Transnational Associations & Politics of Co-Development:
Haitians in Metropolitan France
Clara Rachel Casséus-Eybalin
Clara Rachel brings an interdisciplinary approach into the research field of migration & local
development, and the evolvement of transnational communities throughout the European
Union. She holds a BA in International Politics, a MA in International Affairs & Conflict Sociology,
and a MPA in strategic public policy with a concentration on migration studies, from The
American University of Paris. She intervenes as Consultant.
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ABSTRACT
As migration seen as an integral aspect of North-South relations proliferates, so too
has the formation of diaspora or transnational communities, leading to great numbers
of people with allegiance straddling their places of origin and their new homelands. My
attempt is to engage in a recent empirical research on Haitians Abroad in metropolitan
France while testing the current and future potentialities of a policy formulated as codevelopment. Against a complex theoretical background from transnational theory to
bounded solidarity concept, the relevance of some central interrogations in this study is
put forth: how do migrants’ associations constitute themselves as transnational actors
who in turn play a key role in the development of their regions of origin? How do
transnational structures interact with governmental efforts to promote development
initiatives? While the current literature shows near absence of a detailed
documentation on border-crossing practices engaging Haitian migrants in France, my
paper intends to fill this gap while demonstrating the necessity to bring about a bottom
up approach in the formulation of migratory policy across EU countries.
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If in recent debates some authors question migration as a possible source of
development, this topic continues to be perceived in a disconnected manner between
the country of origin and the host country. Until recently, Haiti, as a state having a
considerable share of its population outside its national borders, paid little attention to
its members living abroad. With a population of roughly 8 millions, a demographic rate
of 2.5% with just about 50% of its population under 20 years old, the country has about
2 millions outside its borders, mainly between the Dominican Republic, United States,
Canada and France. This study examines the empirical data collected on a less-visible
segment of the population residing in Metropolitan France, migrants of Haitian origin
and their associative practices on the development of their native regions. As it unfolds,
it seems important to follow how the host country decides to promote through the
policy of co-development migrants’ initiatives engaging in significant cross-borders
activities to enmesh them in the nation-state building of the country of origin.
CORE ARGUMENTS & METHOD OF DATA COLLECTION
As the central aim mentioned above states, it is argued that individuals collectively
engaged in associations exert some degree of influence over the local socio-economic
development of key regions of Haiti, and in particular in the Southern part of the
country where a good majority claimed to be native. It concludes that no serious policy
of co-development without the active participation of migrants’ associations can
provide substantial change on the local development of the sending country.
Primarily based on targeted fieldwork, the research takes a qualitative approach
based on an interview guide, which consists of a set of questions carefully selected and
put in a logical manner in order to grasp the intended research hypothesis. Also a
survey of quantitative data on a number of associations throughout metropolitan
France is conducted: from February 20th to July 4th, 2008, a total of 41 interviews
throughout metropolitan France (Paris, Seine-St-Denis, Hauts-de-Seine, Val-de-Marne,
Cergy Pontoise, Essonne, Mans, Mayenne, and Bordeaux), were made along with two
additional interviews in Haiti, at the Ministry of Haitians Living Abroad (MHAVE) midAugust. The sample size totaled 34 people, representing 26 associations.
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Table 1 -Participating Franco-Haitian Associations (26) in the Fieldwork
(*): mainly active in metropolitan France
Une école pour Haïti
(4)
Association Franco-haïtiens & Amis
d’Haïti (FHAH)
(4) *
MOTION –Section France Mole St
Nicolas en Action
(7)
Pour Haïti
(5) *
Maison d’Haïti
*
Haïti développement
(8) *
CAPPEH-MPL
(1)
COSEVBA
(10)
Amitié France – Haïti
(3) (5)
ANACAONA –Droits humains
(8)(9)
Union des St Louisiens de France
USLOAFRADES
(10)
Association pour le développement de la
formation en Haïti -ADFH
(1)
Lalanne & Pascal
(4)
ASOLID
(1)
A.C.F.E
(10)
ADENAC
(10)
AADH- Aide au Développement d’Haïti
(10)
GAMAH –Groupe d’appui médical à Haïti
(4)
Collectif Haïti de France
(5) *
CHAVE
(1) 10)
Haïti Futur
(2) (3)
(5) (9)
AFHSEC
(8) *
AHDEL
*
PAFHA
*
Zanmi Lotbodlo
(1)(10)
A.P.D.H
(10)
NORTHWEST
NORTH
NIPPES
GRAND’ANSE
WEST
SOUTH
1 = ARTIBONITE
SOUTHEAST
2 = CENTRE
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THE HAITIAN CASE: RETHINKING MOBILITY AND TERRITORY
Understanding migration from Haiti, particularly to France, implies knowing a basic history
of Haitian and French relations. In fact, one may need to know, at least, a little of what went
on in the past to have any chance at all of understanding the present. As migration implies a
socially embedded process (Faist, 2000: 200-203), it is interesting to put into perspective the
migratory path described in waves (see Appendix).
Once known as the French richest colony, Haiti then became in 1804 the first and only
successful slave revolt in history, ended France’s dreams of empire in the New World, and
made possible the Louisiana Purchase by the United States. In a nutshell, the country has
gone from a glorious chapter of Independence to the pessimistic road of Dependence at all
levels, economic, educational and political. Indeed, throughout its periodic crises, from
coups d’état to external interferences (US occupation in 1915), the nation-state dealt with
structural factors which in turn influenced a profound and continuous movement of
population inside the country (Maingot, 1986:80-82). The recent period between 1986 and
2004 is another illustration of political instability with about thirteen government changes.
During the field interviews with some association members, the discussion often turns to the
perception of migration as an “escape valve” to explain their presence here in France. One
of the activists of a Franco-Haitian association (CHAVE) operating in Seine-St-Denis exclaims:
“What is wrong with us is a mindset believing that migration is the key to leave behind our
problems.”(Field interview, April 24th, 2008). What about the migration toward France?
Today, France counts the largest number of Haitians in the European Union, even when
little is documented on their lifestyles and level of integration. Based on the study, despite a
number of associations concentrated in Paris (26%) and Seine-Saint-Denis (14%), no
particular “Haitian quarter” appears to exist as compared to other Haitian communities such
as in Miami (“Little Haiti” in Dade County, Florida). This perhaps reflects on a fragmented
configuration of social networks in metropolitan France.
Haitians are scattered all over; people group in small circles of
friends and not as one big ethnic group. For example in mid1980s, a good opportunity to buy cheap houses at CergyPontoise (Val d’Oise) explains the emergence of an important
agglomeration of about 24 families. (Field interview, May 4th, 2008)
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Table - 2
L oc ation of As s oc iations in F ranc e
S arthe J ura
4%
4%
E s s one
12%
P aris
26%
G ironde
4%
Hauts -de-S eine
12%
V al-d'O is e
8%
O is e
12% Mayenne
4%
S eine-S aintDenis
14%
In recent years, the idea that a state does not necessarily tie to a territory challenges the
state defined as an entity with a fixed territorial, spatial and maritime boundaries. Castles
(2002: 1143-1145) further underlines the necessity to re-think “new forms of mobility and
incorporation” by noting the broader phenomenon of globalization marked by the demise of
the nation-state makes us act in a “globalized, de-territorialized world” in which groups are
no longer “tightly territorialized, spatially bounded, historically un-self-conscious, or
culturally homogeneous”. Such rethinking of the concept of state (Laguerre, 1998: 162-164)
partly explains why Haiti in 1995 becomes the first country in the Caribbean region to have a
Ministry of Haitians Living Abroad (MHAVE).
With the new ease of movement and access to technology, many people are living across
borders and are often labeled as Diaspora. Once confronted with some readings of Cohen
(2006: 39-43) about the term Diaspora implying some “kind of severe oppression or
traumatic event leading to the dispersal of its members” or the “development of a return
movement to the homeland”, it became clear to me that this concept means foremost an
historical process with multiple connotations, which cannot necessarily suit the population
described in this study. For instance, Haitians inside the country often use Diaspora in a
derogatory sense to label either a person residing abroad or a returnee who has embraced
another citizenship.
As Cohen questions the notion of Diaspora, he further points to the
need to return to the original meaning of the term to avoid its abuse by too many
contemporary migrant communities causing the loss of meaning. Another reference is made
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to this improper usage of the term to describe “communities of migrants” who “do not have
the intention to return to the country of origin” (Rex, 2006: 66). One of my interviewee
comments on this debate as such:
“There is a problem among us Haitians; we do not have a
communitarian mind; the fact that the Jewish people reunited
and organized itself in Diaspora is far different from our way of
doing things.” (Field interview, May 25th, 2008 Amitié France Leader)
A typical response to the question “why did you come to France” from the interview guide
looks like this: “I am a migrant who came to Paris with the intention of taking up residence
as long as the family reunion policies of the 1970s would allow”. In fact, only 2 persons out
of 34 interviewed showed interest in returning to a “lost homeland”. For example, Table 3
suggests the interplay between two variables: year of arrival and socio-professional
background. The diverse living experiences tied to the context of arrival contribute to clarify
on the level of engagement in associations. Those who came in the 60s compared to newlyarrived in France came primarily to study and understand differently this engagement: from
political activism to commitment to development.
“In 1972, while I was finishing my studies in mathematics, some
of us felt the need to unite in a movement called Mouvement
unitaire des patriotes (MUP) to militate for solidarity with the
people left behind.” (Field interview (April 8th, 2008)
Table - 3
SOCIO-PROFESSIONAL
BACKGROUND
RETIRED
YEAR ARRIVAL
NUMBER
1950-1960
4
1961-1976
6
LIBERAL PROFESSION
6
1977-1980
9
ENTREPRENEURS
11
1981-1991
12
PASTORS
3
1992-2003
3
UNIVERSITY
2
Total
34
STATE EMPLOYEES
NUMBER
7
5
FROM TRANSNATIONAL MIGRATION THEORY TO BOUNDED SOLIDARITY CONCEPT
One of the dominant theoretical approaches to the understanding of
transnationalism as a global phenomenon is regarding immigrant integration and the
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notion of citizenship. Indeed, it is within such context that one may grasp how Haitians
and Jamaicans constitute themselves in the host society. By transnational migration,
Glick-Schiller means the “process whereby immigrants forge and sustain simultaneously
multi-stranded social relations” that links together their societies of origin and
settlement (1995, 48-50). She explains this “new phenomenon” by the expansion of
global interconnection of economic and technological processes that generate a process
done from below in the sense that the people engaged in it feel empowered to take
initiatives on a voluntary basis. Such understanding is shared by Portes who not only
identifies three types of transnationalism (economic, political and socio-cultural) but
also underlines the unique and new aspect of transnationalism in the “role some
homeland governments play in encouraging ongoing ties”, as illustrated with the case of
the Haitian state and the creation of its ministry of Haitians Abroad. How popular is this
concept among the migrants at large remain unanswered and invites to more
questioning about other theoretical approaches.
Among some questions about the validity of transnationalism, Michelle Labelle
discusses the problematic idea of citizenship in the host society as migrants remain loyal
to their country of origin (1999: 216-221). By arguing that the notion of citizenship is
“always inscribed, at a given moment, in a political community”, Labelle joins Faist’s
concept of “the relevance of “place” that “continues to count in transnational spaces.”
Both the salience of homeland political initiatives and policy enacted by the host society
seem to be vital to explain the full emergence of transnational social networks. This is in
line with Joppke’s work on the “changing role of the state in conceptualizing different
dimensions of citizenship” (2007: 37-40), and how its different understanding of
citizenship conditions migrants’ transnational practices. This is quite pertinent in this
study in regards to the policy of co-development formulated by French government.
This may imply the recognition of migrants’ strong ties to the homeland place as
opposed to the classical view of assimilation, conveying the idea of a gradual loosening
of ties with the society of origin.
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If instead of transnational community, the notion of a transnational social space as
articulated by Faist refers to a broader sense of social networks, “autonomous” and at
the same time “dependent upon a complex system of relationships”, then its usage
becomes quite interesting. Based on his definition, transnational social spaces
(2000:189-199) are characterized by “a primary mechanism of integration: reciprocity in
small groups, exchange in circuits and solidarity in communities.” In describing social
networks, Faist more importantly explains the mechanism of border-crossing expansion,
which seems very pertinent to this study. He identifies kinship groups as predicated on
ties of reciprocity, and transnational circuits based on instrumental exchange ties. In
sum, migrants living abroad while maintaining socio-political economic and emotional
ties with their country of origin may function as a complex set of numerous social
networks. Space then seems to have a social meaning that goes beyond the notion of
territoriality, and gives us a more inclusive description of the group.
Another significant contributor to the development of social capital and bounded
solidarity, and embeddedness, is the scholar Alejandro Portes. Indeed, he describes
bounded solidarity as a “form of altruistic conduct depending on the moral imperative
felt by individuals to behave in a certain way” (1998: 130-132). He also reintroduces to
this debate the useful concept borrowed to Karl Polanyi (1978: 18-23).
To explain
another mechanism of social capital among migrants’ association or social networks, the
concept of embeddedness refers to an economy as an “interlocking system of markets
subordinated to social relations.” Simply put, this concept is articulated by Portes to
explain the “transnational entrepreneur” behavior in a market economy dependent
upon trust, mutual understanding, and legal enforcement of contracts. Here it is about
the idea that the economy is not autonomous, as it must be in economic theory, but
subordinated to politics, religion, and social relations. With it, “enforceable trust” is
associated to describe not a sense of solidarity but rather “the internal sanctioning
capacity within a network” (Portes, 1998: 139). In other words, a system of rewards but
also constraints comes along with such mechanism.
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CO-DEVELOPMENT FRAMEWORK: CHALLENGING THE STATE
According to one of the Advisors at the French Ministry of Immigration (MIIIC),
“The idea is to support a development policy of the country and
to find a new dynamic among migrants as true vectors of
development…When doing co-development, you are managing a
double space; a key element is information/communication”
(Field interview, July 2nd, 2008).
Initially coined in a narrow sense as a measure to restrict migratory flows, the
concept of co-development is presented in a theoretical framework in the Sami Naïr
Report of 1997. It slowly evolves on October 2003 into policies making migrants as
partners and central actors in development co-operation. According to Weil, the best
migration policy based on cooperation is about seeking “not to block, but to smoothly
regulate the circulation and re-circulation of the majority of foreigners and immigrants”
(2002: 41-43).
However, Lacroix denounces “the ambivalence of the government
attitude”, knowing that the notion of development is “disconnected to the logic of the
migratory act” (2005: 43-44).
From a bilateral perspective and partnership approach, the co-development program
contains three priority axes. A first aspect points to the funding given to “associations of
Haitians in France” wishing to engage in projects in Haiti, and to “French local authorities
involved in co-development actions”. Second, this policy covers “Scientific, Technical and
Economic Diasporas (DSTE) Representatives”, in other words professionals interested to
participate in technical assistance mission. Third, the policy includes “Haitians of France
wishing to return to Haiti to implement a reintegration project (micro-enterprise)”.
Then the question becomes whether the interplay between the institutional frameworks
advocated by both officials from sending and host country and migrants’ associative
initiatives leads to a concrete change of policymaking approach. Indeed, it is interesting to
note the role of the state in supporting migrants’ transnational practices. Transnational
migrants’ associations are forcing the state to rethink its view toward immigrants. As
Haitians reside permanently abroad, they are seen as “constituents” of their home country
by many political leaders who try to bind them for economic and political benefits. Even if
the country does not yet recognize dual citizenship, its relation with the population abroad is
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well captured by the geographer Georges Anglade (1982: 22-26) who explains how a set of
people could “deploy above and beyond the nation-state,” creating a “deconstructed notion
of citizenship” within a set border to include a body of people residing outside its border.
His concept of a “tenth department” as an “extra-territorial department” with Haitians
abroad, in addition to Haiti’s nine administrative regions goes beyond a geographic construct
and becomes pertinent in the context of this sociological study (Théodat, 2008: 42-44).
The emphasis is on the creation of incentives to promote return migration and to
maximize the development contribution of migrant communities, including the management
of remittances. The challenge for policy makers is to create an environment conducive to
enhancing migrants’ mobilization to development, which already occurs at a bottom level.
ASSOCIATIVE PRACTICES INTO DEVELOPMENT NETWORKS
The section of the interview guide titled Social Integration and Participation and Interest
for Haiti was designed to measure the interviewee’s associative transnational practices and
to understand the extend of homeland ties.
Table 3 presents 5 characteristics of
transnational practices, which affect 11 out of 34 people in our sample: sending of
remittances, frequency of travel, investment in business/homes, and sector of activities.
Their mobility and the recurrence of their practices cause the expansion of their engagement
in a sustained cross-border pattern.
With respect to remittances, the data reveals that 82% do engage regularly in such
practices versus a negative 18%. This data is of interest in the sense that it translates a
certain degree of migrants’ engagement vis-à-vis their families, which ties to the associative
practices. In other words, those who are involved in associations and transnational practices
would be prone to send remittances more frequently.
“I work in the construction industry as a Corporate
manager…The association organizes collection of funds in the
Church…It is a trustworthy conduit for people to keep their
commitment to families; it is a Christian value I preach here.”
(Field interview May 6th, 2008, Eglise des Rachetés, Blanc-Mesnil)
If the debate continues about the intersection between development and remittances in
terms of poverty reduction, there is a correlation between such transnational practice and
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promotion of development. Remittances are part of a broader process of transnational
engagement. This observation supports Orozco literature on the pertinence of remittances
(Orozco, 2006: 10).
As for frequency of travel, this category of entrepreneurs responded 73% more than three
times versus 27% twice a year. This reflects people regularly engaged in cross-border
contacts.
In terms of investments, one of the common practices is the purchase of real
estate as a long-term goal. A leader from Association d’aide au développement (AADH)
explains how his family launched a campaign targeting natives of Fond-des-Blancs (9th
communal section of Aquin) living in Canada, United States and France (estimate 7,000
abroad) to invest massively in a more coherent plan of development on a long-term basis.
This approach is about pooling human and financial capital. (Field interview May 8th, 2008)
“Unlike other friends, I did not enroll in a university upon arrival
in France… I became a skilled baker and I opened my first bakery
in 1993 in 11th arrondissement in Paris. For the past five years,
I’ve been investing to create a vocational school to give young
people the opportunity to make a decent living… Our mission is
to finance projects to achieve self-sufficiency for the whole
community… It is about community mobilizing to assure that
development priorities serve our interests.”
Transnational business networks are about an integrated structure which can move
different forms of skills and practices, such as high degree of mutual trust and
understanding. Some 45% are working on business services and even for both construction
and import/export (27%). Hépitex manager regards his business venture as a sphere of
influence in two worlds: helping the record industry in Haiti and selling via its network of
distribution in France.
“I realized 20 years ago how much Haitian music was well
consumed in the French territories. Yet there was no Haitian
owner of a record shop in Paris; I got this amazing idea with a
catchy name Hépitex, which does not mean anything but
everything to me because it is more than a business but a family
for all.”(Field interview, Feb. 20th, 2008 Hépitex, Porte Clignancourt)
His competitor at Himextra offers import-export services and sending remittances. His
store is open to all socio-cultural and even political pamphlets during Haiti election
campaigns. Overall, Haitian business people gain by keeping close contacts, face-to-face
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contacts because this approach reinforces the concept of embeddedness discussed in the
theoretical section as it applies to “a better understanding of the nature of production
prevailing in different societies and localities” (Portes, 1998: 128).
Table 3- Characteristics of Transnational Entrepreneurs
1. FREQUENCY OF TRAVEL
Twice a year
27%
More than 3 years
73%
No
18%
2. REMITTANCES
Yes
82%
3. INVESTMENTS
Investment in House
64%
Investment in Business
27%
4. ACTIVITIES
Business Services
45%
Construction 27%
Import/Export
27%
5. LENGHT OF STAYS
More 20 years
90%
Less 20 years
10%
An “ideal type” TRANSNATIONAL ENTREPRENEUR OF LOCAL DEVELOPMENT
One of the main interrogations in this discussion is about the characteristics of an
ideal-type of migrant. It is about an associative leader’s capability to conceive, to
organize, and to implement a project of development successfully. The leader finds
pride and prestige to manage a network that spreads beyond borders.
“I know what it is to live as sans-papiers… our problem is that we
do not know how to give. You have to get active to collect
money from others to help these kids ONLY once you have given
of your own personal money… Several generations have lived
here without thinking this way.” (Field interview (April 16th, 2008)
Coming from a modest social condition originally from Fond-des-Nègres (5th communal
section of Miragoane arrondissement in the Nippes department), this leader is able to
connect with many folks. His narrative of a tough journey starting with a short-stay in
French Guiana ends up in metropolitan France in 1978. The next few years will be spent as a
sans-papiers after denial of political asylum status until Mitterrand’s general amnesty in
1981. He finally becomes French citizen and returns to Haiti visit his family in 1995. The
poor living conditions of his village people move him to act right away, and so he decides at
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his own expenses to rehabilitate an old property to accommodate the first batch of kids to
primary school in January of 1996. Upon return to France he creates this association with a
clear objective: to finance the schooling of the poor kids from his hometown until the
construction of a brand new school.
The narrative on the circumstances around the creation of Une école pour Haïti in 1996 is
quite pertinent. By 1997, 500 children enrolled to primary school. Financing is mainly done
through a sponsoring system (“parrainage”) at a fee of €15/month. The inauguration of the
school with maternal, primary and secondary sections takes place on June 2006. Funds were
secured through several channels: from Conseil of Hauts-de-Seine to anonymous citizens
becoming sponsors (“parrains”), from evangelical crusades to membership fees.
Having completed the initial aim of Une école pour Haïti, a new structure Franco-Haitiens
et Amis d’Haïti (FHAH) is created since June 2007. On the agenda, 4 main objectives are set:
a nutritional program for the Nippes department, an agricultural project, a fishery project
and an art design teaching center. This last project is currently presented to the codevelopment committee for funding. What has worked in this case to make it perhaps as a
sort of “ideal type” transnational entrepreneur?
“He put us on the right track in making us understand the weight
of citizen vote and its leverage on actions of development for
Haiti.” (Field interview (April 11th, 2008)
It is about building activist networks that connect a range of actors with similar values and
belief systems. This is precisely what Une école pour Haïti Leader explains in terms of
rewards and prestige enmeshed in the context of hometown. This is not for everyone: “it
depends on individual human capital”. He could not possibly come back to his village of
Fond-des-Nègres, and be embraced if he had not “kept up with his family ties” (sending
remittances). Thus the interrogation about the probable “ideal type” is perhaps embodied
in someone cultivating a sort of “best practices” recognized by both local authorities in this
hometown and at the institutional level. Toward the end of the interview at the French
Ministry of Immigration, the conversation mentions this leader as such:
“He seems able to rally people behind him…For more effective
policy tools; there is a need for leader to translate concept into
action.” (Field interview (July 2nd, 2008)
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“BOTTOM-UP” LOCAL INITIATIVES
Based on our field research thus far, local economic development accounts for the main
objective cited by the associations. The following data reveals that migrants’ associations
vary in their areas of activity.
An associative pattern to appreciate this “bottom-up”
dynamics is presented in 4 main domains of activities: education, agriculture, health and
environment.
Education
The problem of access to education often addressed as a key obstacle in building human
capital in terms of educational attainment represents a very common topic in the
sustainable development discourse.
Among the associations involved (40%), 2 main
approaches are noted: assistance via local partners and direct involvement through specific
projects.
An economist and former educator from Camp-Perrin advocates an educational
curriculum more in tune with the local needs of the community. The thinking seems to
promote education as an engine to produce the dynamic to make people participants in
their own economy.
“I grew up in a rural zone and schools were too distant from
home. Haiti futur prides itself to target schools in difficulty
throughout six different departments of the country.” (Field
interview (May 19th, 2008)
Her project at Fond-Jean-Noël serves as the first model of an education center with a full
scale computer lab and internet server in the region. Beyond helping with building of
schools, training and remuneration of educators, and remittances toward the costs incurred
by families, the main vision is to look for local partners and to build on existing structures.
Since its creation in 2002 at Epinay-sous-Sénart (91), the Association d’Entraide Action
Coeur (ADENAC) is committed to the enrollment of poor kids in schools in La Colline.
“Compulsory education is the key to reverse this cycle of poverty here” (Field interview (May
28th, 2008). Through regular calls for sponsoring, the association is able to secure the schooling
of about hundred children via a network of seven primary schools. Originally from the
region, the president is eager to expand the activities in a more direct manner “with a bigger
15
vision to implement important projects.” With a team of five people on the ground,
communication and constant monitoring of the implementation of projects discussed and
financed from France are possible.
Specific Projects
A number of associations have achieved some projects in education.
 Association d’aide au développement (AADH): 2 projects of building a vocational
school (plumbing, computers skills, bakery) in Fond-des-Blancs.
 Association of Collinois of France and Abroad (ACFE): rehabilitation of the town public
school; creation of a public library and ongoing envoy of books.
Agriculture
Our data shows that improvement of the conditions of the population in terms of
agriculture is a top priority for the migrants’ associations. It is ranked second of importance
(20%) and migrants’ initiatives can be grouped in 2 types of projects: technical assistance
and specific programs of irrigation.
Since 2004, CHAVE is the initiator of a project to empower farmers in order to have a
direct impact on the local development of Gonaïves arrondissement of the Artibonite
department. Historically the Artibonite Valley has produced two items in quantity: rice and
blood. The two are not unrelated with conflict over control of Haiti’s most fertile land
underpinning most of the violence and repression. CHAVE supports the efforts of peasants
across the Valley to produce better by giving them access to a line of credit and to technical
advices along with leasing of farm equipment. The idea seems to engage in activities that
carry the potential to create wealth and social capital. One of its members feels:
“If you help the poor to cope with poverty without giving him
the means to get out of it, how do you expect to break this
infernal cycle?...The work of some associations should differ
from some NGOs that unfortunately service rather than reduce
poverty.” (Field interview (April 24th, 2008)
A different association Association of Collinois of France and Abroad (ACFE) with a motto
of unity “one Colline for all” conducts its activities in agriculture as “a combite to unite in
solidarity” (Field interview (May 26th, 2008). Its activities are conducting in two set of teams: the
16
one in France is responsible to collect donations and membership fees while rallying natives
of La Colline and the other team supervises the actions in the region. Created in 1996, the
association works on projects for agriculture such as the irrigation system to boost the
production of vegetables; the launching of a planting tree campaigns in several communal
sections of Cavaillon, Fond-des-Blancs. One of its social activists regularly writes to increase
awareness of this large community scattered all around France and its territories:
“Can a country continue to exist solely to produce cheap labor
for industrialized nations? Is it possible to talk about dignity
while we are reduced as a people to sell our physical force
everywhere on the planet?” (Field interview (May 25th, 2008)
Health
Migrants’ associations consider healthcare programs important. Our data reveals 17%,
and projects are often carried out by retired professionals. Such initiatives can be grouped
in 2 types: medical training and support to sanitary infrastructure.
MOTION as the sole Franco-Haitian association working in Môle St Nicolas
(arrondissement of the Northwest department), is often assailed by requests from NGOs and
agencies to accompany some of their missions. Created in 1994, initially a family initiative to
rally natives of the Môle scattered around, this association organized several chapters in the
US, Canada. Its leader in Mans explains his actions focused on health and education to “lift
up the poor infrastructures”(Field interview in Mans, April 19th, 2008). As a medical doctor
practicing in France since 1976, he considers his “expertise and socio-professional network
in both Le Mans and Môle the added value for a successful local development formula”.
Assistance to sanitary infrastructure
 Association d’Entraide Action Coeur (ADENAC): rehabilitation of a health center Labady in
La Colline.
 Comité de Soutien à l’électrification de Vieux Bourg d’Aquin (COSEVBA): construction of
Charles Pasqua Hospital at Aquin in 2001.
 Groupe d’appui médical à Haïti (GAMAH): rehabilitation of clinics and medical training
for staff in Nippes department.
Environment and Energy
17
In terms of initiatives in both environment and energy, the associations carry specific
projects with a participatory approach. There are 2 main themes in the domain of energy:
electricity and biofuels.
The mission is to ameliorate the living conditions of people of St
Louis du Sud by betting on its own resources of energy. This
region is isolated with poor infrastructures even though it offers
great economic opportunities” (Field interview (May 8th, 2008).
The Union of St Louisiens de France for development of Saint-Louis-du-Sud
(USLOAFRADES) created in 1995 in Sarcelles, Val d’Oise (95), primarily works on getting
electricity coverage. It has a partnership with Electricité du monde (EDM) since end of 2007
for the construction of a power plant. Parallel to this project, the association is involved
with the research on renewable energy and biofuels based on the production of vegetable
oil extracted from a plant (jatropha) very common throughout the region. By promoting the
migrant know-how, the hope is to bring about sustainable development.
The Comité de Soutien à l’électrification de Vieux Bourg d’Aquin (COSEVBA-Field interview
May 9th, 2008)
is an association established in 1996 at (92) Chatenay-Malabry with the initial
aim of bringing electricity to this particular quarter. The project extended to the whole
arrondissement of Aquin, with the support of other associations, such as the Association
pour le développement d’Haïti (APDH).
Its leader expresses his vision, “to be the official
association representative of the need of the people of Aquin”.
Environmental Projects
In this particular area, a number of initiatives are still limited (10%). Among some projects
implemented, the program of reforestation constitutes a central theme for some
associations.
 Reforestation through Amitié-France Association (Field interview May 25th, 2008)
“Can we reafforest Haiti in 10 years? is the name of the project I
wrote right after witnessing a storm devastating the Landes
Forest in 1999…Thanks to the support of the Aquitaine
agricultural cooperative (CAFSA), my association managed to
launch a campaign in the northern part of Haiti since 2001.”
18
 Association Haïti-Futur: technical assistance to an educational female project to
protect the environment (Kofakad) at Durcy-Dubreuil.
Overall, social cohesion is a key element to comprehend these associations’ achievements
in different sectors of development.
LIMITATIONS
Migrants’ association cannot replace foreign aid nor NGOs activities. Some skeptics
continue to believe that they are unfit to participate in development schemes. There is
certainly the pressure and even the danger of trying to turn a migrant into an entrepreneur
that is not. However, the same argument can be made for NGOs which happen to be
everywhere throughout Haiti (76 prior to 1986 to 662 in 2007) while questions of
accountability and efficiency continue to be raised (Pierre-Etienne, 1997). Meanwhile the
reality reflects the relevance of remittances as transnational practices as compared to
foreign aid. In 2006, according to Inter-American Development Bank (IADB), out of a $1.65
billion of remittances to Haiti, 8% came from Haitians abroad in France.
Today in the midst of the current crisis, news on the overall flow of remittances across the
Caribbean and Latin America may register a slowdown (Redrado, 2009 OECD Caribbean
Forum). In her study on the economy of private remittances, Brisson-Lamaute reiterates the
need to analyze this practice in terms of “solidarity with the family unit” (2002: 92-94). This
brings back the concept discussed in both the theoretical and empirical sections of this
study: social capital, embeddedness and bounded solidarity. This is what makes a migrant
the potential vector for bringing a transformation of local economic development.
Such impact on the local economy necessitates a more coordinated effort from migrants’
associations in using remittances. A need for more transparency in terms of money transfer
servicing fees and financial transactions is necessary to open channels for greater level of
banking access. An interesting ongoing study conducted by the Haitian Institute of Statistics
& Informatics (IHSI) reveals the necessity to reconcile the amount of remittances disclosed in
studies done abroad and the actual money received by households inside the country.
According to Constance Torelli, who participated in a Survey on Informal Economy and
Household Consumption (EEICM), many challenges arise from “putting in broader
19
perspective the structure of household’s expenses in Haiti”. Much work needs to be done in
the future to refine data collected on remittances, and to find better strategies for their
impact on local development. Table 4 presents the current servicing fees for two main
Franco-Haitian outlets along with Western Union. Their servicing includes the sending of
food and other items directly delivered at the beneficiary’s home.
“Since 1989, Hémixtra is processing remittances before anyone
else; yet, the Haitian banking system works on its side without
bridging alliances with us small and efficient private outlets… I
cannot answer to criticisms on the higher fee because we are
not as large as Western Union.” (Field interview (Feb. 20th, 2008)
Table 4- Comparing cost of remittances
AMOUNT SENT
TRANSFER COST
Hépitex
€200
€30
€200
€24.50
HIMEXTRA
€200
€30
Ultimately, creating a climate conducive to development requires an ongoing investment
in human capital and social capital, two assets embedding migrant’s social networks. The
empirical research provides the basis for some recommendations to increase migrants’
association impact on the local economic development of country of origin. This part is also
articulated around some of the responses to the final question of the interview guide “what
mechanisms could help you play a better role in the socio-economic development of Haiti”?
As Haitian migrants contribute significantly to the socio-economic and cultural well-being
of the origin and destination country, it should be possible to formulate migration and
development policies that are interlinked and reinforce each other. In terms of policy
recommendations, this paper advocates an ideal scheme to build synergy among all actors
and integrate developmental actions into a greater and coherent framework.
In other
words, the focus needs to be more on an overall approach to answer the question of what is
actually lost by failing to consider migration in formulating development strategies for the
sending country while the host country needs to integrate global mobility into a more
effective and coherent migratory flow system.
20
RECOMMENDATIONS TO BOOST MIGRANTS’ ASSOCIATIONS INVOLVEMENT
1. Among the transnational entrepreneurs identified in this empirical research, two
points require further elaboration. First, their access to money gives them a rare
opportunity to pool resources to create a behavioral shift from assistantship to
entrepreneurship and active lobbyism. If change comes from tackling core issues
(youth unemployment, lack of professional skills), entrepreneurs have a decisive
leadership role to play. Second, as they most frequently send remittances toward
personal and business investments, their inputs in crafting a refined finance system
to amplify the effects on the local economy seem indispensable.
2. For remittances to be a key element in sustainable development, efforts to structure
the banking system throughout the rural parts of Haiti remain essential. As pointed
by this research on three main outlets mainly located in Paris, remittances have a
better chance to have a multiplier effect on local development once more
competitive transfer fees are offered, and the ability for local banks to target
migrants as potential clients for investment, saving options, and PME creation.
3. As co-development policy is focused on sustainable development outcomes,
continuing partnership with migrants’ organizations remains a must in the
implementation of such policy. Migration can spur development because of its
network effects, and vice-versa, so this brings a complementary relationship.
4. Finally, in the context of Haiti, migration constitutes a livelihood option for a good
many families. It is often a decision taken collectively and it arises from a “culture of
migration.” As such, making mobility as a tool to tackle brain drain in a decentralized
cooperation framework approach can encourage more participation of the local
population along with more projects initiated by migrants’ associations.
Certainly what seems clear from the existing evidence is the ongoing need for concerted
migratory policies between origin and destination countries, and the decisive shift toward
migrants regarded as actors of development through initiatives from below. In that sense,
this paper hopes to pave the way toward far-reaching comparative research among migrants’
associations in other states with different institutional mechanisms and migration policies.
21
WORK CITED
Books:
- BASTIDE Roger, Les Haïtiens en France, La Haye, 1974.
- LACROIX Thomas, Les réseaux marocains du développement, Sciences Po, 2005.
- LAGUERRE Michel, Diasporic Citizenship: Haitian Americans in Transnational America,
Macmillan Press Ltd., 1998.
-LUCAS Robert, International Migration and Economic Development: Lessons from low
income countries, Edward Elgar Press, 2005.
- LUNDAHL Mats, Essays on Haitian Underdevelopment, Routledge, 1992.
- POLANY Karl, The Great Transformation, The Political and Economic Origins of our
Time, Cambridge University Press, 1978, (3rd ed.)
Scientific reviews :
- FAIST Thomas, “Transnationalization in international migration implication for the
study of citizenship and culture”, Ethnic & Racial Studies, 23.2 (2000) pp.189-199.
- FAURON (G.), Glick Schiller (N.), “Terrains of blood and nation: Haitian Transnational
Social fields”, Ethnic and Racial Studies, 22.2 (1999).
- JOPPKE Christian “Transformation of Citizenship: Status, Rights, Identity”, Citizenship
Studies, 11.1 (Feb. 2007) pp.37-48.
- GUBERT Flore, “Migrations et transferts de fonds. Impact sur les pays d’origine”, Revue
d’économie du développement, 21.3 (2007): 183-188.
Reports :
- BRISSON-LAMAUTE Nathalie, “Economie des transferts privés en Haïti”, United Nations
Development Program (UNDP), Les dossiers spéciaux, 2002.
-OROZCO Manuel, “Understanding the remittance economy in Haïti”, Inter-American Dialogue
Report, March 2006.
- PORTES Alejandro,“Transnational Entrepreneurs: The Emergence and Determinants of an
Alternative Form of Immigrant Economic Adaptation”, (CIEP), Feb. 2001.
22
METHODOLOGICAL TOOL: INTERVIEW GUIDE
This is a semi-direct open type interview targeted to the migrant’s concern, socio-professional
background, associative involvement, interest in Haiti and perception of co-development
policy and the development of the country of origin.
Migrant Profile
Last Name/Name
Gender
Age
What year did you leave Haiti?
Why did you come to France?
Do you have family here?
Where do you live?
Socio-professional Background
What is your level of study?
Have you pursued studies in France?
Do you plan on doing other studies?
Are you currently employed, temporarily or permanently?
Social Integration & Participation
Aim: to measure associative transnational practices
Are you a member of an Association? What type? When? What motivates you?
Why did you stay active? Do you currently belong to several ones?
Where does your association intervene? What are its objectives? Is there any evolution over
time? What are your recent projects? How many members are involved in your association?
Are you in contact with other associations? Which one? Please Explain
Does your association in contact with some French Institutions or any municipal/regional
authority?
Is there a sense of belonging outside Haiti? How would you define yourself: Haitian, Haitian
Abroad? French of Haitian origin? What is your nationality or citizenship? Do you vote? Where?
Do you feel any problem of integration? Is your family with you? What are your activities at
leisure?
Do you think this community may constitute a power for the country and how?
Interest for Haiti
Aim: To understand the migrant’s relationship to the family left behind
Did you hear from Haiti? Do you write or telephone? To whom? How many times?
Who are the people to whom you are still in contact with? Family? Friends?
Where do you live in Haiti? What year was your last trip?
How often do you return to Haiti? Why do you go back? Or not?
Do you think you may return definitely? If yes, when? Do you own a house there?
Do you regularly send money to Haiti? Why? To whom and Why?
Do you think you may return definitely? If yes, when?
Do you think you have a role to play in the socio-economic development of Haiti? Why? What role?
Following the previous question, what factors or mechanisms could allow you to do better? If not, what
obstacles could prevent you?
23
Role of Ministry of Haitians Abroad (MHAVE) & Co-development initiatives
Aim: Degree of knowledge and nature of the perception of the Ministry initiatives
What does a Ministry of Haitian Abroad mean to you? Does it bring you something?
Do you think the actual government try to manipulate the Haitian community in France ? How?
Why? What are the goals? Is it a problem?
Do you think the Haitian Government view Haitians Abroad as a key resource? in terms of
remittances?
To you, out of these three people, which one could have the greatest political weight in Haiti: the one
who has always lived in Haiti? The one who migrated and came back? Or the one who lives abroad?
Do you feel actively implicated in the future of Haiti? Do you think your action actually counts? How?
What would be your action in Haiti on the short, medium or long-term?
Are you aware of the Partnership Framework Document (DCP) signed by both France and Haiti?
Do you really feel implicated in the co-development program? Do you feel this process inclusive
enough? How?
How do you feel about this initiative to get the migrant involved in the development of his native
land?
What do you think about the concept of co-development?
What do you make of the link established between development and migration? Is it progress to you?
Do you feel concerned by such idea? Why? How?
Would you be ready to put your knowledge at the service of co-development, to make your skills
and competence useful for your country of origin?
GUIDE TO FRANCO-HAITIAN ASSOCIATIONS
1- Association Identification: Association Name
Address of the association
Website
2- Nature of Association
Is the Association officially registered or not? Creation date
President name
Is the association member of a Collectif?
What are the objectives?
3- Internal structure
4- Resources for 2007
What is an estimation of the annual budget of the association?
Mode of Financing:
� Public Financial Aid
� Membership fees � Donations
� Auto-financing sales
5- Association Activities
What are the main activities of the association related to Haiti?
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ADDITIONAL INFORMATIVE APPENDIX
Main Areas of Residence in France
Paris (75)
Gironde (33)
Sarthe (Mans)
Mayenne (Laval)
Seine-Maritime (76)
Val-d'Oise (95)
Seine-et-Marne (77)
Hauts-de-Seine (92)
Nantes (44)
Val-de-Marne (94)
Toulouse (31)
Yvelines (78)
Seine-St-Denis (93)
Essone (91)
Strasbourg (67)
Marseille (13)
MIGRATION OF HAITIANS
PERIOD/WAVE
SOCIO-POLITICAL CONTEXT
MIGRANTS’ PROFILE
DESTINATION
1915-1934
US Occupation of Haiti
Massive emigration in
rural areas
Peasants’ resistance
Cuba, Dominican
Republic
1934-1950
Search for better education
Upper Middle Class
France, Canada, Africa
1957-1963
François Duvalier regime
Africa, France, Canada
1964-1971
François Duvalier self-proclaimed
President-for-life
Jean-Claude Duvalier replacing
father as President-for-life
Politicians, Professionals
Educated Elite
Upper Middle Class
Middle Class
Politicians
Massive emigration of
middle class & the lower
class
1971-1986
Africa, France, Canada,
U.S.A.
U.S., the Bahamas,
Canada, Dominican
Republic
1987-1994
President Aristide election(1991)
coup d’état after 9 months
Massive emigration of
lower classes
U.S. (mainly Miami),
Bahamas, Dominican
Republic
1995-2004
Political Turmoil
Economic hardship
Massive exodus from low
to middle class
From rural towns
Mainly US & Canada,
Wave to French
Guyana
APPROXIMATE BREAK DOWN FIGURE OF FRANCO-HAITIANS
Paris and suburbs
130,000
Marseille
4000-5000
French Guiana
Saint Martin (French side)
Guadeloupe
38 000-40 000
15 000
15 000-25 000*
INSEE<www.insee.fr/fr/bases-de-donnees/recensement/resultats/chiffres-cles/autres/donnees-socio-demoetrangers-immigres.xls>; International Crisis Group (n°24, Dec. 2007); Congrès mondial haïtien (2005, Montreal)
-Former Haitian Ambassador to France quoted about 70,000 Haitians in Guadeloupe (09-18-2007)
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