scrutiny—heightened or rational basis—applies to laws like
DOMA that discriminate on the basis of sexual orientation. BLAG argues that this Court
should not apply any form of heightened scrutiny because other courts in other circuits
have applied the rational basis test to laws discriminating against gay men and lesbians.
(BLAG Opp. Br. at 5-7.)
BLAG's argument, however, relies entirely on overruled
precedent or decisions that do not address the constitutional question presented.
First, contrary to BLAG's suggestion, the level of scrutiny that courts
should apply to classifications based on sexual orientation is an open question. In Romer
v. Evans, 517 U.S. 620 (1996), the Supreme Court held that a state constitutional
amendment categorically denying lesbians and gay men antidiscrimination protection
9
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 17 of 38
violated the Equal Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment by "classifying]
homosexuals not to further a proper legislative end but to make them unequal to everyone
else." Id. at 635. In holding that the measure at issue "fail[ed], indeed defiefd]," even the
rational basis inquiry, the Court avoided the question of what level of scrutiny applied.
Id. at 632. Similarly, in Lawrence v. Texas, 539 U.S. 558 (2003), the Supreme Court
declared unconstitutional a law that restricted the liberty of lesbians and gay men by
criminalizing their sexual relationships under the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment, not the Equal Protection Clause, because the statute at issue "further[ed] no
legitimate state interest which can justify its intrusion into the personal and private life of
the individual."
Id. at 578.
Lawrence expressly left open any question of equal
protection under the Constitution, and certainly did not decide what level of scrutiny
applies when the government discriminates against people because of their sexual
orientation. Id. at 574-75.
The Second Circuit has not decided this issue either. In Able v. United
States, 155 F.3d 628 (2d Cir. 1998), the court expressly reserved the question of whether
heightened scrutiny applies to sexual orientation classifications.
Id. at 632 ("[T]he
district court strongly suggested that in reviewing statutes that discriminate on the basis
of homosexuality heightened scrutiny would be appropriate. We need not decide this
question because at oral argument plaintiffs asserted that they were not seeking any more
onerous standard than the rational basis test.") (internal citation omitted).
Second, while BLAG points out that several federal courts of appeal have
concluded that sexual orientation classifications trigger only rational basis review (BLAG
Opp. Br. at 5-6), it fails to mention that none of those decisions actually addresses the
suspect classification factors laid out by the Supreme Court. Instead, almost every single
one of those cases relied on Bowers v. Hardwick, 478 U.S. 186 (1986), in which the
10
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 18 of 38
Court held that state laws criminalizing sexual intimacy between gay people did not
violate the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment. Of course, Bowers was
overruled in Lawrence, 539 U.S. at 578, and that simple fact undermines the reasoning
and authority of each of BLAG's cases.
As explained in Plaintiffs moving brief (PI. Br. at 11-13), the Supreme
Court has laid out two primary factors and two supplemental factors that guide its
decisions about whether courts should subject government classifications to heightened
scrutiny. When courts and commentators first started to apply these suspect classification
factors to laws that classify based on sexual orientation back in the early 1980s, they
recognized that heightened scrutiny should apply.
examining the suspect classification
But after Bowers, the courts stopped
factors and instead interpreted Bowers
as
categorically foreclosing gay people from being treated as a suspect or quasi-suspect
class even if they would have received such protections under the traditional equal
protection analysis. For example, in a sexual orientation equal protection decision after
Bowers, the D.C. Circuit reasoned:
If the [Bowers'] Court was unwilling to object to state laws
that criminalize the behavior that defines the class, it is
hardly open to a lower court to conclude that state
sponsored discrimination against the class is invidious.
After all, there can hardly be more palpable discrimination
against a class than making the conduct that defines the
class criminal.
4
See, e.g., Rowland v. Mad River Local Sch. Dist., 470 U.S. 1009, 1014 (1985)
(Brennan, J., dissenting from denial of certiorari; joined by Marshall, J.) (concluding
that sexual orientation classifications should be "subjected to strict, or at least
heightened, scrutiny"); John Hart Ely, Democracy & Distrust 162-64 (1980);
Laurence H. Tribe, American Constitutional Law 1616 (2d ed.) (1988); Note, The
Constitutional Status of Sexual Orientation: Homosexuality as a Suspect
Classification, 98 Harv. L. Rev. 1285 (1985).
11
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 19 of 38
Padula v. Webster, 822 F.2d 97, 103 (D.C. Cir. 1987). Other courts quickly followed
suit, relying on Bowers.5
Since Bowers "was not correct when it was decided," Lawrence, 539 U.S.
at 578, the pre-Zawrerace cases cited by BLAG that relied on Bowers should not be
considered persuasive by this Court. As the Attorney General has concluded, many preLawrence decisions rely "on a line of reasoning that does not survive the overruling of
Bowers." Letter of Att'y Gen. Holder to Speaker Boehner of the U.S. House of Rep. at 3
(Feb. 23, 2011) [hereinafter Holder Letter]; see also Br. of Defendant United States,
dated Aug. 19, 2011, at 6-7.
With Bowers out of the way, federal courts are now free to undertake the
Supreme Court's equal protection analysis and apply the suspect classification test to
sexual orientation classifications. Since Lawrence, however, no federal court of appeals
has "engage[d] in an examination of all the factors that the Supreme Court has identified
as relevant to a decision about the appropriate level of scrutiny." Holder Letter at 3—4.
Instead, when faced with the issue, most courts of appeal have simply adhered to the preLawrence case law and continued to cite cases that relied on Bowers6
Moreover, several
5
See, e.g., Woodward v. United States, 871 F.2d 1068, 1076 (Fed. Cir. 1989); BenShalom v. Marsh, 881 F.2d 454, 464 (7th Cir. 1989); High Tech Gays v. Def Indus.
Sec. Clearance Office, 895 F.2d 563, 571 (9th Cir. 1990); Equality Found, of Greater
Cincinnati, Inc. v. City of Cincinnati, 54 F.3d 261, 266-68 (6th Cir. 1995);
Thomasson v. Perry, 80 F.3d 915, 928 (4th Cir. 1996) (en banc); Richenberg v.
Perry, 91 F.3d. 256, 260 (8th Cir. 1996). Many of those circuit court decisions
reversed district court rulings that applied the suspect classification test and
concluded that heightened scrutiny should apply. See, e.g.. High Tech Gays v. Def.
Indus. Sec. Clearance Office, 668 F. Supp. 1361, 1368-70 (N.D. Cal. 1987), rev'd,
895 F.2d 563; Ben-Shalom v. Marsh, 703 F. Supp. 1372, 1379-80 (E.D. Wis. 1989),
rev 'd, 881 F.2d 454 (7th Cir. 1989); Equality Found, of Greater Cincinnati v. City of
Cincinnati, 860 F. Supp. 417, 434-39 (S.D. Ohio 1994), rev'd, 54 F.3d 261 (6th Cir.
1995).
6
See, e.g., Lofton v. Sec 'y of the Dep't of Children & Family Servs., 358 F.3d 804, 818
& n.16 (11th Cir. 2004); Johnson v. Johnson, 385 F.3d 503, 532 (5th Cir. 2004);
12
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Filed 09/15/11 Page 20 of 38
of these erroneous court of appeals decisions are of dubious precedential value because
the parties had not submitted briefs on the appropriate standard of scrutiny or otherwise
presented the issue to the court.7 A few have improperly concluded that the Supreme
Court's decision in Romer decided that rational basis review applies.8 In short, none of
the court of appeals decisions on the level of scrutiny relied on by BLAG is binding upon
or should be persuasive to this Court.
III.
DOMA IS SUBJECT TO HEIGHTENED SCRUTINY
Laws like DOMA, which treat gay people differently based on their sexual
orientation, cannot be presumed to be constitutional, as would occur if rational basis
applied,9 but must instead be subject to some form of heightened judicial scrutiny.10 This
Scarbrough v. Morgan Cnty Bd. ofEduc, 470 F.3d 250, 261 (6th Cir. 2006); PriceComelison v. Brooks, 524 F.3d 1103, 1113 n.9 (10th Cir. 2008); Witt v. Dep't of Air
Force, 527 F.3d 806, 821 (9th Cir. 2008); see generally Arthur S. Leonard,
Exorcizing the Ghosts of Bowers v. Hardwick: Uprooting Invalid Precedents, 84
Chi.-Kent L. Rev. 519 (2009).
7
See, e.g., Price-Comelison, 524 F.3d at 1113 n.9 (noting that plaintiff argued in the
district court that "lesbians comprise a suspect class, warranting strict scrutiny . . .
[but] does not reassert that claim now on appeal"); Witt, 527 F.3d at 823 (Canby, J.,
dissenting in part) (noting that plaintiff had not argued on appeal that sexual
orientation classifications should receive heightened scrutiny).
See, e.g., Lofton, 358 F.3d at 818 & n.16 (relying on Holmes v. Cal. Nat'I Guard, 124
F.3d 1126, 1132 (9th Cir. 1997)), and Richenberg, 91 F.3d at 260 n.5, both of which
in turn rely on misinterpretations of Romer); Veney v. Wyche, 293 F.3d 726, 732 (4th
Cir. 2002) (erroneously relying on Romer). In Cook v. Gates, 528 F.3d 42 (1st Cir.
2008), also relied upon by BLAG, the First Circuit ended its analysis by finding that
Romer and Lawrence did not compel the court to apply heightened scrutiny, but never
analyzed what level of scrutiny was appropriate.
See Nordlinger v. Hahn, 505 U.S. 1, 17-18 (1992).
10
Although BLAG complains that Plaintiff doesn't specify which level of scrutiny
applies (BLAG Opp. Br. at 5 n.2), it is Plaintiffs position that strict scrutiny must
apply (PI. Br. at 13, 24 n.10). Nevertheless, whether strict or intermediate scrutiny
13
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is so because such laws clearly meet all of the relevant criteria that the Supreme Court
has set forth for a statute to receive heightened scrutiny by the courts: (1) there is a
history of discrimination against the group, (2) on the basis of a characteristic that does
not affect the group's "ability to perform or contribute to society," (3) and that is a central
part of the group members' identity or is immutable, and (4) the group is a minority with
relatively limited political power. See Bowen v. Gilliard, 483 U.S. 587, 602-03 (1987);
City of Cleburne v. Cleburne Living Or., 473 U.S. 432, 441^12 (1985). As explained in
Plaintiffs moving brief, the first two factors (history of discrimination and ability to
contribute to society) are the most significant. See Kerrigan v. Comm 'r of Pub. Health,
957 A.2d 407, 426 (Conn. 2008).
A.
History of Discrimination
BLAG does not contest, nor could it contest, that there is a historical
record of discrimination against lesbians and gay men in the United States.
BLAG,
however, attempts to minimize this history by asserting that it was "relatively short."
(BLAG Opp. Br. at 8.) As discussed below, this is neither true nor relevant.
As Plaintiffs expert, Yale historian George Chauncey, has explained, the
first American laws against sexual relations between persons of the same sex were
enacted in the early colonial period. (See Chauncey Aff. ^ | 17-19.) At various times in
the United States, discriminatory laws barred lesbians and gay men, for example, from
working in civilian or military positions for the federal government, from entering the
country, or from securing citizenship. (Id. Tfl) 43-47; see also Br. of Defendant United
States, dated Aug. 19, 2011, at 8-11.)
Indeed, in her supplemental affidavit, Edie
Windsor recalls that she was terrified in 1955 that the FBI would inquire into her sexual
applies is of relatively little import here because whatever the level of scrutiny,
BLAG's purported justifications for DOMA clearly fail.
14
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orientation and deny her the government security clearance she needed for her job at
NYU. (See Suppl. Windsor Aff. Tfl] 17-23.) Lesbian and gay parents who were open
about their sexual orientation risked losing their children. (See Chauncey Aff. ^ffl 81-86.)
Sadly, many aspects of this history of discrimination continue today. As BLAG admits,
lesbians and gay men in the United States have been and continue to be subjected to
violence because of their sexual orientation. (BLAG Response to Windsor's Request for
Admission #6; see also Chavmcey Aff. H 96.)
BLAG tries to muddy the waters by taking statements from Professor
Chauncey out of context. (BLAG Opp. Br. at 8.) For example, BLAG misleadingly
asserts that according "to Dr. Chauncey, 'all of the [discrimination] was put in place
between the 1920s and 1950s, and most were dismantled between the 1960s and the
1990s.'" (Id.) BLAG, however, fails to disclose that when Professor Chauncey was
asked about this point during his deposition, he explained quite clearly that this period
was not the first time that the government began to discriminate, but the first time it
began to do so against gay men and lesbians based on their status as gay men and
lesbians:
[A]s I have tried to say, the category of homosexual or
heterosexual, gay . . . or straight. . . didn't exist in the same
way before, so there was certainly a long history of
hostility to the behavior that would come to be identified
with and seen as characteristic of the people that would
come to be known as homosexuals or gay people. . . . But
. . . it was in the 20th century that the government began to
classify and discriminate against certain of its citizens on
the basis of their status as homosexuals. Again, that drew
on a longer history of vilification but it took a distinctive
form in the 20th century.
(Chauncey Dep. 53:11-25, Kaplan Decl. Ex. A.)
BLAG also fails to mention that contrary to BLAG's assertion, at other
points during his deposition in this case, Professor Chauncey was quite clear that
15
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discrimination against gay people continued well past the 1950s.
For example, in
addition to mentioning the passage of Amendment 2 in Colorado in 1992 (which of
course led to the Supreme Court's Romer decision) (Chauncey Dep. 25:8-26:6, Kaplan
Decl. Ex. A), Professor Chauncey observed:
I think that in the case of gay and lesbian Americans, we
have seen in the last decade really just an extraordinary
degree to which their basic rights have been subject to the
vicissitudes of public opinion, with — since the seventies, a
large number of cases in which their civil rights have been
put to the vote in popular referenda and, something like in
three quarters of the cases have been taken away . . . It is
hard to think of many other groups that have been subject
to the vicissitudes of public opinion in quite that way.
(Id. at 29:14-30:5, Kaplan Decl. Ex. A.)
In any event, it makes no sense to assert, as BLAG does, that the
discrimination that even BLAG concedes occurred is insufficient to warrant heightened
scrutiny. The history of discrimination prong of the suspect classification test requires
only that the characteristic has been used to discriminate invidiously in the past, not that
it has been used to discriminate since the beginning of recorded time. The undisputed
record of discrimination against lesbians and gay men here is clearly more than enough.1'
B.
Sexual Orientation Has No Impact on an Individual's Ability
to Contribute to Society
BLAG does not contend that a person's sexual orientation affects his or
her ability to contribute to society and thus concedes the second of the two essential
factors of the heightened scrutiny analysis. Instead, it argues that "[t]he Congress that
1
'
BLAG suggests that recent repeal of some government policies discriminating against
lesbians and gay men indicates that sexual orientation classifications should not be
considered suspect. (BLAG Opp. Br. at 8-9.) This argument proves too much, since
racial minorities and women had achieved far greater legislative victories by the time
that courts began considering racial and sex classifications suspect. (PI. Br. at 2 1 22.)
16
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enacted DOMA and the President who signed it obviously thought that the classifications
drawn by DOMA were relevant and rationally related to several legitimate legislative
goals." (BLAG Opp. Br. at 9.)
For purposes of the second prong of the heightened scrutiny test, this
statement is simply a non-sequitur; it does not address whether being gay or straight
affects a person's ability to contribute to society. In other words, if a congressional belief
that a classification was "relevant" or "rational" were enough to preclude heightened
scrutiny, then the supportive opinions of the Congresses that passed (and the Presidents
that signed) racial segregation laws would instantly and forever have immunized such
laws from constitutional review.
The undisputed evidence in this case demonstrates that "[b]eing gay or
lesbian has no inherent association with a person's ability to participate in or contribute to
society" (Peplau Aff. ^ 29), and BLAG has offered nothing whatsoever to rebut this
obvious fact.
C.
Sexual Orientation Is Immutable and Is a Core Part of Individual Identity
Because the two factors discussed above are satisfied, a law like DOMA
that singles people out based on their sexual orientation should be subject to heightened
scrutiny. See, e.g., Mass Bd. of Retirement v. Murgia, All U.S. 307, 313 (1976); United
States v. Virginia, 518 U.S. 515, 532-33 (1996). The immutability of sexual orientation
and its centrality to a person's identity, however, reinforce the need for heightened
scrutiny here, and BLAG's arguments to the contrary lack merit. (See Br. of Defendant
United States, dated Aug. 19, 2011, at 16-17.)
First, as noted above, BLAG argues that the concept of immutable sexual
orientation "runs headlong into the differing definitions of the terms 'sexual orientation,'
'homosexual,' 'gay,' and 'lesbian,'" as if citing to various definitions of these words
17
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somehow contradicts the fact that the underlying characteristics those terms describe are
immutable or constitute a core part of an individual's identity. (See BLAG Opp. Br. at
10.) As discussed above, whatever variations there may be in the precise definitions of
these terms, BLAG's argument that they "do not adequately describe a particular class" is
disingenuous (see id. at 11)—Congress itself has passed legislation specifically targeting
lesbians and gay men; it cannot claim now that this class of people does not exist.
BLAG also selectively cites excerpts from four articles establishing,
according to BLAG, that many people experience changes in their sexual orientation or
"choose" to be gay or lesbian.
These articles do not support the proposition BLAG
advances. First and foremost, two of the four articles cited by BLAG simply cannot be
relied upon at all for the propositions advanced. This is so because the author of these
articles has now submitted an affidavit in this case stating in no uncertain terms that
"BLAG misconstrues my research findings, which do not support the propositions for
which BLAG cites them." (Diamond Suppl. Decl. U S.)12
Moreover, the third article BLAG cites, for the proposition that about 12%
of gay men and 32% of lesbians reported experiencing at least a small amount of choice
in their sexuality, was discussed at the deposition of one of Plaintiff s experts, Professor
Letitia Anne Peplau of UCLA. 13 When asked about this article on re-direct examination
at her deposition, Professor Peplau explained that while it is unclear what participants in
12
See Lisa M. Diamond, New Paradigms for Research on Heterosexual & SexualMinority Development, 32 J. of Clinical Child & Adolescent Psychol. 492 (2003);
Lisa M. Diamond & Ritch C. Savin-Williams, Explaining Diversity in the
Development of Same-Sex Sexuality Among Young Women, 56 J. of Soc. Issues 301
(2000).
13
Gregory M. Herek et al., Demographic, Psychological, and Social Characteristics of
Self-Identified Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Adults in a US Probability Sample, 1 Sex.
Res. Soc. Pol'y 176 (2010).
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the study who reported having some "choice" about their sexual orientation meant, rather
than saying that they "chose" to be gay, it was more likely they meant "that they
recognize that they had same sex romantic sexual attractions and then they chose rather
than denying or suppressing those attractions [. . .] to act upon them by, for example,
forming a same sex relationship." (Peplau Dep. 101:2-18, Kaplan Decl. Ex. B.)
Moreover, Professor Peplau has now submitted her own supplemental
affidavit in which she testifies that having reviewed all four of the articles BLAG cites in
its attempt to argue that sexual orientation is not immutable, none of the articles in any
way change her opinions that "sexual orientation refers to an enduring pattern of
emotional, romantic, and/or sexual attractions to men, women, or both sexes; that sexual
orientation is a multi-faceted phenomenon involving attractions, related behaviors, and
identity; that most adults are attracted to and form relationships with members of only
one sex; and that the significant majority of adults exhibit a consistent and enduring
sexual orientation." (Suppl. Peplau Aff. ^ 5) (internal quotations omitted).
In her supplemental affidavit, Professor Peplau also opines specifically
about the fourth article cited by BLAG14 and states that, contrary to BLAG's assertions, it
actually "provides further evidence in support of [her] opinions." (Id. ^ 6.) As Professor
Peplau explains, "[a]mong the participants in the Dickson study, the overwhelming
majority of individuals who reported only opposite sex attraction at age 21 also reported
only opposite sex attraction at age 26. Similarly, the vast majority of those who reported
major attraction to the same sex at age 21 reported this at age 26 as well. The data show
that only 1/2 of 1% of the male participants and 1.3% of the female participants shifted
from only opposite sex attraction to major attraction to the same sex or vice versa." (Id.)
14
Nigel Dickson et al., Same-Sex Attraction in a Birth Cohort: Prevalence and
Persistence in Early Adulthood, 56 Soc. Sci. & Med. 1607 (2003).
19
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As for BLAG's assertion that it is somehow relevant that one (obviously)
cannot determine the sexual orientation of a newborn baby (BLAG Opp. Br. at 11), this
argument not only sounds like eugenics, but, as Professor Peplau explained at her
deposition, the fact that most persons typically come to understand their sexual
orientation during adolescence does not mean that they can change their orientation at
will. (See Peplau Dep. at 25:18-20, Kaplan Decl. Ex. B.)
Finally, the weakness of BLAG's position on immutability is perhaps best
demonstrated by its remarkable argument that the fact that Plaintiff was once briefly
married to a man demonstrates that sexual orientation is a choice. (BLAG Opp. Br. at
11-12.) It certainly was not a choice for Edie Windsor, who felt strong pressure as a
young woman to marry a man in the 1950s, but soon realized, as she explained to her
husband, that it was not fair either to herself or to him for them to stay married. (See
Suppl. Windsor Aff. ^flj 3-16.) BLAG's suggestion that there is no such thing as lesbians
and gay men as a group is absurd enough; to go further and suggest that Plaintiff had a
"choice" about being a lesbian because she was once married to a man is insulting.15
15
BLAG's contention that a small portion of people who experience same-sex
attractions at one point may not experience them later misses the reason why the
immutability of a trait may matter when determining if heightened scrutiny should
apply. Age, for example, is not a suspect classification "because all persons, if they
live out their normal life spans, will experience it." Kimel v. Fla. Bd. of Regents, 528
U.S. 62, 83 (2000). By contrast, no one would seriously suggest that all (or even
most) people will one day experience being gay or lesbian. In any event, a trait need
not be an unchangeable biological characteristic to warrant imposition of heightened
scrutiny. As explained in Plaintiffs moving brief, people can convert to a different
religion, aliens can become naturalized, individuals can change their sex, and some
people can "pass" or even modify outward signs of their race or national origin, and
yet each of these classifications warrants heightened constitutional scrutiny. (See PI.
Br. at 18.)
20
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D.
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Lesbians and Gay Men Lack Political Power
Although BLAG does not dispute that lesbians and gay men continue to
suffer from discrimination at the hands of the federal, state, and local governments,
BLAG nevertheless argues that lesbians and gay men are politically powerful.
As
support for this argument, BLAG points to discrete successes in certain jurisdictions
where lesbians and gay men and their allies have been able to repeal some of the many
discriminatory laws or practices targeting gay men and lesbians. (BLAG Opp. Br. at 1220.) While these recent events certainly demonstrate that some people are beginning to
understand that discrimination against lesbians and gay men is not acceptable, what they
do not demonstrate—contrary to BLAG's contentions—is that lesbians and gay men are
so strong politically that they do not require the constitutional protections against a
political majority that is often hostile towards them, as DOMA, forty-one state
constitutional marriage amendments or statutes, and even the current Republican
presidential campaign make overwhelmingly apparent.
As a conceptual matter, BLAG's arguments misconstrue the nature of
political power, which Plaintiffs expert Professor Segura has explained refers to "a
person's or group's demonstrated ability to extract favorable (or prevent unfavorable)
policy outcomes from the political system."
(Segura Aff. K 13.)
In other words,
determining whether a group has political power involves looking beyond the existence
of particular policy outcomes that a group supports; it also requires an examination of
"whether or not the group [itself is] in the position to make that policy outcome happen or
if the policy outcome was simply the happenstance of political conditions or a meeting of
the minds or an agreement of others who agree with their position." (Segura Dep. 28:2529:17, Kaplan Decl. Ex. C.) As applied here, the fact that like-minded allies have been
able to repeal some of the legislative measures that specifically target lesbians and gay
21
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men for unequal treatment does not indicate that gays and lesbians have meaningful
political power. In fact, one of the nation's two political parties is firmly committed in
most respects to opposing any and all measures extending civil rights to gay men and
lesbians, and even the most hard-fought gains for gay men and lesbians are repeatedly
subject to contention, through ballot initiatives, threat of repeal, or other means. (Id. at
57:23-60:6, 143:2-14, Kaplan Decl. Ex. C; Segura Aff. fflf 35-44, 75-77.)
Indeed, BLAG's own brief illustrates the extent to which lesbians and gay
men lack political power. For example, while BLAG argues that legislation in four states
and the District of Columbia permitting marriage for same-sex couples shows that
lesbians and gay men have political power (BLAG Opp. Br. at 18), even BLAG
acknowledges that "[u]ndeniably, [. . .] same-sex marriage jurisdictions remain even
today a relatively small minority in this country. Forty-one states have constitutional
amendments or statutes" affirmatively banning such marriages. (BLAG MTD Br. at 17
and Ex. B.) And although BLAG claims that "pro-homosexual forces" spent more than
their opponents did in the campaign over Proposition 8 in California, the end result of
course was that voters used the political process to deny gay and lesbian residents a right
to which they had previously been entitled. (See BLAG Opp. Br. at 18.)
Similarly, BLAG cites a letter from a gay rights group to President Obama
asking him to cease defending the constitutionality of DOMA as evidence of the
significant political power of lesbians and gay men. (See id. at 13.) But, as Professor
Segura explained at his deposition, that letter was written nearly two years prior to the
administration's change in policy regarding DOMA, and the President receives thousands
of letters a day, including many from large organizations.
(Segura Dep. at 166:16-
167:13, Kaplan Decl. Ex. C.) BLAG's position also requires one to assume (cynically)
22
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that the President's decision was purely political, and not based on the unconstitutionality
of DOMA and the President's recognition of his obligations under the Constitution.16
Likewise, although BLAG emphasizes the recent repeal of "Don't Ask,
Don't Tell" as evidence of the significant political power of gay men and lesbians
(BLAG Opp. Br. at 14), what BLAG doesn't mention is that the vote only occurred
during a "lame-duck" session of Congress, that 191 of the 214 Republicans voting on the
measure voted against the repeal (see Segura Aff. ^f 32), and that, among other party
leaders, the Republican presidential candidate who won the Iowa straw poll has called for
the reinstitution of the ban on gay men and lesbians in the military if she is elected
President. Sheryl Gay Stolberg, For Bachmann, Gay Rights Stand Reflects Mix of Issues
and Faith, N.Y. Times at Al (July 17, 2011). In fact, both of the two currently leading
Republican presidential candidates have signed a pledge committing them to support a
ban on equal marriage rights for same-sex couples. See Will Weissert, Perry Signs
Pledge on Anti-Gay Marriage Amendment, Associated Press (Aug. 26, 2011). These are
hardly the indicia of a group that has any significant degree of political power.
The fact that government-sanctioned discrimination against lesbians and
gay men may be less extensive today than it was in the past in no way undermines the
need for heightened scrutiny to apply to such discrimination. As Plaintiff established in
her opening brief, when the courts recognized that racial and gender classifications
require heightened scrutiny, African-Americans and women had achieved substantially
greater legal protections through the political system than lesbians and gay men have
today. BLAG has no response to this other than to note differences in the numerical size
16
Indeed, given the role of BLAG, a subdivision of the United States House of
Representatives, in this case, it is hard for Plaintiff, now 82 years old, to credit its
prediction (if that's what it is) that DOMA will be repealed "soon" as a result of the
political process. (BLAG Opp. Br. at 9.)
23
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between African-Americans and women on the one hand, and the total population of
lesbians and gay men in the United States, on the other. (See BLAG Opp. Br. at 20.) But
if anything, this argument cuts the other way—that lesbians and gay men are less
numerous than African-Americans and women can speak only to their relative lack of
political power and illustrates why lesbians and gay men require greater constitutional
protection against discrimination from a political majority that vastly outnumbers them.17
IV.
BLAG MISSTATES THE SCIENTIFIC
CONSENSUS CONCERNING GAY PARENTS
BLAG does not explain anywhere in its briefing how DOMA would
satisfy the standards required by heightened scrutiny—i.e., that DOMA is narrowly
tailored to serve a compelling state interest (applying strict scrutiny) or is substantially
related to an important government objective (applying intermediate scrutiny).18 See
Tuan Anh Nguyen v. INS, 533 U.S. 53, 75 (2001) ("[U]nder heightened scrutiny, 'the
burden of justification is demanding and it rests entirely on the party defending the
17
Again, BLAG has no response to Plaintiffs argument that a complete lack of political
power is not a prerequisite to a group receiving heightened scrutiny. See, e.g.,
Adarand Constructors, Inc. v. Pena, 515 U.S. 200, 235 (1995) (holding that all racial
classifications are subject to strict scrutiny, although some racial groups hold
substantial political power).
18
In a footnote, BLAG argues that DOMA's discrimination against Plaintiff and other
married same-sex couples can be justified under heightened scrutiny "because it
reflects and reinforces the Supreme Court's own definition of a fundamental right."
BLAG Opp. Br. at 20 n.34. While it is not entirely clear what BLAG means by this,
if the reference is to the Supreme Court's summary affirmance in Baker v. Nelson,
409 U.S. 810 (1972), BLAG is incorrect to suggest that the substantive due process
inquiry controls the outcome under equal protection. See, e.g., Lawrence, 539 U.S. at
574-75 (noting difference between equal protection and due process inquiries).
Unlike due process analysis, which focuses in part on whether a particular right is
part of history and tradition, equal protection analysis looks to history, if at all, only
when that history suggests that courts should apply a higher level of scrutiny and be
less deferential to the state's decision to discriminate.
24
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classification.'") (quoting Virginia, 518 U.S. at 533); see also Br. of Defendant United
States, dated Aug. 19, 2011, at 22-27.
BLAG does, however, include in its opposition brief a two-page section
arguing that "the studies comparing gay or lesbian parents to heterosexual parents have
serious flaws."
(BLAG Opp. Br. at 23.)
Once again, BLAG's argument is both
irrelevant and wrong.
As an initial matter, while claiming that the science on same-sex parents
has "serious flaws" (id.), BLAG does not challenge, on Daubert or any other grounds,
the expert opinion of Professor Lamb that "children and adolescents raised by same-sex
parents are as likely to be well-adjusted as children raised by heterosexual parents."
(Lamb Aff. 1 12.) See Daubert v. Merrell Dow Pharm., Inc., 509 U.S. 579 (1993). Nor
has BLAG offered the testimony of any expert or even lay witness to call into doubt
Professor Lamb's opinion.
BLAG simply has not offered any evidence, much less
competent evidence, that would contradict Professor Lamb's opinion.
More fundamentally, BLAG nowhere connects its bald claim that the gay
parenting research is flawed—or even its "between-the-lines" insinuation that gays and
lesbians are not as capable as heterosexual parents—to its burden on this motion to
demonstrate that DOMA's discrimination is substantially or narrowly tailored to meet a
compelling or important interest. As set forth in Plaintiffs opening brief, as a matter of
logic, DOMA's exclusion of married same-sex couples from the benefits and burdens
afforded to straight couples does not encourage straight couples either to marry or
"responsibly procreate"—two of the stated rationales for DOMA (and again, when
heightened scrutiny is applied, it is only Congress' stated rationales that matter). All that
DOMA does is harm children's interests by "preventfing] children of same-sex couples
from enjoying the immeasurable advantages that flow from the assurances of a stable
25
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family structure when afforded equal recognition under federal law." Gill v. Office of
Pers. Mgmt, 699 F. Supp. 2d 374, 389 (D. Mass. 2010) (internal quotation marks
omitted). This justification, therefore, cannot satisfy heightened (or, indeed, even rational
basis) scrutiny.
In any event, BLAG's suggestion (made on the basis of non-scientific
articles and a few excerpts from studies taken out of context) that the scientific research
does not support Dr. Lamb's expert opinion is obviously misguided.
Dr. Lamb is a
highly-regarded expert in child development and is the Head of the Division of Social
and Developmental Psychology at the University of Cambridge in England.
He has
studied children's development and adjustment for thirty-five years and is the author of
more than five hundred academic publications. His expert report is based not only on his
vast experience and individual research, but on an analysis of the decades of scientific
research and literature in the area of children's adjustment, including the over one
hundred publications cited in his expert report, which confirm that children raised by
lesbian or gay parents are just as well adjusted as those of heterosexual parents. (See
Lamb Dep. at 31:25-32:4, Kaplan Decl. Ex. D ("The studies show . . . that there is no
difference in children's adjustment depending upon the sexual orientation of their
parents.").) BLAG's assertions to the contrary fall apart upon even minimal inspection.
As Professor Lamb explained at his deposition and reiterates in his
supplemental affidavit, the sentences from three academic articles that BLAG read to him
at his deposition and quotes in its brief as showing that the scientific research is flawed
have been taken out of context and mischaracterized. Specifically, with respect to the
statement that there is less research on gay male parents than lesbian parents (BLAG Br.
at 23), Professor Lamb explained that "there is sufficient, indeed overwhelming, evidence
that the adjustment of children is not affected by their parents' sexual orientation, and the
26
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fact that more studies have focused on children raised by lesbians, rather than by gay
men, does nothing to undercut that conclusion." (Supp. Lamb Aff. ]f 8.) Similarly, with
respect to the statement that there are relatively few studies on outcomes for adolescents.
Professor Lamb explained that "although there is less research on adolescents than on
younger children, there have been several studies involving adolescents and they have
uniformly reported positive outcomes on the part of adolescents raised by gay parents.
Further, the correlates of positive adolescent adjustment are the same regardless of the
parents' sexual orientation."
(Id. at ^ 10.) The third reference cited by BLAG as
suggesting a need for further research on same sex couples—an article by Lawrence
Kurdek—did not even relate to gay parents at all. Moreover, as Professor Lamb explains,
the fact that an academic identifies areas for future research certainly does not suggest
that the existing science is somehow unreliable. (Id. at fl[ 11-12.)
Apart from these three articles, the meaning of which BLAG patently
misconstrues, BLAG cites only a decision by the United States Court of Appeals for the
Eleventh Circuit and two articles, one by Anne Hulbert, a former book editor at
Slate.com, and one by George Dent, a law professor, as support for its claim that
"[n]umerous studies have pointed to methodological flaws in those studies comparing
heterosexual and homosexual parents." (BLAG Br. at 24.) Plainly, these references lack
any scientific merit.
Neither Hulbert nor Dent has any professional expertise in child
development; their articles were not published in peer-reviewed scientific journals; and
any views expressed in their articles are non-scientific and fundamentally unreliable.
(Supp. Lamb Aff. ^ 15.)19 As for the Eleventh Circuit's opinion, as Professor Lamb
19
Aside from the fact that its assertions are baseless, unfortunately, Dent's article is so
laden with inflammatory statements of stereotype that it is probably not an
exaggeration to say that it reads as if it could have been written about Jews in France
or Germany in the late nineteenth century. He asserts, for example, that homosexuals
27
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explains, "[c]ontrary to the conclusion of the Lofton court, the research on gay parent
families is a robust body of research that meets the rigorous methodological standards
demanded for publication in the leading academic journals. There is simply no basis on
which to dismiss this body of research as invalid or unreliable due to methodological
deficiencies." (Id. atK 17.)20
Put simply, "the scientific research on gay parent families is robust, meets
accepted rigorous standards for research in the field, and supports the central conclusion
provided in [Professor Lamb's] affidavit . . . that children with gay and lesbian parents
are just as likely to be well-adjusted as those with heterosexual parents." (Id. at ^1 6.) In
short, merely taking unsupported potshots at Plaintiffs expert's testimony, as BLAG has
done, is not sufficient to show that there is a genuine issue of disputed fact with respect to
the scientific consensus on gay and lesbian parenting. See Jeffreys, 426 F.3d at 554 ("To
defeat summary judgment [...] nonmoving parties must do more than simply show that
there is some metaphysical doubt as to the material facts, and they may not rely on
have "high rates of disease," that their relationships "are often abusive," and that
"artificial reproduction should be permitted only to traditional married couples."
George W. Dent, No Difference?: An Analysis of Same-Sex Parenting, 10 Ave Maria
L. Rev. _ at **11, 12-13, 24 (forthcoming 2011). In the other article written by
Dent and relied upon by BLAG (see, e.g., BLAG 56.1 Statement f 47), Dent argues
that marriage for same-sex couples is analogous to "baby-selling," bestiality, and
"child-marriage." George W. Dent, The Defense of Traditional Marriage, 15 J.L. &
Pol. 581, 628, 633, 637 (1999). Cf Romer, 512 U.S. at 634 ("[L]aws of the kind now
before us raise the inevitable inference that the disadvantage imposed is bom of
animosity toward the class of persons affected.").
20
As a matter of fact, there was no scientific evidence about gay parents and their
children in the record in Lofton, which was decided on summary judgment. See
Lofton v. Kearney, 157 F. Supp. 2d 1372, 1383-84 (S.D. Fla. 2001). Without the
benefit of any expert testimony explaining the science, the Eleventh Circuit offered
its own interpretation of this body of literature. As Dr. Lamb explains in his
supplemental affidavit, however, these judges' characterization of the scientific
research does not comport with reality, as recognized by the scientific consensus.
(Suppl. Lamb Aff. ^ 16-17.)
28
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Filed 09/15/11 Page 36 of 38
conclusory allegations or unsubstantiated speculation.") (internal quotations omitted);
Trans Sport, Inc. v. Starter Sportswear, Inc., 964 F.2d 186, 188 (2d Cir. 1992) (summary
judgment cannot be defeated on the basis of "conjecture or surmise") (internal quotations
omitted).
V.
SECTION THREE OF DOMA IS A UNIQUE DEPARTURE FROM A
TRADITION OF FEDERAL DEFERENCE TO STATE DECISIONS ABOUT
WHETHER A PERSON IS MARRIED
As explained in Plaintiffs
moving brief, DOMA is a blatantly
discriminatory law that departs from the well-settled federal practice of deferring to the
states' determination of whether a person is married. (PI. Br. at 38-39.) See also Elk
Grove United Sch. Dist. v. Newdow, 542 U.S. 1, 12 (2004).
Indeed, prior to DOMA's
enactment in 1996, it was clear that "whether an individual is 'married' is, for purposes
of the tax laws, to be determined by the law of the State of the marital domicile." See,
e.g., Dunn v. Comm V, 70 T.C. 361, 366 (1978).21
BLAG attempts to deny this unassailable proposition by pointing to three
unique circumstances in which the federal government exercised its plenary powers
relating to marriage. As Plaintiffs expert, Harvard Professor Nancy Cott has explained,
however, these all involved federal involvement in marriage precisely because there was
no state able to exercise its jurisdiction under the circumstances: (1) following the Civil
War, the Freedman's Bureau regulated marriage in the South for a short period of time
during Reconstruction, particularly given the fact that until that time, the just-freed slaves
had had no right to marry (Cott Aff. ]f1 75-77; Cott Dep. at 18:2-10, 31:20-25, Kaplan
21
While in certain narrow instances, Congress has limited the sub-set of married
individuals who are eligible to receive certain types of federal benefits, see, e.g., Al
U.S.C. § 416; 26 U.S.C. § 7703, it has never before redefined marriage
comprehensively, as it does through DOMA.
29
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Filed 09/15/11 Page 37 of 38
Decl. Ex. E); (2) the federal government outlawed bigamy in the Utah Territory prior to
the time that Utah became a state (Cott Aff. 1fl[ 78-80; Cott Dep. 32:1-33:7, Kaplan Decl.
Ex. E); and (3) similar to exercising its plenary power over the Territories, the federal
government regulated marriage in connection with certain Native American populations.
(Cott Dep. at 17:19-18:1, Kaplan Decl. Ex. E) Apart from these situations, where the
federal government stepped in for absent states, the federal government has always
deferred to state decisions about who is married. What BLAG has not explained is what
constitutionally permissible purpose is furthered by DOMA's stark exception to that
longstanding federal practice here.
CONCLUSION
For the foregoing reasons, as well as for the reasons set forth in Plaintiffs
opening brief, Plaintiff respectfully requests that the Court grant her motion for summary
judgment.
30
Case 1:10-cv-08435-BSJ -JCF Document 81
Filed 09/15/11 Page 38 of 38
Dated: New York, New York
September 15,2011
PAUL, WEISS, RIFKIND, WHARTON &
GARRISON LLP
/s/ Roberta A. Kaplan
Roberta A. Kaplan, Esq.
Andrew J. Ehrlich, Esq.
1285 Avenue of the Americas
New York, New York 10019-6064
(212)373-3000
rkaplan@paulweiss.com
aehrlich@paulweiss.com
- andJames D. Esseks, Esq.
Rose A. Saxe, Esq.
AMERICAN CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
125 Broad Street
New York, New York 10004-2400
(212) 549-2500
jesseks@aclu.org
rsaxe@aclu.org
- andMelissa Goodman, Esq.
Alexis Karteron, Esq.
Arthur Eisenberg, Esq.
NEW YORK CIVIL LIBERTIES UNION
FOUNDATION
125 Broad Street, 19th Floor
New York, New York 10004
(212) 607-3300
akarteron@nyclu. org
mgoodman@nyclu.org
aeisenberg@nyclu.org
Attorneys for Plaintiff Edith Schlain Windsor
31
CLE Speaker Biographies
Gary Gates, The Williams Distinguished Scholar, Williams Institute
Gary J. Gates is co-author of The Gay and Lesbian Atlas. His doctoral dissertation
included the first significant research study of the demography of the gay and lesbian
population using US Census data. His work on that subject has been featured in many
national and international media outlets. He holds a PhD in Public Policy from the Heinz
School of Public Policy and Management at Carnegie Mellon University along with a
Master of Divinity degree from St. Vincent College and a BS in Computer Science from
the University of Pittsburgh at Johnstown.
Roberta Kaplan, Partner, Paul, Weiss, Rifkind, Wharton & Garrison LLP
Roberta Kaplan A partner in the Litigation Department, Roberta ("Robbie") A. Kaplan
has been described in a profile in Lawdragon as a “pressure junkie” who “thrives on
looking at the big picture” whether “in the gay-marriage legal fight or high-profile
corporate scandals.” Ms. Kaplan was chosen by the National Law Journal as one of the
top "40 Under 40" lawyers in the United States, as a New York “Super Lawyer,” and as
one of the 500 leading litigators in the United States.
Ms. Kaplan has extensive experience representing major corporate clients such as Fitch
Ratings, JPMorgan Chase and Citigroup in complex, high-profile matters. In recent years,
Ms. Kaplan has been active in matters involving mortgage-backed securities, structured
finance transactions, and credit rating opinions. As a result, Ms. Kaplan has developed an
expertise dealing with the complex interplay between regulatory investigations, criminal
prosecutions, and the onslaught of civil lawsuits that typically follow. Ms. Kaplan also
served as lead trial counsel in connection with the case following the bankruptcy of
Pacific Gas & Electric Company resulting from the California Energy Crisis in 2001.
As for Ms. Kaplan’s pro bono work, Ms. Kaplan filed a lawsuit challenging the inability
of same-sex couples to marry in New York and argued that case before the New York
Court of Appeals in 2006. Five years later, New York became the largest state in the
nation to enact civil marriage for same-sex couples. Ms. Kaplan currently represents
Edith Windsor, a widow who had to pay $363,000 in federal estate tax, in a case
challenging the constitutionality of the Defense of Marriage Act (“DOMA”), a federal
statute that defines marriage as a legal union between one man and one woman. As a
result of that case, the U.S. Department of Justice, in a historic decision, announced that it
has concluded that heightened scrutiny should apply to laws that discriminate against gay
men and lesbians, that Section 3 of DOMA is unconstitutional, and that it would no
longer defend the constitutionality of DOMA in court.
Ms. Kaplan has published on a variety of legal topics, including the chapter,
“Investigating the Case” in Commercial Litigation in New York State Courts, as well as
the chapter, “Interplay Between Commercial Litigation and Criminal Proceedings” in the
forthcoming Commercial Litigation in the Federal Circuit Courts. While serving as a
senior law clerk to Judith S. Kaye, then the Chief Judge of the State of New York, Ms.
Kaplan assisted Judge Kaye in connection with a number of articles, including State
Courts at the Dawn of a New Century: Common Law Courts Reading Statutes and
Constitutions, 70 NYU L Rev 1-35 (April 1995). Ms. Kaplan also clerked for now Chief
Judge Mark L. Wolf of the United States District Court for the District of Massachusetts.
Ms. Kaplan's legal work has been honored by a number of organizations, including the
New York City Council, the New York Civil Liberties Union, and the National
Organization for Women. In 2011, she was honored as the distinguished alumna of the
year by the Columbia Law School Women’s Association. Ms. Kaplan was chosen by
New York Attorney General Eric Schneiderman to serve on his Transition Committee.
Ms. Kaplan is a member of the Association of the Bar of the City of New York, the New
York State Bar Association and the New York Women’s Bar Association. She is the
former Chair of Paul, Weiss’s Women's Initiatives Committee, where she instituted
comprehensive changes to the firm's flex-time, mentoring and day care policies.
R. Bradley (Brad) Sears, Executive Director, Williams Institute
R. Bradley (Brad) Sears is the founding director and current Executive Director of the
Williams Institute, and an Adjunct Professor at UCLA School of Law. When the
Williams Institute started in 2001, Sears was the only staff member and the Institute had a
budget of $100,000 and endowment of $2.5 million. Sears helped to create and develop
the Williams Institute’s core programs and strategies. Today, the Institute has 16 faculty
and staff members, a budget of over $1.8 million, and an endowment of over $17 million.
Sears has published a number of research studies and articles, primarily on discrimination
against LGBT people in the workplace and HIV discrimination in health care.
At UCLA School of Law, he teaches courses on sexual orientation law, disability law,
and U.S. legal and judicial systems. Sears has given hundreds of academic and
community presentations on HIV/AIDS and LGBT legal issues. He has testified before
Congress and a number of state legislatures, authored amicus briefs in key court cases,
helped to draft state and federal legislation, and been cited by a number of media
including the New York Times, the Los Angeles Times, National Public Radio, and CNN.
Sears graduated summa cum laude from Yale University and magna cum laude from
Harvard Law School. During law school, he served as Editor-in-Chief of the Harvard
Civil Rights-Civil Liberties Law Review. After law school, he clerked for the Hon J.
Spencer Letts of the Central District of California; founded the HIV Legal Checkup
Project, a legal services program dedicated to empowering people living with HIV, and
served as the Discrimination & Confidentiality Attorney for the HIV/AIDS Legal
Services Alliance of Los Angeles (HALSA). Sears has served on the board of directors or
advisory boards for Being Alive Los Angeles, HALSA, USC’s AIDS Education Training
Center, the Center for Health Justice, and UCLA’s LGBT Studies program. Sears has
received Being Alive Los Angeles’ Volunteer of the Year Award and, in 2009, was
recognized on Advocate’s Magazine’s “40 Under 40” list. In 2010, under his leadership,
the Williams Institute received the “Treasures of Los Angeles” award from the Los
Angeles Central City Association
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