International
Public Policy
Review
‘End the Vulture Culture’: An Empirical
Analysis of the Issue Framing Process in an
NGO Campaign
Catherine Mann
IPPR Volume 6 Issue 1 (July 2010)
pp 49-64
International Public Policy Review • The Department of Political science
The Rubin Building 29/30 • Tavistock Square • London • WC1 9QU
http://www.ucl.ac.uk/ippr/
‘End the Vulture Culture’: An Empirical Analysis of
the Issue Framing Process in an NGO Campaign
Catherine Mann*
Introduction
The 1980s and 1990s witnessed a proliferation of non-governmental organisations
(NGOs) operating in the international system. The impact of these organisations demonstrated that sustained lobbying and campaigning by non-state actors can influence
international political decision-making. During this period, NGOs successfully mobilised around a number of issues including human rights, the environment and the
global economy. Among these organisations was Jubilee 2000, campaigning for the
cancellation of unpayable third world debt. Often cited as the exemplar of civil society
success, the organisation effectively transformed the arguments for debt cancellation
and the need for civil society involvement in the economic decision-making process.
The success of Jubilee 2000 is often attributed to the way it re-framed the debt issue.
First of all the campaign used the end of the millennium to generate a sense of urgency
and need for change. Secondly, it identified a lack of public awareness and civil society involvement in the debt cancellation issue as the reason it was often dismissed
by the political and financial elite. In response to this, the organisation reinterpreted
complex issues surrounding the international political economy and developed simple concepts that were publicly accessible. Rather than economic policy, debt cancellation was linked to human rights and social justice. This alternative interpretation of
the debt issue appealed to a much larger audience, many of whom had been previously
uninterested or unaware of the issue.
* Catherine Mann is a recent graduate from the University College of London MSc in
Global Governance and Ethics. She is currently working for Communications and Information Directorate of the Economic and Social Research Council (ESRC) and intends to
pursue a career with a political think tank.
I would like to thank Jubilee Debt Campaign for their invaluable support in this research, in particular Nick Dearden, Helen Campbell, Jonathan Stevenson and Sarah
Edwards. I would also like to thank my supervisor David Hudson for his guidance
and wisdom, and my dad for his humour and calmness when needed most.
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Many of the elements of the Jubilee 2000 campaign that originally made it a success
have since however been identified as potentially limiting to its longer-term sustainability. The focus on the millennium for example was an unrealistic timeframe for
many of the organisation’s objectives. Additionally, some of the symbolic achievements of the campaign so far have directed attention away from the remaining problems that require action. Buxton (2004) suggests that since the formal end of Jubilee
2000 in December 2000, and the formation of its successor – Jubilee Debt Campaign,
public visibility of the organisation has been reduced. Campaigning has continued,
but on a broader range of issues with a noticeably less coordinated focus (Buxton,
2004).
NGOs often rely on the generation of public support for effective campaigning and
lobbying. It is vital therefore that interest and support is maintained. In order to do
this, organisations such as Jubilee Debt Campaign continually identify issues around
which they can develop new campaigns and which they can use to draw attention
to their ongoing longer-term objectives. Once an issue has been identified, a vital
component of NGO strategy is ‘issue framing’. NGOs use frames to highlight a political problem, identify its cause and suggest possible solutions (Entmann 1994: 52).
Frames are used to generate a shared understanding of an issue which can then form
the basis of a campaign (Keck and Sikkink, 1998). When effective, framing processes can enable NGOs to ‘create’ an issue and insert it into the international political
agenda (Gready, 2004).
Despite framing frequently being suggested as a strategy employed by NGOs to generate public (and political) support, there is currently little empirical analysis of the
process by which organisations do this. This research aims to fill this gap with an
in-depth investigation of the framing process involved in a campaign currently being
run by Jubilee Debt Campaign on so called vulture funds. It will focus on two areas
of the process. Firstly it will examine the way the issue has been interpreted and
communicated by the organisation to make it publicly accessible. Secondly it will
identify the influence of external factors on the framing process. It intends to demonstrate the extent to which actors involved in the framing process are aware of the
frame characteristics required to generate public interest, as well as the way actors
use the external context to their advantage. The next chapter will introduce the concept of issue framing in more depth and demonstrate its importance in an evaluation
of NGO influence. Before this, the vulture campaign will be outlined in more detail.
The Vulture Fund Campaign
Jubilee Debt Campaign recently produced a three-year strategic plan documenting
their future objectives. Among these was a renewed focus on vulture funds. ‘Vulture fund’ is the name given to companies that make profit by buying defaulted debt.
They do this by buying debt at a highly discounted price, then taking debtors to court
to sue for the full amount, plus fees. Lawsuits for these cases are often held in US
and European courts and at present this process is completely legal. Jubilee Debt
Campaign is particularly concerned about companies that target highly indebted
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
51
developing countries. At least 54 companies are known to have taken legal action
against 12 of the world’s poorest countries. Claims from these lawsuits amount to
$1.5 billion. The main campaign objectives are:
• The passage of legislation in the UK parliament to prevent profiteering from the
sale of developing country debts by UK nationals and in UK jurisdictions
• Increased transparency over litigation concerning developing country debts
The campaign on vulture funds became formal in the UK in April 2009. It is complementary to a similar one in the US, where legislation has been initiated by Congresswoman Maxine Waters. In the UK, the campaign is also having considerable
impact and has received support from a number of prominent MPs. In May 2009,
Sally Keeble led a group of 12 MPs proposing legislation to stop vulture fund activity.
The Developing Country Debt Bill was introduced as a Ten Minute Rule Bill. On 21
July 2009, the UK Government announced a consultation on a new law that would
prevent lenders profiting from developing country debt. The Government is seeking comments on this consultation until 9 October 2009, with the final consultation
on 16 October, a week before the Queen’s Speech at the Opening of Parliament. The
consultation is now the focus of the campaign (details of this legislation can be found
in Appendix i and ii).
Literature Review
NGO Influence
Growing awareness of NGO influence in the international system has seen the development of new approaches to international relations. These approaches provide alternative evaluations of the processes and actors involved in political decision making and challenge mainstream theories which focus on the state and financial elite as
the key source of political and economic change. In attempts to evaluate favourable
outcomes for NGOs in the face of power asymmetries, scholars have begun to identify the way in which non-state actors use the pervasive power of information and
communication to shape political outcomes. Most commonly associated with constructivist schools of thought, increasing attention has been given to the emergence
and impact of norms in the international system.
One important study in existing literature on norm influence is that conducted by
Finnemore and Sikkink (1998). They suggest that norms evolve in a patterned life
cycle and identify a three-stage process by which norms can become part of the
political decision making process. These three stages are norm emergence, norm
acceptance and norm internalisation. Yanacopulos (2004: 720) suggests the norm
cycle framework is a useful tool for demonstrating the way an issue can gain momentum and become important to policy makers, organisations and the general
public. Several authors have applied empirical examples to the norm cycle framework. Collins et al (2000) for example used it to examine the methods employed by
Jubilee 2000 and Oxfam to change the norms surrounding the issue of debt cancellation.
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The first stage of the norm cycle is norm emergence. This stage is attributed to the
work of so called ‘norm entrepreneurs’. These are individuals and organisations
who frame (or reframe) an issue for relevant audiences. McCarthy and Zald (1977:
1215) suggest that during the norm emergence stage, individuals and organisations
define, create and manipulate grievances so that they become publicly accessible.
This is a process often attributed to NGOs and civil society. Yanacopolus (2004) suggests that the way in which debt campaigners shifted the focus of debt cancellation
away from economic policy and linked it to human rights and social justice is a key
example of this process. The idea of justice gave debt cancellation a much greater
rhetorical appeal and aided the generation of mass public support for the campaign
(Yanacopolus, 2004).
The second stage of the norm cycle is acceptance. During the acceptance stage, a
critical mass must adopt the new norm; allowing it to reach a so called ‘tipping point’
(Finnemore and Sikkink, 1998). Again, using the example provided by Collins et al
(2000) it was suggested that a tipping point was evident during the 1999 G7 Summit in Cologne when all governments devised proposals for debt cancellation. The
final stage in the norm cycle is norm internalisation. This stage occurs when a norm
is present in political decisions. Collins et al (2000) argue that the best indication
of the success of Jubilee 2000 was the use of debt campaigner language in the 1999
Cologne Debt Initiative and subsequent official statements. G7 leaders used statements used by the debt cancellation campaigners such as “faster, deeper, broader
debt relief” and “the threshold of a new millennium”.
The norm cycle provides a valuable overview of the process by which norms evolve,
as well as a useful framework on which to base further research. Finnemore and Sikkink (1998: 895) suggest that each stage of the norm cycle is characterised by different actors, motives and mechanisms of interest. In order to develop understanding
of these different characteristics, investigation into each individual stage of the process is needed. Barnett (1999) suggests that existing constructivist approaches often
overlook the role of actors in norm development. He identifies two areas in particular. Firstly, the way in which actors strategically attempt to change social rules and
norms to make certain policies more acceptable and legitimate (Campbell, 1999).
Secondly the way actors use external context to aid this strategic framing process.
Both of these processes are most apparent during the norm emergence stage of the
norm cycle. With regard to this stage, the remainder of this literature review will
examine these two areas in greater depth.
Issue Interpretation and Communication
Social movement theorists refer to the process by which norm entrepreneurs interpret issues for a particular audience as ‘framing’. Campbell (1998: 481) suggests the
concept of framing provides a useful tool for investigating the way in which actors
package ideas and deliberately seek to gain attention for their concerns. McCarthy
et al (1997) suggest that NGOs will frame social problems in a way that convinces a
wide and diverse audience of the necessity for and utility of action. Gready (2004)
suggests that NGOs use frames to redefine issues previously seen as the private ter-
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
53
rain of experts, and develop them into problems which require public and political
action. Snow et al (1986: 466) argue that whilst it is widely understood that issue
interpretation must occur as part of norm development, interpretive issues have
seldom been the object of empirical observation or conceptual development. They
suggest that in order to understand the generation of public support, greater attention to the interpretation of grievances is required (Snow et al, 1986: 466).
Analysis of issue framing is highly important as it may often determine which actors
take up issues and pay attention to them (Joachim, 2004). Several scholars have attempted to identify the different frame characteristics that are most important for
the generation of public support. Hirschmann (1991) for example suggests themes
of urgency and possibility are vital for the mobilisation of public support, whilst
Gamson et al (1996) found that frames displaying optimistic bias, exaggerating opportunity and underestimating constraints were most successful. Gready (2004)
on the other hand suggests that frames which clearly identify a victim, villain, cause
and remedy will be most effective in gaining public recognition. These examples
demonstrate the current diversity of theoretical predictions that exist with regard to
framing processes and the need for further conceptual and theoretical development
on this topic.
Initial attempts have been made to consolidate the current diversity of literature
on the framing process. Among these is the work conducted by Gerhards (1995).
Gerhards identified several of the different framing dimensions and strategies discussed in existing literature, and used them to develop an ideal-type frame. Rather
than focusing on one particular characteristic of the framing process, he developed
a framework that incorporates several different ones. This framework provides the
opportunity for a more holistic, yet systematic, analysis of the framing process.
The ideal-type frame comprises of five dimensions. Gerhards suggests that if all five
dimensions are applied to an empirical framing process, its mobilising capacity will
be maximised. He suggests that in order to mobilise public support, an organisation must find an issue and interpret it as a social problem, locate causes and causal
agents for the problem, interpret goals and the chances of success, find and label an
addressee and finally, justify themselves as a legitimate actor. Each of these dimensions is outlined in greater depth elsewhere (see chapters three and four). Gerhards
suggests that a comparison of the ideal-type frame with a real-type empirical frame
may allow the development of hypotheses regarding successful or less successful
framing elements. He applied the framework to analysis of an anti-IMF campaign in
West Germany in 1968. In order to further consolidate the framework, it would be
useful to apply it to additional empirical frames.
The Role of External Factors
An investigation of the norm emergence phase should be aware of the context in
which the framing process is embedded. Indeed as Skillington (1997) suggests,
frames are often influenced by the conditions which established certain issues as
important in the first place. Snow and Benford (2000: 614) suggest framing occurs
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where the context and opportunity for change exists. The existence of these opportunities alone however is not sufficient for mobilising support. Actors must actively
seize them and use them to their advantage (Joachim, 2004: 252). As Barnett (1999)
states, the challenge is to recognise the use of an underlying structure for strategic
behaviour. Snow and Benford (2000) suggest that the way an issue is interpreted
will be shaped by the wider political, cultural and social context in which it is situated. Whilst hypothetically any number of factors could influence the framing process,
they identify three factors as particularly important. These are political opportunity,
cultural context and target audience.
The role of political opportunity in the emergence of new norms has received considerable attention in the literature (see Joachim 2004). Keck and Sikkink (1998)
for example suggest that symbolic events can play a key role in the development of
new policy imperatives if they challenge prevailing definitions and perceptions of
existing situations, policies and institutions. Barkin and Cronin (1994) also highlight the role of world historical events, such as wars or major depressions in the
search for new ideas and norms. The impact of the debt campaign during the 1990s
and early 2000s has been attributed to the political opportunity created by leadership changes in the UK and the US, as well as within the World Bank (Busby, 2004).
Culture can also shape the way in which a problem is framed (Zald, 2006). Snow and
Benford (2000) define cultural influence as the meanings, values and beliefs that affect the way in which frames are interpreted and evaluated. Actors in the framing
process, aware that a frame must fit a prevailing public opinion, will intentionally
manipulate public sentiments for their own purposes. Norm entrepreneurs will often link an issue to a wider topic or problem within the international system. The
links made between debt cancellation and the wider issue of poverty eradication in
the 1990s, demonstrate awareness of existing cultural values and understandings.
Finally, NGOs are highly aware of their target audience and will interpret and communicate an issue frame so that it resonates with those it is targeting. Whilst an
NGO’s ultimate target is normally policy makers, the generation of public support is
often the first step in creating political pressure. The selection of symbols and rhetoric for framing purposes is often a very strategic and deliberate activity (Campbell,
1998). NGOs use simple concepts and visual imagery to communicate an issue and
draw attention to their campaigns. Snow et al (1986) suggest that the way in which
a frame is communicated and diffused is crucial to predicting its success.
Summary
This review has suggested that non-state actors have a growing influence in political
decision-making. In attempts to explain this, literature has given increasing attention to the influence of norms in the international system. The norm cycle developed by Finnemore and Sikkink (1998) was identified as a valuable framework for
demonstrating the way an issue can become important to policy makers, organisations and the general public. This was highlighted by its effective application to
the change in the debt cancellation norm in the 1990s. It was suggested that more
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
55
research into each individual stage of the cycle would be useful to further develop
understanding of the actors, motives and external influences involved in the process.
Issue framing was identified as a vital concept for investigating the influence of NGOs
in the political system. It was suggested the outcomes of the framing process may often determine which actors take up issues and pay attention to them (Joachim, 2004).
Whilst widely understood that issue interpretation must occur as part of norm emergence; it was suggested interpretive issues have seldom been the object of empirical
observation or conceptual development. Additionally it was suggested that existing
theory has overlooked two aspects of the framing process; in particular the strategic
way in which actors interpret issues for their target audience, and their deliberate use
of external factors in this process.
Focusing on the role of actors, this research aims to fill this gap and contribute to the
development of frameworks to investigate the framing process. The research will use
the theoretical ideal-type frame outlined by Gerhards and the three external factors
outlined by Snow and Benford to guide the analysis. It will examine two elements of
the framing process; the interpretation and communication of an issue to make it publicly accessible and the influence of external factors on the framing process.
Methodology
This research investigated two aspects of the framing process used by Jubilee Debt
Campaign to mobilise public support for their campaign on vulture funds. Firstly, it
examined the way in which the issue was interpreted and communicated for a public
audience. Secondly, it investigated the role of external factors in the development of
the campaign. The framing process was the dependent variable. The actors in the organisation and the external influences were the independent variables.
Case Study
This research used a single descriptive case study to provide an in-depth investigation
of the framing process and a valid account of individual attitudes in a natural setting.
The NGO selected for research was Jubilee Debt Campaign, the successor of Jubilee
2000. As Jubilee 2000 is often cited as the exemplar of civil society success, the organisation provides a good example of an NGO that can effectively mobilise public support to create political pressure. The specific campaign being investigated is that on
vulture funds. The campaign was launched in April 2009 and was the main focus at
the time of investigation. The procedure used to develop this campaign is typical of
the procedures used by the organisation. As both the organisation and the campaign
itself are representative, the use of a single case study is justified. Single case studies
are also useful to test whether theoretical propositions are correct (Yin, 2004).
Data Collection
Triangulation strengthened the findings in this research. As an intern at the organisation since December 2008, it was possible to gain access to various different data
sources. The investigation used content analysis of public and private campaign
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documentation, as well as interviews with Jubilee Debt Campaign staff to evaluate
the framing process. All of the public materials developed for the vulture fund campaign were investigated. These were a campaign briefing, a postcard, a poster and a
letter sent to campaigners (a copy of the materials can be found in the appendices).
Although several different letters were sent to campaigners, only one was used in
analysis as the content of each was almost identical. It was decided that content
analysis of the website was not feasible as it was continually updated throughout
the campaign. Additionally, much of the information it provided was available in the
other campaign materials. The website was still used in the analysis but only where
it provided additional information.
The private campaign plan produced in April 2009 was analysed in the same way as
the campaign materials. Analysis of private documents was undertaken to provide
a greater insight into organisational awareness of the framing process. Interview
questions, developed after the documentation had been analysed, further aided this
part of the research. Interviews were conducted with all four permanent members
of staff in the London office: the Director, the Senior Policy and Research Officer, the
Senior Finance and Administration Officer and the Head of Campaigns. Each interview was comprised of pre-determined questions relevant to the individual’s role
within the organisation (see appendices iii, iv and v).
Data Analysis
Analysis of the framing process comprised of two parts. The first part investigated
the way in which the vulture fund issue had been interpreted and communicated. It
used process-tracing to identify the extent to which the process coincided with prior
theoretically predicted steps. The use of a theoretical framework allowed a systematic approach to be applied to the investigation, improving its reliability (Checkel,
2005). It also allowed the data to develop existing theory and aid future empirical
investigation. It used the five framing dimensions outlined in Gerhard’s ideal-type
frame to allow several different characteristics of the framing process to be investigated. The main criteria of each dimension of ideal-type frame are outlined below in
Table 1. The table also displays the evidence used to identify the use of the criteria
in an empirical example.
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
57
IDEAL-TYPE FRAME
DIMENSION
SUMMARY OF GERHARDS’
THEORY
EVIDENCE
Causal attribution
Identify external collective
actor: attribute the cause of a
problem to an external actor rather than to personal
responsibility.
Identify a causal agent: identify
causal agents or persons ‘personalisation’.
Moralise causal agent: suggest
discrimination or exploitation.
Identification of external cause
Naming of a causal agent – individual or organisation
Use of case studies
Use of language to suggest
intention
Reference to impact on the
recipient
Use of language to suggest immoral behaviour
Identify an addressee for the
campaign: the addressee is
normally the political system.
Suggest need for action: demonstrate that the addressee is
unlikely to provide solution
without lobbying from campaigners.
Discredit alternatives: discredit the government and delegitimize alternatives.
Identification of the target
Identification of current lack of
action
Emphasis on the importance of
action
Identification and dismissal of
alternative action
Issue interpretation
Framing of goals and chances
of success
Framing the addressee of
demands
Self-legitimation
Find an issue: identify and define an empirical issue around
which to focus a campaign.
Make the issue public: develop
a concept which simplifies a
complex subject, concentrates
attention and enables communication about the topic.
Label the issue as a problem:
interpret an issue as a problem
to generate public interest.
Develop objectives: identify
goals and objectives which are
simple and plausible.
Identify the benefit of action:
demonstrate effect of action to
recipients
Indicate high chance of success: a campaign should frame
an issue so that the chances of
success seem high.
Develop conception of campaign which is difficult for
people to oppose.
Demonstrate that organisation
is trustworthy: an organisation
should seem trustworthy.
Demonstrate credibility: both
the organisation and the issue
must appear credible.
Information regarding the decision to launch campaign
Use of a slogan
Use of concept
Use of visual imagery
Use of empirical evidence
Links to everyday experience
Links to the broader context
Reduction of complex goals to
simple statements
Summarising of goals
Development of materials for
action
Suggestion of practical benefits
to those affected
Reference to success of current
campaign
References to previous events
which have been successful
Link campaign to societally
shared concept
Recruitment of prominent
persons.
Reference to existing supporters
Reference to similar campaigns
T1.Summary of Gerhards’ Ideal-type Frame Dimensions and Evidence to be identified
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Campaign materials, the campaign plan and the website were analysed for evidence
of the different criteria outlined above. Interviews questions were used to validate
the analysis of the documentation.
The second part of analysis investigated the influence of three external factors on
the framing process. This was done through a content analysis of campaign materials and the campaign plan. Open coding was used in order to operationalise the
three concepts and develop categories for analysis. The categories were determined
both inductively and deductively. Initially, empirical observations of campaign materials and the campaign plan allowed identification of main themes. These themes
were then developed using the work of Snow and Benford (2000). The use of codes
increased the construct validity of this research. The coding system was tested and
adapted until it produced the same results. The operationalised concepts are outlined in Table 2. The concepts were also used to identify the influence of the external factors on the individual framing dimensions. Again, interviews were used to
validate findings.
External Influence
Operationalised Concept
Cultural Context
Events effecting public opinion (financial crisis)
Links to wider issues (financial system e.g. tax havens)
Everyday experience (UK/US companies, courts)
Underlying ideology (immoral behaviour, reference to recipients)
Political Opportunity
Target Audience
Political events (debates, parliamentary meetings, elections, speeches,
US campaign)
Political individuals (MPs, government officials)
Political documentation (Development Bill, EDM, legal and political
documents, consultation, IMF status of implementation)
Use of slogans and concepts
Use of visual imagery
Use of case studies
Reference to anticipated success/need for action
Use of festivals, publicity stunts, celebrity/high profile individuals
T2. Operationalised Concepts for External Influences
Research Limitations
The internal validity of this research has been strengthened through the use of intercoder reliability and the development of exhaustive and rigid criteria to operationalise concepts. However there are still limitations to the content analysis process. It is
also impossible to remove the subjective nature of concept development, plus dual
meaning or ambiguity of words and concepts may influence the results. External
validity is much harder to guarantee. In order to replicate this study, the research
would have to be undertaken in the same conditions as the original research. This
would be difficult given the position of the researcher and the timing of research.
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
59
Finally, despite the suggestion that the NGO being investigated is representative of
organisations that rely on the mobilisation of public support, it is not representative
of all NGOs. In addition, research has only investigated the way in which organisations interpret issues to gain public attention, and ignores the importance of gaining
political and media support.
Research Propositions
It is expected that:
•
The empirical frame will display similarities to the ideal-type frame. The organisation will demonstrate awareness of the different dimensions suggested by
Gerhards and attempt to use them in their campaign.
•
Political opportunity, cultural context and target audience will have a strong
influence on the different dimensions of the framing process. The organisation will
be aware of the three external factors and seek to use them to their advantage in the
framing process.
Analysis
Frame Interpretation and Communication
Table 3 provides an overview of the analysis of campaign material and the campaign
plan.
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DIMENSION
1. Issue
interpretation
EVIDENCE
Decision to launch campaign
Use of a slogan
Use of concept
Use of visual images
Use of empirical evidence
Reference to everyday experience
Linking of issue to a broader context and wider issues
2. Causal
attribution
Identification of external cause
Naming of a causal agent – individual or organisation
Use of case studies
Use of language to suggest intention
Reference to recipient of action
Use of language to suggest immoral behaviour
4. Framing of
goals and chances of success
4. Framing an
addressee of
demands
5. Self-legitimation
Reduction of complex goals to
simple statements
Summarising of goals
Development of materials for
action
Suggestion of benefits to those
affected
Reference to success of current
campaign
References to previous events
which have been successful
MATERIALS THAT USE
Campaign plan
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, poster,
letter, website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, poster,
letter, website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, poster,
website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, letter,
website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, letter,
website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, letter,
website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, letter,
website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, poster,
letter, website
Campaign plan, briefing, letter, website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, poster,
letter, website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, poster,
letter, website
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, poster,
letter, website
Briefing, postcard, letter, website
Briefing, postcard, letter, website
Campaign plan, postcard, poster, letter,
website
Briefing, postcard, letter, website
Briefing, letter, website
Briefing, letter
Identification of the campaign
target
Identification of current lack of
action
Importance of action
Identification and dismissal of
alternative action
Campaign plan, briefing, postcard, letter,
website
Campaign plan, briefing
Links to societally shared concept
Recruitment of prominent persons
Reference to existing supporters
Campaign Plan, briefing, letter
Campaign plan, briefing, letter, website
Campaign Plan, briefing, letter
Campaign plan, website
Campaign Plan, briefing, letter, website
T3. Evidence of Framing Dimensions in Campaign Documentation
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
61
The results displayed in Table 3 will be now be discussed in more depth. Each of
the five ideal-type frame dimensions will be investigated separately. For each dimension, a summary of the theoretical predictions will be outlined in italics before
the empirical data is analysed. Examples from campaign documentation, as well as
interview responses will be used to support findings.
Issue Interpretation: Find an Issue and Interpret it as a Problem
The first stage of the framing process is the identification and definition of an empirical issue around which to focus a campaign. Once identified, a concept needs to be
developed which simplifies a complex subject, concentrates attention and enables
communication about the topic. This might be achieved through the use of a slogan
or the use of empirical evidence to increase issue credibility. Finally, the issue must
be interpreted as a problem. An issue will generate greater attention if it makes reference to everyday experience or if it is embedded in a broader context or scheme.
The campaign plan and interview responses show that Jubilee Debt Campaign identified vulture funds as an issue that would generate support for both the issue itself
and the organisation in general:
Most of our campaigns tend to be very big and very unachievable in the long-term.
This seemed like something we could win and which would be easy to galvanise support on – as well as being worthwhile in itself. It’s an easy way of engaging people in
debt more generally – thus helps long-term campaigning. (Director, July 2009)
Due to the anticipated success of this campaign, it was felt it could be used to draw
attention to the longer term goals of the organisation such as those concerning illegitimate debt:
The campaign will reawaken public interest and motivate campaigners on the debt
issue – bring back attention to the dangers developing countries face from adventuring businessmen, the long-lasting and toxic effects of illegitimate debt (Campaign
Plan, April 2009)
In order to enable communication about the topic, the organisation used the concept
of vultures and developed the slogan – ‘End the Vulture Culture’. Table 3 demonstrates the use of both in all campaign materials. The slogan not only suggests the
existence of a problem but the need for action. Interviews with staff demonstrated
awareness of concept development:
the whole concept of ‘vultures’ is vital to the campaign’s attractiveness to activists,
the media and wider public. Using slogans like ‘End the Vulture Culture’ means that
quite a complex and secret area of corporate activities becomes enticing and accessible. I can’t imagine a massive amount of public interest in ‘distressed debt funds.
(Head of Campaigns, July 2009)
The campaign plan further supports this in the section on ‘name and logo’:
The campaign needs a name and visual identity that will allow us to use it across
different media – i.e. Printed materials, online and at events. If possible the name
should communicate the need for a law to prevent vulture funds from operating,
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rather than just the need to ‘do something’ about their activities (Campaign Plan,
April 2009).
Alongside the use of a concept and related slogan, visual imagery was also an important aspect of this campaign. Images of vultures are used on most of the documentation. In May 2009, a publicity stunt using real life vultures was organised. The images gained from this occasion were used on postcards, the briefing, posters and the
website. The vulture illustration is used on the briefing, the postcard and the website.
Table 3 also identifies the use of empirical evidence in the campaign briefing, the
campaign letter, postcard and the website. Interviews suggested that empirical evidence is used to increase empirical credibility of an issue:
Of course evidence is essential if you want to build a case - why would the government agree to do something (or ordinary people agree to support your campaign) if
you can’t show evidence of why there’s a problem. (Head of Campaigns, July 2009)
Additionally, empirical evidence and case studies help to simplify the concept:
They really help people understand what it is we’re talking about. Especially with
technical/economic issues, it can be difficult for people to really take in the implications of what you’re talking about. But when you talk about Zambia being ripped off
- then it comes home to people. (Head of Campaigns, July 2009)
In order to generate greater attention an issue can be linked to everyday experience.
Campaign materials make clear links to the role of US and UK courts in the activities of vulture funds, as well as referring to well-known western companies such as
Nestlé and the Big Food Group. This has the effect of making the issue seem more
relevant to campaigners. The campaign plan demonstrates that Jubilee Debt Campaign is highly aware of this aspect of the framing process:
We need to expose and embarrass a British-linked company or companies involved
in vulturing, in a way provably damaging to a poor country (Campaign Plan, April
2009).
The issue of vulture funds was also linked to the broader context in which it is embedded. At the time the campaign was launched, the global economy was in recession. The briefing, postcard, letter and the website all make reference to the crisis.
The briefing for example suggests that:
As discussions on how to reform the financial system take place, it will be crucial to
include measures to tackle vulture funds (Campaign Briefing, June 2009).
The director stated that as Jubilee Debt Campaign is one of the few organisations
directly involved in financial globalisation, it was essential that it seized the opportunity to generate support for their campaigns. As the public and media were demonstrating increased awareness of the financial system and the injustices within it,
the same ideas needed to be reflected in campaign:
The links with the financial crisis are more ‘engineered’ as it does provide a good
context for discussing footloose finance. (Director, July 2009)
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
63
Summing up, comparison between the ideal-type frame and empirical frame for the
first dimension shows that the vulture campaign fits almost all the criteria. The
campaign materials display evidence of the different criteria, whilst the campaign
plan and interviews highlight organisational awareness.
Causal Attribution: Locate Causes and Causal Agents
A campaign can become more focused through the identification of causes and causal agents. The emergence of a problem must be attributed to an external actor rather than personal responsibility. A campaign message can be further strengthened
if causal agents are identified. This process is referred to as ‘personalisation’. The
message has greater effect if it can be shown that the agent is intentionally causing
the problem. Finally, reference to the recipient of the action is useful.
As suggested above, the campaign clearly identifies the global financial system as
the underlying cause of the problem. Particular reference is made to tax havens
and lack of transparency within the international system. The briefing mentions tax
havens 8 times. Constant references to the current system in campaign materials
imply that it allows behaviour such as this to occur.
The activities of vulture funds highlight some of the problems with the global financial system, when the pursuit of more profit is put before any concern for responsible behaviour and the consequences for the wider economy and society (Campaign
Briefing, June 2009).
The campaign message is strengthened by the identification of causal agents operating within the system. These are private companies and wealthy investors – ‘the
vultures’. Case studies provide the names of companies and specific case details.
The main case study used in the campaign between Donegal International and Zambia is referred to in the briefing, the letter, the postcard and the website. It clearly
demonstrates the intention of the causal agent:
Donegal bought the debt at a vastly reduced price at a time when it knew perfectly
well that Zambia was desperately poor…in fact it even used this in its attempts to get
Romania to sell the debt (Campaign Briefing, June 2009).
The language used in the campaign materials implies the behaviour of these companies is highly immoral. The briefing refers to companies as “secretive” and “dishonest” and their activities as “scandal”. It is suggested that companies “scavenge profits”, “thrive on secrecy” and “exploit” the proceeds of debt cancellation. The poster
describes vulture fund activity as “outrageous”.
Finally, the vulnerability of debtor countries is also outlined in campaign materials.
Frequent reference is made to recipients and the negative impact of vulture fund
activity on them. The briefing and letter in particular suggest that vulture fund activity is reversing the positive impact of debt cancellation, and reducing the money
available to spend on health and education. In interviews, it was suggested that it is
important to use moral persuasion to generate public support. This involves both
highlighting the unjust behaviour of causal agents, as well as identifying the pow-
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INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC POLICY REVIEW
er imbalance between them and the recipients. The vulture fund campaign clearly
identifies a causal agent, demonstrating intent and the impact of their activities on
the recipients. It clearly fits the ideal-type frame.
Framing of Goals and the Chances of Success
When framing an issue, an organisation must identify goals and objectives. These goals
must be simple, as well as plausible. Goal development should also reflect the benefits of
the action. Finally, a campaign should frame an issue so that the chances of success seem
high. One way to do this is to make comparisons and references to previous events which
have been successful. Additionally the successes of the campaign so far can be emphasised.
The legal and political action required to achieve the objectives was already known, they
are not specific to Jubilee Debt Campaign. The role of the organisation was to communicate these goals in a way that was publically accessible. This involved summarising demands for MPs into bullet-point format displayed in the briefing, the postcard and on the
website. The development of preformatted postcards and letters to send to MPs meant
that campaigners could act without needing to interpret or indeed fully understand the
situation themselves.
In order to demonstrate anticipated success, the campaign briefing highlights previous
cases where the work of the campaigners has had a positive impact. It cites the Big Food
Group case which was dropped after an “outcry” from Jubilee Debt Campaign. The dropping of a $6 million claim by Nestlé after a campaign from Oxfam is also mentioned. It
also suggests that “some companies have been deterred from lawsuits by campaigners”.
Reference to existing political support and the success of the Jubilee USA campaign on
vulture funds is also important. Emphasis was placed on the impact the UK campaign was
having as it developed. The letter for example suggests that the momentum the campaign
has generated has “the potential to deliver real change”. Again, the ideal-type frame closely matches the empirical frame. It is important to note that since its launch in April 2009
the main campaign objectives have remained the same but the specific action required to
achieve these objectives has been continually updated.
Framing the Addressees of Demands
It is possible to distinguish analytically between addressees who are expected to solve
the problem and causal agents. The addressee is normally the political system. For a
campaign to be successful, it must demonstrate that the addressee is unlikely to provide a
solution without lobbying from campaigners. It may also seek to discredit the addressee
and delegitimise alternatives.
The campaign plan clearly identifies MPs as the principal addressee for this campaign.
The sentiment was echoed in interviews with staff:
We knew pressure would have to come to the government through MPs – or even that
MPs may have the opportunity to bring about change themselves through an amendment
in Parliament. The government has been ‘closed’ on this issue for some time now. (Director, July 2009)
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
65
Table 3 shows that the addressee is identified in the briefing, postcard, letter and
website. In addition, the campaign materials make several references to the need for
action. The letter which accompanies the campaign pack states “an MP is unlikely to
sign an Early Day Motion unless they know you care about it”, whilst the letter states
“change can only happen with your invaluable support.”
In order to dismiss alternatives, it was suggested that an issue must be framed so
that it is difficult to argue against:
It’s a matter of pushing decision-makers to do the right thing by making the alternative politically unacceptable. (Director, July 2009)
This requires an understanding of an addressee. The campaign plan demonstrates
awareness of the addressee:
At the moment the government’s line is that there have been no new cases since
2007 and that the current approach of increased legal support is working. We will
need to show that this is insufficient – including by putting more emphasis on unreported cases and why they are not being reported (Campaign Plan, April 2009).
Campaign materials also attempt to delegitimise the addressee of this campaign by
anticipating political responses and reacting to them. The website currently contains a “Rebuttal of Common MP responses” which outlines anticipated governmental responses to the postcards (see appendix vi c). Again, close links can be seen
between the ideal-type frame and the empirical example. The campaign has a clear
addressee. It also clearly demonstrates the need for the public to take action.
Self-legitimation
There are various strategies for self-legitimation. Gerhards highlights three strategies through which an organisation may do this. Firstly an organisation requires a
conception of themselves which is difficult for people to oppose. Secondly they must
seem trustworthy. This may involve the recruitment of prominent persons. Finally,
they must display credibility.
As this campaign is being run by a well established international NGO, the need for
self-legitimation is perhaps less important. Jubilee Debt Campaign is well regarded
and has a history of successful campaigning and lobbying. Debt cancellation is also
an accepted norm in international politics, making this dimension of the framing
process less important. Despite this, the issue of vulture funds still needed to be
interpreted so that it appeared an important aspect of the debt campaign.
The support of prominent or influential persons can often be effective in reassuring the public that an issue requires action. The campaign materials make clear
reference to existing support from MPs. The briefing also includes quotations from
important politicians and economists such as Paul Wolfowitz and Gareth Thomas
(Minister in DfID). Reference to the Jubilee USA campaign is also important. The
campaign letter refers to the support gained from Jarvis Cocker at Glastonbury Festival. The credibility of this campaign is increased by the use of case studies provid-
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ing specific evidence of vulture fund activity in recent years, particularly the Zambia
case study. This dimension is perhaps least important of the five. The issue needs to
be interpreted so that it seems legitimate, but the organisation does not.
Discussion of Issue Interpretation and Communication
Part one of this analysis has clearly demonstrated the usefulness of Gerhards’ framework in enabling systematic analysis of the framing process. Clear links between the
ideal-type frame and the empirical example can be seen for each dimension. The
vulture fund campaign clearly defines the problem, as well as identifying the cause
and action required. The campaign also has a clear addressee. Interview data and
the campaign plan reflect a clear organisational awareness of the framing strategies
required to generate public support. The benefits of the different framing dimen
sions are understood by the organisation and clear attempts are made to incorporate these different dimensions into the frame. In particular the organisation recognised the importance of simple, accessible concepts, the need to make links to
everyday experience and wider cultural context and the use of empirical evidence
and case studies.
The Role of External Factors in the Framing Process
This second part of the analysis will identify the influence of external factors on the
framing process outlined above. The operationalised concepts of the three factors
- political opportunity, cultural context and target audience were used to conduct
a content analysis of various campaign materials. The results are displayed below
in Table 4. The operationalised concepts were also used to identify the influence of
each factor on the dimensions outlined in part one. The results of this are displayed
in Table 4.
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
Operationalised Concept
Political Opportunity
Political events (debates, parliamentary meetings, elections, speeches, US
campaign)
Political individuals (MPs, government officials)
Political documentation (development bill, EDM, political and legal
documents, consultation, IMF status
of implementation)
Cultural Context
Events effect public opinion (financial
crisis)
Links to wider issues (financial system, tax havens)
Everyday experience (UK/US companies, courts)
Underlying ideology (immoral behaviour, reference to recipients )
Target Audience
Use of slogans/concepts
Use of visual imagery
Reference to anticipated success/
need for action
Use of case studies
Use of festivals, publicity stunts, celebrity/high profile individuals
Number of references to concept:
67
Briefing
Postcard
Poster
Letter
Campaign Plan
6
1
0
2
5
4
4
1
4
0
0
1
2
4
6
4
1
0
0
1
10
0
0
4
1
10
9
5
5
10
7
4
1
1
1
2
0
0
0
0
1
1
2
0
0
1
T4. External Factor Influence in Campaign Documentation
1
4
2
0
5
1
2
2
1
1
2
4
2
4
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INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC POLICY REVIEW
Political Opportunity:
Political events (parliamentary receptions, elections,
consultation, speeches)
Political individuals (MPs,
government officials)
Issue
Identification
Causal
Goals & Label
Attribution Success Addressee
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
Political documentation (DeX
velopment Bill, EDM political
legal documents, IMF status of
implementation)
Cultural Context:
Events effect public opinion
(financial crisis)
Links to wider issues (financial system, tax havens)
Everyday experience (UK/US
companies, courts)
Underlying ideology (immoral behaviour, reference to
recipients )
Target Audience:
Use of slogans/concepts
Use of visual Imagery
Use of preformatted materials
Reference to anticipated success/need for action
Use of festivals, publicity
stunts, celebrity
Selflegitimation
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
X
T5. External Factor Influence on Ideal-Type Frame Dimensions
Influence of Political Opportunity
Table 4 suggests that political opportunity influenced most of the dimensions. Interviews
with staff suggested that the initial decision to launch the campaign came as a direct result of the anticipated political support it would receive from MPs. This was particularly
apparent at a parliamentary meeting in January 2009 which had an unusually high turnout. Additionally, a number of individuals spoke to staff after the meeting stating their
support for the campaign. There may be several reasons for this. At the time of the campaign launch, several MPs were being publically criticised regarding their expenses. An
upcoming election in Europe also impacted on the political response to public and civil
society demands. Staff at Jubilee Debt Campaign were aware of this:
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
69
MPs are more interested, coming up to an election, emerging from a damaging
set of scandals. They want to be responsive. And they find it difficult to argue
against something so obviously important. (Director, July 2009)
The nature of the vulture campaign provided MPs with the opportunity to support a campaign that would cost them nothing, but would give them the opportunity to do something positive. Although the issue was being linked to wider
issues of international financial reform, MPs were able commit solely to the
issue without promising to make other changes to the financial system. The
campaign plan clearly identifies the role of political opportunity in the decision
to launch this campaign, as highlighted in Table 4. Political opportunity also influenced the identification of an addressee. As the UK government was ‘closed’
on the issue, MPs became a clear addressee for the campaign.
Since April, political opportunity has shaped the action required to achieve the
campaigns objectives. In particular the introduction of the Developing Country
Debt Bill in May, and the announcement of a consultation regarding a new law
on 21 July 2009. The consultation, which would prevent lenders from profiting from the debts of developing countries, has become the focus of the vulture
fund campaign. The introduction of similar legislation in the USA further aided
the organisations decision to focus on the issue. Interviews with staff demonstrate a clear awareness of the political opportunity that the situation in the US
provides.
We probably wouldn’t be running it unless Jubilee USA were doing it. It’s only
the pressure from the US that will force the UK to act. (Director, July 2009)
MP support has also been used to make the campaign appear more legitimate.
Reference to their support is made in the briefing and the letter. Political opportunity therefore influenced all the dimensions, except the identification of
cause and causal agents. The campaign plan and interviews demonstrated a
clear organisational awareness of the political opportunity that led to the decision to launch the campaign on vulture funds.
Influence of Cultural Context
Table 5 suggests that cultural context also influenced all but one of the frame
dimensions. In particular it influenced dimensions one and two. With regard to
issue identification, Gerhards suggests that issues that make reference to everyday experience or are linked to the broader context will generate greater attention. The vulture fund campaign is clearly linked to the wider context. Table
4 demonstrates that the more detailed campaign materials, namely the briefing
and the letter, make frequent reference to the international financial system.
In particular, frequent reference is made to tax havens. The briefing and letter
frequently link vulture fund activity to the UK, in particular to British companies and courts. Table 5 demonstrates the links made to the financial crisis in
dimensions one, two and three. This reflects public and media awareness of the
financial system that the crisis created.
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INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC POLICY REVIEW
The identification of causal agents is often influenced by anticipated values and beliefs of the public. Description of intentional behaviour of vultures demonstrates
the immorality of the companies. Reference to the vulnerability of recipients in the
briefing, postcard and letter draws attention to the power imbalance in the international system. The language used to describe vulture funds also reflects anticipated values and beliefs. The issue is justified through reference to UK courts and
underlying ideology. Cultural awareness has therefore influenced all of the framing
dimensions, except for the labelling of an addressee. As suggested above, political
opportunity was a key factor in the framing of this dimension. As the addressee for
campaigns is typically the political system it is not surprising that cultural context
was less important. Gerhards suggests that it is normally possible to distinguish
analytically between addressees who are expected to solve the problem and causal
agents causing the problem. This result strengthens this suggestion.
Influence of Target Audience
Table 5 suggests target audience influenced all aspects of the framing process. As
already suggested, the support this campaign gained from MPs led to the development of this campaign. The anticipated success of the campaign gave it potential to
generate wider public support for the organisation and its long term objectives:
It’s an easy way of engaging people in debt more generally – thus helps long-term
campaigning. (Director, July 2009)
In order to mobilise this potential, the organisation needed to interpret the issue so
that it became publicly accessible. The use of a slogan and visual imagery allowed an
essentially complex area of global finance to be communicated to a large audience.
The concept of ‘vultures’ was also useful. As suggested in interviews, it was unlikely
that the public would be interested in “distressed debt funds”. Table 4 demonstrates
the use of case studies in the briefing and the letter. The campaign plan also highlights their importance. Jubilee Debt Campaign has successfully used the vulture
concept in a publicity stunt using real vultures. It has also been used as the main
campaign focus at several events and festival, such as Glastonbury and Greenbelt.
The use of events is a common tool used by NGOs to generate new support:
Glastonbury’s a great place to meet young and interested people in an informal surrounding where people have time. It’s a pretty sympathetic audience. Vultures did
capture people’s imagination. (Head of Campaigns, July 2009)
The political and legal action required for this campaign also needed to be communicated in a way that was both simple and plausible. The self-legitimation dimension
reflects target audience awareness through reference to individuals such as politicians
and celebrities to increase credibility. Summarising the action required by politicians
in bullet points and developing preformatted postcards to send to MPs was done to encourage people to take action. The website provides links to all the political documents.
The principal addressee, MPs, influenced the decisions regarding campaign materials:
We know our supporters our very good at hassling MPs, and our mailing list is pretty
big. So postcards seemed an obvious way to get attention. (Head of Campaigns, July
2009)
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
71
The organisation estimates they have sent out over 45 000 postcards so far. Target audience is thus clearly an important factor influencing the framing process. Organisational
awareness of target audience strongly influences the interpretation and communication
of an issue.
Discussion on the Role of External Factors
The above analysis has clearly demonstrated the influence of external factors on the framing process. Political opportunity influenced several dimensions of the framing process;
in particular, issue identification, campaign goals and the labelling of an addressee. Support from particular politicians was also used to increase the credibility of the campaign.
Political opportunity did not appear to influence the identification of causal agents in the
process. Interestingly the cultural context did not appear to influence the identification
of an addressee.
The impact of culture was also clear in several ways. The campaign used the current
media and public interest in the global financial system to draw attention to vulture fund
activity. It influenced the identification of the issue, location of causal agents and the interpretation of goals and chances of success. The financial crisis provides a clear example
of the way in which actors in the framing process use cultural opportunity to their advantage. Links to the financial system in general were also made in the identification of the
problem and the causes of the problem. The anticipated values and beliefs are reflected
in the links made to everyday experience and the language used to demonstrate the immoral nature of vulture fund activity and the vulnerability of recipients.
Target audience clearly influenced the way in which the issue was interpreted and subsequently communicated. The use of slogans and visual imagery made the issue more publically accessible. Issue interpretation, causal attribution and goal framing all required
simple concepts to make the issue more appealing. The campaign materials used to communicate the campaign issue also reflect awareness of target audience particularly the
use of preformatted postcards. Additionally, the use of publicity stunts and events further
demonstrated awareness of target audience in the framing process.
Conclusion
Having identified issue framing as a useful concept for analysing the way NGOs attempt
to generate public support to create political pressure, this research sought to investigate the process through which one such organisation has done this. It investigated the
way Jubilee Debt Campaign interpreted and communicated the issue of vulture funds to
make it publicly accessible, as well as examining the role of external factors in this process. Through the use of Gerhards’ ideal-type frame, it demonstrated the way actors strategically interpret issues to make them publicly accessible, and deliberately use external
factors in this process.
The first proposition predicted that the empirical framing process would display
similarities to the ideal-type frame suggested by Gerhards. It also suggested that
the organisation would demonstrate awareness of the different dimensions. This
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
49
research has shown this prediction to be correct. Analysis of the vulture fund campaign displayed clear links between the empirical and the ideal-type frame. The
campaign materials clearly provided evidence of each of the framing dimensions
outlined by Gerhards. Of least importance perhaps was the self-legitimation dimension. Information provided in interviews and the private campaign plan demonstrated clear organisational awareness of the framing dimensions. The benefits of
each were understood and clear attempts made to incorporate the different dimensions when framing the issue. In particular the organisation was aware of the importance of using empirical evidence, making links to everyday experience, identifying an addressee and developing a simple, accessible concept.
The second proposition, which suggested political opportunity, cultural context and
target audience would have a strong influence on the different dimensions of the
framing process was also shown to be correct. The influence of each external factor
on the framing dimensions was clearly identified. Interestingly, political opportunity did not appear to influence causal attribution, whereas cultural context did not
affect the identification of an addressee. This reflects the suggestion made by Gerhards (1995) that it is normally possible to distinguish between addressees who are
expected to solve the problem and causal agents causing the problem. Interviews
and the campaign plan demonstrated that Jubilee Debt Campaign was aware of the
context in which the campaign was embedded. Reference to the financial crisis in
particular reflected an awareness of increased public and media interest in the financial system.
Through the successful application of the vulture fund campaign to the theoretical
framework, this research has further consolidated Gerhards’ theory. If the campaign
is successful, this research could be used to further develop hypotheses regarding
the dimensions required for successful framing processes. Further consolidation
could be achieved through the application of the framework to a greater range of
empirical examples. Alongside this, it would be of benefit to compare the development of the vulture fund campaign to alternative theoretical frameworks to analyse
their strengths in the investigation of framing processes. The possible rejection of
alternative theories could further aid theoretical consolidation.
Existing understanding of political and cultural context and target audience could
be developed through a comparison of similar processes in different contexts. Of
particular interest with regard to this campaign, would be a comparison of the differences in interpretation and communication with the US campaign on the same
issue. Further research to identify and investigate the influence of other external
factors would also be worthwhile. Finally, as this research has primarily focused
solely on the generation of public support, more research is required to investigate
the generation of other support, in particular the media and the government, in the
norm emergence stage of the Finnemore and Sikkink’s cycle. At the time of writing,
the campaign was ongoing. Due to the success of the campaign to date, it would be
interesting to follow the development of this campaign and link it to subsequent
stages of the norm cycle.
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INTERNATIONAL PUBLIC POLICY REVIEW
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Appendix i - Glossary of Political Documentation Referred to in Introduction
Early Day Motion Early day motions (EDMs) are formal motions submitted for debate in the House of Commons. Very few EDMs are actually debated. Instead, they
are used for reasons such as publicising the views of individual MPs, drawing attention to specific events or campaigns, and demonstrating the extent of parliamentary
support for a particular cause or point of view. An MP can add their signature to an
EDM to show their support.
The Ten Minute Rule Bills introduced under Standing Order No. 24, otherwise known
as the Ten Minute Rule, are not always serious attempts at legislation. The process
is used much more as a means of making a point on the need to change the law on
a particular subject. Motions under this rule may also provide the opportunity for
a Member to test parliamentary opinion on a subject upon which he/she or other
Members may seek to legislate in later sessions. The Ten Minute Rule allows a brief
speech in favour of the bill by the Member introducing it. It also allows a speech by
a Member opposing the Motion. Sometimes Ten Minute Rule bills do become law if
there is general consent, although there is rarely time for debate after their introduction. Any MP may introduce a bill under the Ten Minute Rule, although in practice it
is only used by backbenchers.
The Queens Speech The Queens Speech is written by the government and delivered
by the reigning monarch. It sets out the legislative agenda for the year ahead. The
decision over what to put in or leave out of the Queen’s Speech is a politically crucial one, usually the subject of months of political wrangling within government as
ministers and lobby groups fight for their favoured measures to win a slot in the
crowded legislative agenda. Bills which fail to pass through all their parliamentary
stages by this point fall, and have to be reintroduced from scratch in the next session.
Appendix ii - Details of Parliamentary Documentation
Early Day Motion - Regulation of Vulture Funds
That this House expresses concern at the activities of vulture funds which seek to
profiteer from the defaulted debts of developing countries; notes that the international community has already deemed many of these countries’ debts unsustainable
and agreed to cancel them; further notes the continuing actions brought by vulture
funds which try to claim payment via international trade and even aid transactions
with poor countries; is concerned at the use of UK courts for a high proportion of
these cases; welcomes the work by the Jubilee Debt Campaign to highlight the activities of the vulture funds; supports the provisions of the Developing Country Debt
(Restriction of Recovery) Bill introduced, with the support of a cross-party group of
hon. Members, by the hon. Member for Northampton North to limit the activities of
vulture funds; and calls on the Government to support this bill.
The Consultation - Ensuring effective debt relief for poor countries: a consultation
on legislation 21/07/2009
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The Government has led the international community in relieving the debts of Heavily Indebted Poor Countries. These have been highly successful, and over $110bn
has been delivered or committed to debt relief that helps tackle poverty in the 40
eligible countries. However, participation in debt relief is voluntary, and individual
creditors seeking repayment of the full value of their debts can divert the resources
provided by debt relief away from reducing poverty. The Government is consulting
on the possibility of complementing existing measures to address this problem with
legislation that would limit the proportion of debts already contracted by a HIPC
that a creditor could reclaim under UK laws.
Appendix iii
Interview Question and Response, Jubilee Debt Campaign Director: Nick
Dearden
22nd July 2009
1.
How long has this campaign been running for?
We have spoken about vultures for a few years now, but only decided to make it a
formal campaign in April – based on the very supportive response we got from a
Parliamentary meeting in January which was going to be a one-off. Most of our campaigns tend to be very big and very unachievable in the long-term. This seemed like
something we could win and which would be easy to galvanise support on – as well
as being worthwhile in itself. We recognise the need for long-term activists to enjoy
such mini-victories. It’s an easy way of engaging people in debt more generally – thus
help[s long-term campaigning. US were also working on it – making a ‘win’ possible.
2.
Why did you choose to target vulture funds?
MPs were very interested and supportive – and that’s difficult on development issues at a time of recession – essentially it doesn’t cost them anything.
4.
How important do you think the slogans and illustrations that you use are to
the success of the campaign?
I believe that the whole concept of ‘vultures’ is vital to the campaign’s attractiveness
to activists, the media and wider public. Using slogans like ‘End the Vulture Culture’
means that quite a complex and secret area of corporate activities becomes enticing
and accessible. I can’t imagine a massive about of public interest in ‘distressed debt
funds’ and in turn that would make it less appealing to the media and politicians.
4.
What role has the financial crisis played in the framing process?
As we are one of the few NGOs concerned with financial globalisation, it seemed
important that we took advantage of increased media and public in interest in the
global economy. The links with the financial crisis are ‘engineered’ as it provides
a good context for discussing footloose finance. It allows the campaign to resonate
with existing values. Organisations such as ours must be proactive, but also reactive.
5.
What is the time frame for this campaign?
We hope to have achieved our goal (or failed) by December this year. We hope to
either get a good Government proposal or to put down our own amendment in November – after the Queen’s Speech. Should we not have been able to ‘put the question’ by then, we would probably run it slightly longer- maybe into late Spring 2010
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
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continuing to look for hooks. As it’s so close to Parliamentary affairs, we’re using the
Summer to get our activists ready for when Parliament returns in the Autumn – but
most big media will be on hold till then. We may thereafter do something small to
assist European groups who want to run something like this.
6.
What are your objectives?
The campaign goals are the passage of legislation in the UK parliament to prevent
profiteering from the sale of developing country debts by UK nationals and in UK jurisdictions, plus increased transparency over litigation concerning developing country debts. However the campaign also forms part of our wider, long term objectives.
In our recently announced strategy, the priority for Jubilee Debt Campaign is the
cancellation of illegitimate debt. Vulture funds provide a good way of introducing a
mini-campaign to draw attention to the wider issues of debt without suggesting to
supporters that it is the solution. It is a useful way of drawing attention to injustice
and power imbalances.
This campaign seems like something that would be easy to galvanise support on.
Although we do not identify campaigns according to chances of success, this seemed
like something important as well as something that could be used to maintain public
support and keep people interested.
7.
How do you decide on these?
Vulture funds have been identified by several organisations as a problem, and not
only by NGOs. As it is an issue that requires legal change, the goals of this campaign
were not specific to Jubilee Debt Campaign.
8.
What role has the US campaign played?
Enormous – we probably wouldn’t be running it unless JUSA were doing it because
it’s only the pressure from the US that will force the UK to act (i.e. if they do it we
can’t not do it). We’re also working closely in terms of sharing information.
9.
Why are you targeting local MPs rather than the government?
We knew pressure would have to come to the government through MPs – or even
that MPs may have the opportunity to bring about change themselves through an
amendment in Parliament. The government has been ‘closed’ on this issue for some
time now. MPs are more interested, coming up to an election, emerging from a damaging set of scandals. They want to be responsive. And they find it difficult to argue
against something so obviously important.
Appendix iv
Interview Questions and Response, Senior Campaigns Officer: Jonathan Stevenson
21st July 2009
1.
Why did you choose to use postcards?
We know our supporters our very good at hassling MPs, and our mailing list is pretty
big. So postcards seemed an obvious way to get attention.
2.
How many postcards have been sent?
We had 50,000 printed and we hope to get them all out by autumn. No way of telling how many have been sent. We collected 2,500 at Glastonbury but that’s the only
indication we have. That’s the problem with sending cards to MPs – you don’t know.
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But we can measure through signatures on the EDM and anecdotal evidence from
MPs.
4.
How do you decide on which slogans/illustrations to use?
Once you have the vulture concept – which I don’t think we came up with - it’s reasonably easy. We would probably have used a design or illustration had we not organised the very effective picture stunt with real vultures. The pictures were so nice
we decided to use them instead. I think the main slogan we decided to borrow of
JUSA.
4.
You recently went to Glastonbury, why does JDC use events like this to promote their campaigns?
It’s a great place to meet young and interested people in an informal surrounding
where people have time. It’s a pretty sympathetic audience. We have a historical
presence there.
5.
Was Glastonbury an effective way to communicate the campaign do you
think?
Very much so. We have a great spot there – more than any other reason – and vultures did capture people’s imagination. Though to be honest you could get people to
sign virtually anything petition-like at Glastonbury.
6.
How important do you think the slogans and illustrations that you use are to
the success of the campaign?
I believe that the whole concept of ‘vultures’ is vital to the campaign’s attractiveness
to activists, the media and wider public. Using slogans like ‘End the Vulture Culture’
means that quite a complex and secret area of corporate activities becomes enticing
and accessible. I can’t imagine a massive about of public interest in ‘distressed debt
funds’ and in turn that would make it less appealing to the media and politicians.
7.
Why do you use case studies in your campaigns?
They really help people understand what it is we’re talking about. Especially with
technical/ economic issues, it can be difficult for people to really take in the implications of what you’re talking about. But when you talk about Zambia being ripped off
- then it comes home to people. Of course evidence is essential if you want to build a
case - why would the government agree to do something (or ordinary people agree
to support your campaign) if you can’t show evidence of why there’s a problem.
Appendix v
Interview Questions and Response, Senior Finance and Administration Officer: Helen Campbell. 21st July 2009
1.
How many postcards have you sent?
We ordered 50,000 postcards. We sent out 19,725 with the fundraising letters,
11,440 in response to material requests, and 1,280 in campaign packs to local groups
/ schools and keen individuals who asked for them and 1,200 to new economics
foundation to be included in their mailings.
Around 4,500 were signed at Glastonbury and we will also get them signed at Greenbelt. We have around 12,000 left which leaves just under 1000 unaccounted for probably taken by Board members, Campaigns Working Group, staff etc.
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
59
2.
How many other resources have you sent?
We ordered 14,000 stickers and used just over half so far. 1000 A4 posters, of which
we have used about 250. We print off briefings in house as we need them. Various
letters have been designed that make reference to the End the Vulture Culture campaign. These include a cover letter sent with all our campaign packs, a draft letter for
local newspaper, a school cover letter, a fundraising letter and a new contact letter.
4.
Why did you decide to use a campaign pack?
It’s an effective way of providing information in the form of a briefing as well as providing materials that allow supporters to take action.
4.
Who develops the materials?
The letters are written by Nick and edited by myself. The briefing is written by Sarah
and edited by Nick.
Appendix vi – Campaign Materials
vi a Campaign Plan
vi b Letters: Various letters have been designed that make reference to the End
the Vulture Culture campaign. These include a cover letter sent with all our campaign packs, a draft letter for local newspaper, a school cover letter, a fundraising
letter and a new contact letter. They are written by Nick Dearden, the director. The
campaign pack letter was used in this research
vi c Website response
vi d Campaign Briefing: First published in January 2009, reformatted in June
2009. Time to Stop the Vultures Briefing is written by Sarah Edwards (Senior Policy
and Research Officer) and edited by the director
vi e Postcard: 50,000 postcards were ordered. 19,725 with the fundraising letters. 11,440 in response to material requests. Around 4,500 were signed at Glastonbury
vi f Poster: A4 poster. 1000 posters were ordered. 250 had been sent out in July
2009
Additionally, 14,000 stickers were ordered. Half had been used by July 2009. They
were used in campaign packs. Campaign packs provide information in the form of a
briefing as well as providing materials that allow supporters to take action (contains
10 postcards, 1 poster, 45 stickers, vulture briefing, campaign pack, cover letter)
Appendix vi a
Vulture Funds Campaign Plan April 2009
1. Campaign objective
The objectives of the campaign are:
1) The passage of legislation in the UK parliament to prevent profiteering from the
sale of developing country debts by UK nationals and in UK jurisdictions
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2) Increased transparency over litigation concerning developing country debts
2. Timeline
There are three possible scenarios for such legislation being passed:
a) As an amendment to a related bill in the 2008-09 parliamentary session – very
low probability
b) As a private-members bill tabled in the next parliamentary session Dec 2009May 2010 (estimated) – low probability
c) As a piece of government legislation in the 2009-10 parliamentary session, or following the 2010 election – low to medium probability.
As a result it is anticipated that this campaign will run at least until the 2010 election. Some of the key campaign dates are:
5 May
Vulture funds reception in Parliament
6 May
Sally Keeble MP Ten Minute Rule Bill
End of May postcard in fundraising mailing
Late June
Glastonbury
Late August Greenbelt
September possible adjournment debate in parliament
Late Sept
IMF/WB status of implementation report
October
Global Debt Week
16-18 Oct
MP lobby day
4. Target
Since this is a campaign for legislation through parliament, the clear political target
for the campaign is MPs. Where we target the government, we should do so via MPs.
DfID is the priority government department.
4. Name and logo
The campaign needs a name and visual identity that will allow us to use it across
different media – i.e. printed materials, online and at events. If possible the name
should communicate the need for a law to prevent vulture funds from operating,
rather than just the need to ‘do something’ about their activities.
Some ideas:
Ban the vultures
Rule out vultures
Vulture Hunt
The Big Swoop
Outlaw the vultures
End the Vulture Culture
5. Resources
We will need a variety of campaign materials to help us generate public campaigning
in support of the objectives. At a minimum we will need:
- Template letter to MPs – we need this as soon as possible for summer events prepostcard
- Campaign postcard – needs to be initiated ASAP. Either 1 postcard or 2 joined to-
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
61
gether, one to keep, depending on costs. We will get 50,000 approx. We can look in to
costs of getting it in the shape of a vulture, but likely to be too expensive.
- Campaign briefing – already exists, can be adapted
- Costumes/visually engaging props for festivals – in progress
Desirable additions, dependent on budget, would be:
- Stickers and badges
- Posters
6. Postcard asks to MP
- Write to the appropriate minister in support of legislation
- Write to your party’s manifesto drafter to request a commitment to legislation
7. Winning the argument
In order to improve the chances of this campaign being a success we will need the
following:
- New information: At the moment the government’s line is that there have been no
new cases since 2007, and that the current approach of increased legal support is
working. We will need to show that this is insufficient – including by putting more
emphasis on unreported cases and why they are not being reported.
- Link with wider global financial reform: If this is seen as a small issue in the context
of the global financial crisis then it will be seen as irrelevant and not a priority for
parliamentary time.
-Evidence: We need to expose and embarrass a British-linked company or companies involved in vulturing, in a way provably damaging to a poor country.
- Through this: reawaken public interest and motivate campaigners on the debt issue – bring back attention to the dangers developing countries face from adventuring businessmen, the long-lasting and toxic effects of illegitimate debt, the top-down
nature of debt relief policy, the imperfect working of the IFIs, lack of technical capacity in HIPCs
Appendix vi b
Cover letter for Campaign Pack
‘End the Vulture Culture’ Campaign Pack
We need your help to stop UK courts undermining debt cancellation for the world’s
poorest countries.
Vulture funds are hedge funds, often based in tax havens, which buy up poor country
debts at a steep discount before suing in the courts for the full amount, plus interest
and legal fees, making massive profits. A significant number of these actions happen
in the courts of the United States and United Kingdom.
In 2007 vulture funds hit the headlines when Donegal, a vulture fund registered in
the British Virgin Islands, sued Zambia in the High Court for an outrageous $55 million on a debt it had bought for $4.4 million. Eventually Donegal was awarded $15
million – which Zambia had no option but to pay.
Some 54 companies are known to have taken legal action against 12 of the world’s
poorest countries, for claims amounting to $1.5 billion. If they can’t get the money
directly, vultures go after the country’s assets abroad – even targeting aid money.
The ‘End the Vulture Culture’ campaign is working hard to end this practice by sup-
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porting a bill which, if passed, would severely limit the actions of such funds. Already great success has been achieved;
•
Developing Country Debt (Restriction of Recovery) Bill: a ‘ten minute rule’
bill was introduced to Parliament and enjoyed cross-party support.
•
Over 100 MPs signing EDM 1440 calling for the restriction of vulture fund
activity
•
Ten Bears, Official Secrets Act and Jarvis Cocker signed postcards, Nick Clegg
MP posed with a vulture and over 2,500 other festival-goers took time out from the
mud and music at Glastonbury to support this issue.
This momentum has the potential to really deliver change. But this can only happen
with your invaluable support.
Enclosed with this letter are a poster, action postcards, stickers and a model letter. Overleaf are a variety of fun and engaging ideas that can be used to bring this
campaign to life. Ultimately, these are all tools you can use to get public support and
effectively lobby your MP to sign Early Day Motion 1440.
With your help, we can really change the law and stop this outrageous practice. If
you need further materials do not hesitate to get in touch.
Yours sincerely, Nick Dearden, Director, Jubilee Debt Campaign
Appendix vi c
Website Response
Responding to your MP
If you have written to your MP – thank you! Over 150 MPs have so far signed Early
Day Motion 1440 to tackle vulture funds and many have also written to the Government to express their concerns.
On 21 July the Government responded by opening a consultation on changing the
law in line with our campaign demands. This is a huge breakthrough but it’s now
really important to keep up the pressure so that the Government makes the right
decision to change the law.
RESPONDING TO YOUR MP
If you’ve received a reply from your MP, they (or the Government response they
might enclose) may have raised some points you want to follow up on. This page
contains some suggested reactions to the main arguments we’ve seen so far.
Your MP says:
A law against vulture funds could have “unintended consequences” restricting poor
countries’ access to capital markets. Restricting the buying and selling of debt would
“send the wrong legal signals” to the secondary debt market, which could in turn
reduce access to credit for poor countries.
Our response:
These concerns were specifically considered in developing the proposed legislation,
which has been written to ensure they do not apply.
The proposed legislation does not restrict the secondary debt market (where a debt
is ‘sold on’ to a second party) or prevent legitimate lenders from buying and sell-
ISSUE FRAMING PROCESS IN NGO CAMPAIGN
63
ing debt, or suing for repayment of defaulted debts owed by developing countries
- whether or not they are the primary or secondary lender. It merely restricts the
amount that can be awarded in such a case to the amount the lender paid for the
debt plus a nominal rate of interest, and asks for certain basic information to be
disclosed.
A legitimate lender therefore has nothing to fear. Only a vulture fund, seeking to
profiteer from the pursuit of debt, and operating under a veil of secrecy, will be undermined by this legislation.
Your MP says:
By legislating against vulture funds, all commercial creditors will be discouraged
from lending to poor countries, because if the debts are defaulted upon they will be
restricted in pursuing the repayment of those debts or selling them on.
Our response:
Actually it is instead the current situation, where vulture funds operate with impunity, that disrupts poor countries’ access to private capital. Many of the ongoing cases
involve vulture funds pursuing companies that are doing business in the developing
countries against which they have a claim, for example the action involving a mineral
trading company operating in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
It is this type of activity that creates uncertainty and instability in trading and investment relations with poor countries, and which could discourage commercial lenders
from investing in such an environment. Especially in the context of the global financial crisis, which has already led to a lack of credit available globally, it is imperative
to create as predictable and conducive an environment for trade and investment as
possible. Tackling vulture funds is an important part of this effort.
Finally, this sort of argument was made regarding the original debt cancellation schemes,
like the Heavily Indebted Poor Countries initiative, in the 1990s. It was argued that commercial lenders would stop investing in developing countries if those countries were
receiving relief on their debts. But this has not happened and post-HIPC countries have
not struggled to attract commercial investment because of debt relief.
Your MP says:
Such legislation could not operate ‘retrospectively’ and would therefore not cover
those debts which have already been purchased by vulture funds.
Our response:
The legislation being proposed contains a provision that, even where an award has
been made elsewhere, only the restricted recovery laid out in the bill can be awarded
in any case taking place in the UK. This will be important for many of the ongoing
cases where vulture funds have already won the case against the poor country, and
are now pursuing repayment in alternative jurisdictions, including the UK. The Government makes a proposal for enforcement on awards that have already been made
in its consultation document, showing that such a provision is workable.
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Your MP says:
The Government has already taken action to stop the vultures – this law is unnecessary.
Our response:
It’s true that the Government has taken some measures, and this has been very welcome. This has included working with the World Bank to help poor countries buy
back their commercial debts at a deep discount through the Debt Reduction Facility
(DRF). The aim of this is to reduce the risk of poor countries’ debts being sold on to
vulture funds.
The most recent successful deal was secured with the commercial lenders of Liberia,
in mid-April 2009, where the vast majority of the creditors agreed to take 4 cents
on the dollar, translating as a $48 million buy-back of $1.2 billion in debts. This $48
million was financed by the DRF, with contributions from the International Development Association, the United States, Norway, the United Kingdom, and Germany.
It must be noted, however, that a very small proportion of Liberia’s commercial lenders did not take part in the deal, and therefore presumably will still seek repayment
in full, possibly through the courts. The Government has admitted that the remaining vultures who held out still have claims amounting to 85% of what the DRF deal
paid out. It is also questionable whether paying off commercial lenders is really the
best use of overseas aid money, as opposed to compelling these lenders to participate in debt relief initiatives in the first place.
The UK has also backed plans at the African Development Bank to establish an independent legal support facility to advise countries on how best to tackle vulture fund
activity. This was finally announced in May (see here for more details).
While these activities are commendable, preventative action is needed in order to
stop the activities of vulture funds in the first place. The Government is now considering changing the law - a very welcome step that we hope they will introduce in a
strengthened form.