Proceedings of 10th Asian Business Research Conference 6 - 7 October 2014, Novotel Bangkok on Siam Square, Bangkok, Thailand, ISBN: 978-1-922069-62-7 An Analysis of the Perceptions of Causes of Poverty among Grant Receiving and Non-Grant Receiving Households Wynand C.J.Grobler and Steven .H. Dunga The perceptions of the causes of poverty vary from group to group and between men and women. The leading theories on the causes of poverty fall in two groups, namely the liberal and the conservative theories. A scale by Feagin places the perceptions of the causes of poverty into three main categories, namely societal, individual and fatal. This paper considers the perceptions of the cause of poverty from grant receiving and non-receiving households. Using data collected from Bophelong a poor township in South Africa, the study employed a chi square test and cross-tabulations and the results show that the perceptions differ, with grant recipients leaning more on the liberal theories and blaming the social structures and fate while the non-recipients agree with the conservative theories, and perceive that the poor have some responsibility over their circumstances. Field of Research: Economics, Social Sciences Keywords: Poverty, Economics, Perceptions, Social Grants. 1. Introduction The nature of poverty experienced by different societies requires tailor made solutions for specific contexts. The fact that definitions as to what constitutes poverty vary a lack of money to emotions around poverty, makes the analyses of poverty more complicated.. To deal with poverty requires a clear understanding of the phenomenon and hence the need to explore what people perceive to be the causes of poverty. People perceive poverty and also the causes of poverty differently. Some of the well documented perceptions for example include fatal, where people perceive their situation to be beyond their natural control or bad luck, individualistic; where the victim is blamed for being lazy or for misuse of resources and structural where the society is blamed for unequal opportunities or the lack thereof (Weiner et al., 2011). The paper therefore explores the opinions or perceptions of the causes of poverty among the households in Bophelong Township. Other similar studies have been done in a number of countries including Australia, Canada, Finland, Germany, Great Britain, Ireland, Lebanon, Portugal, Turkey, and the United States. (Bullock, 1999; Ditch, 1984; Feagin, 1972; Feather, 1974; Furnham, 1982a, 1982b; Hunt, 1996; Morcol, 1997; Nasser, Abouchedid, & Khasham, 2002; Zucker & Weiner, 1993). The need to understand what the poor think or perceive to be the causes of poverty may explain the effort or lack thereof on their part in addressing their situation. The paper considers the perceptions between grant receiving households and households who do not receive grants. The paper is organised as follows, Section 2 provides an overview of the literature, Section 3 presents the methodology, Section 4 provides the results and discussion and section 5 draws a conclusion. ___________________________________________________________________ Wynand C.J.Grobler, School of Economic Sciences, North-West University, Vanderbijlpark, South Africa: wynand.grobler@nwu.ac.za Steven .H. Dunga School of Economics Sciences, North-West University, Vanderbijlpark, South Africa Email: steve.dunga@nwu.ac.za 1 Proceedings of 10th Asian Business Research Conference 6 - 7 October 2014, Novotel Bangkok on Siam Square, Bangkok, Thailand, ISBN: 978-1-922069-62-7 2. Literature Review Theories of poverty emanate centrally from the differences in the definitions, measures and the perceptions of what the root causes of poverty are and the understanding on how to deal with poverty. Poverty remains a major problem, and countries all over the world have over the years put together efforts to reduce or eradicate it. The need to deal with poverty in all its forms is therefore a part of most of the initiatives being carried out in the developing world. Most studies conducted in countries like Malawi (Dunga, 2013), and in Ethiopia (Bogale et al., 2005) point to the fact that poverty is prevalent among women and children in rural areas compared to urban areas. In most of the programs being initiated and implemented by the multilateral organisations such as the World Bank, European Union (Commission), United Nations Development Programme among others poverty alleviation stands out as a priority. It is also clear in the efforts by the developed countries that they feel obliged to act in a way that is consistent with concerns over poverty and how to reduce or eradicate it (Dunga, 2013). Of major concern are the people that live in abject poverty that is, those that do not have access to basic needs for survival. Both developing and least developed countries have most of their policies and programs focused on how to deal with poverty (UNDP, 2012: 1). There are still contentions on what the definition of poverty should be and what the measure of poverty should be (Artkinson, 1987; Stewart, Frances. Laderchi, Ruggeri .Caterina. Ruhi, 2007). The lack of agreement or consensus on the definition is a characteristic of most phenomena that involves social or psychological aspects as these are highly subjective matters, and since human beings are not uniform in any sense of the word. The fact that human beings are different in what they perceive as necessary influences the differences in their perceptions. But whether poverty is perceived or is a reality is not a contention at all. There is an agreement on what basic needs and hence basic welfare entails, and the absence of the same constitute poverty. The section that follows expounds on the theory and perceptions of poverty since studies around it became known. The theories of poverty emanate from the different efforts that have been used to try and explain the causes of poverty and identify areas that can be focused on in order to deal with this social ill. There are a number of theories that exist in the literature. These theories are different depending on the origins of the understanding of the assumed causes of poverty. Bradshaw (2005) clearly pointed out five theories of poverty. Theories of poverty originate from individual deficiencies or limitations, cultural belief systems that support subcultures in poverty, political-economic distortions, geographical disparities, or cumulative and circumstantial origins. The literature on theories of poverty acknowledges different viewpoints of poverty, although to a greater extent divide into two points of view or understanding. These points of view are basically the conservative view which bases the explanation of poverty on the individual or as others like Ryan (1976) called it, blaming the victim. The other side puts the blame on the society or social functioning and is referred to as the liberal or progressive theories of poverty. One common feature is that all the theories attempt to identify the root cause of poverty. As Bradshaw (2006) contended that a number of authors have made the same distinction, pointing out that virtually all authors distinguish between theories that the root the cause of poverty in individual deficiencies (conservative) and theories that lay the cause on broader social phenomena (liberal or progressive). Ryan (1976) addresses this dichotomy in terms of “blaming the victim.” Goldsmith and Blakely (2010), for example distinguish poverty as pathology from poverty as incident or accident and poverty as structure. Schiller (1989) 2 Proceedings of 10th Asian Business Research Conference 6 - 7 October 2014, Novotel Bangkok on Siam Square, Bangkok, Thailand, ISBN: 978-1-922069-62-7 explains it in terms of flawed characters and restricted opportunity, Jennings (1999) reviews a number of variants on these individual compared to society conceptions, putting emphasis to racial and political dynamics. One identifier of the theories is the perceptions that people have regarding poverty. The following sections deals with the perceptions of the causes of poverty and try to link them to the two categories of theories of poverty. (Stewart, Frances. Laderchi, Ruggeri .Caterina. Ruhi, 2007) An attempt is made to relate the theories of poverty as discussed by the conservative approaches and the liberal approaches, to the perceptions of poverty or causes of poverty as is mainly referred to in empirical research. There are four main categories of perceptions on the causes of poverty namely; Individualistic Fatalistic Structural and Psychological (DiNitto, 2000; Feagin 1972; 1975; Mullaly, 2007). The link between Grants and perceptions of poverty The background to grants emanate from social welfare. In an effort to deal with poverty and provide for basic needs like food for poor households, countries have different forms of safety nets or welfare systems. Against this background, numerous studies refer to the use of social security schemes to improve food security by improving food access, or by providing households with income to purchase food (Adato & Basset, 2012; Cook & Frank, 2007; Miller et al., 2011). The South African government Constitution, Section 27 states that “everyone has the right to ... sufficient food” and that the state must take reasonable legislative and other measures, within its available resources, to achieve this. Against this background, the South African government developed the Integrated Food Security Strategy (IFSS) in 2002. In 2011 the National Planning Commission, , identified food security as a “key shaping force” for South Africa (NPC, 2011). In a study by the African Food Security Urban Network (AFSUN) amongst 6500 households in South Africa, using the Household Food Insecurity Access Scale (HFIAS), 77 percent of households were found to be moderately or severely food insecure (Frayne et al., 2010). In a study by Battersby (2012), food insecurity was identified as increasingly urban, with a lack of focused policies to address food insecurity in urban settings Grants are therefore used as a way of transferring cash to households. The paper therefore investigates the perceptions of poverty as categorised in a scale that has individualistic, structural and fatalistic as causes of poverty. The fact that households or individuals have access to this kind of income may influence their perceptions on poverty. 3. Methodology This section explains the research process in the data collection and methodology of the study. The measurement grant recipients and their distribution in the sample are also explained in detail. The questions and statements used to capture the perceptions on causes of poverty are also explained in the cross tabulation table. The cross tabulation and the Chi square test used to test the differences in the responses are also explained in this section. Survey Design This study is based on a household survey using questionnaires. A random sample of households was interviewed in the township of Bophelong. Maps were obtained for 3 Proceedings of 10th Asian Business Research Conference 6 - 7 October 2014, Novotel Bangkok on Siam Square, Bangkok, Thailand, ISBN: 978-1-922069-62-7 Bophelong and sample stratification was designed on account of the geographical distribution and concentration of people in the areas. A questionnaire was designed to collect the desired data. The questionnaire included information on demographics, respondents’ income and expenditure patterns and their general view about their socio-economic status. The area was divided into the different extensions and the questionnaires were apportioned evenly among the inhabited sites. Sites at which field workers were supposed to complete questionnaires were identified individually from the map before the field workers went out. However, where people could not be obtained for an interview, or where it was impossible to trace the house, a next pre-selected household was interviewed. Information was obtained from the breadwinner or the spouse. Information obtained from the respondents was kept in strict confidence and the participants were not required to write their names on the questionnaire. A total of 300 households were interviewed by two fieldworkers. Almost all the households approached were willing to participate in the survey and 295 questionnaires were completed in July 2013. Experience in previous surveys has shown that samples of this size with a low refusal rate provide statistically reliable data within reasonable limits. Model specification The paper uses cross tabulations to explore the perceptions of the causes of poverty between the grant recipients and non-grant recipients. A Chi squares test is used to further determine if there are significant differences in the responses of the grant recipients and non-recipients. 4. Results and discussion Using a set of questions that are based on Feagen’s validated scale which categorises the responses into three categories namely, individualistic, structural and fatalistic perceptions, the study collected information from heads of households in Bophelong township on what they perceived to be the causes of poverty. A set of statements where read for the participants to agree or disagree, or a scale of strongly agree to strongly disagree. Demographic characteristics of the respondents Table 1 provides the demographic profile of the sample (N=295). The average household size is 4.49, with a minimum of 1 member and a maximum of 17 members per household. The average age of the head of the household is 49.60 years with a minimum age of 18 and maximum age of 99 years. The average number of years schooling of the head of the household is 10.76 years, and the average income per household R 3253.05. The average employed persons per household are 0.807 with a maximum of 4 and minimum of 0. The average HFIAS score per household is 12.18. 4 Proceedings of 10th Asian Business Research Conference 6 - 7 October 2014, Novotel Bangkok on Siam Square, Bangkok, Thailand, ISBN: 978-1-922069-62-7 Table 1 Demographic profile of the sample (N=295) Variable HH Size Age Head Education Head Total Income Employed persons in household (number) N Minimum Maximum Mean 295 295 295 295 295 1 18 2 100 0 17 99 17 16000 4 4.49 49.60 10.76 3253.05 .807 Standard Deviation 2.05 13.21 4.99 3033.81 .853 Of the 295 households that were involved in the survey, 43 percent were benefiting from a grant. There were three categories of grants that were considered in the survey; child grants, old age grant and other grants. The results from the data also show that the respondents were mostly women. Table 2 shows that of the 295 heads of households that were involved in the survey, 67.1 percent were females and 32.5 percent were males. This would imply that there are more female headed households in Bophelong Township than are the male headed households. This may also explain why close to half of the households are receiving some sort of grants a bigger parentage of which is child grants. Table 2: Gender and age distribution of the heads of households Valid male female missing Total Frequency 96 198 1 295 Percent Valid Percent 32.5 32.5 67.1 67.1 .3 .3 100.0 100.0 Cumulative Percent 32.5 99.7 100.0 The results of the cross tabulation between the perceptions of the causes of poverty and the households receiving and not receiving grants are reported in Table 3. The statements that were used for the perceptions were further categorised into the three main categories of the perceptions of causes of poverty namely, individualistic, structural and fatalistic. The responses which were on the scale of strongly agree to strongly disagree were further broadly categorised into two groups. Those that strongly disagreed and disagreed were put into one group, and similarly, those that strongly agreed and agreed were also combined into one group, hence there were two broad categories of responses that were cross-tabulated with the statements. Table 2 presents the results. The general picture from the responses in Table 3 is that grant recipients agree with the individualistic perceptions, although not all of the statements, whereas the non-recipients disagree with the individualistic perceptions. The reason for the agreement on the part of the grant recipients could be that they feel it is talking about someone else and not them. Since they already are benefiting from grants they feel the questions like, poor people lack the ability to manage has nothing to do with them. On the other hand the non-recipient disagree with such a perception, this could be interpreted as meaning that, they feel they deserve to be 5 Proceedings of 10th Asian Business Research Conference 6 - 7 October 2014, Novotel Bangkok on Siam Square, Bangkok, Thailand, ISBN: 978-1-922069-62-7 included on the list of those benefiting from grants and that the idea that they lack ability to manage money is incorrect. This could mean that the non-recipients responded to the statement as talking about them. Table 3: Cross tabulations Perception Grant recipient households Non Grant recipient households They lack the ability to manage money They waste their money on inappropriate items They do not actively seek to improve their lives They are exploited by rich people The society lacks social justice Distribution of wealth in the society is uneven They lack opportunities due to the fact that they live in poor families They live in places where there are not many opportunities They have bad fate They lack luck They have encountered misfortunes They are not motivated because of welfare They are born inferior They lack the ability to manage money They waste their money on inappropriate items They do not actively seek to improve their lives They are exploited by rich people The society lacks social justice Distribution of wealth in the society is uneven They lack opportunities due to the fact that they live in poor families They live in places where there are not many opportunities They have bad fate They lack luck They have encountered misfortunes They are not motivated because of welfare They are born inferior Perception Category Individualistic Agree Disagree 92 90 Pearson ChiSquare Sig. .000 105 76 .000 84 96 .118 97 82 .001 144 35 .000 150 31 .000 143 37 .002 136 44 .001 39 44 41 144 133 140 .001 .002 .001 63 118 .000 30 151 .000 29 75 .000 32 72 0.000 32 72 0.118 33 71 0.001 46 68 .000 54 49 .000 66 37 .002 61 43 .001 16 20 19 88 84 85 .001 .002 .001 25 79 .000 11 93 .000 Structural Fatalistic Individualistic Structural Fatalistic 6 Proceedings of 10th Asian Business Research Conference 6 - 7 October 2014, Novotel Bangkok on Siam Square, Bangkok, Thailand, ISBN: 978-1-922069-62-7 The response on the structural or societal question is also concentrated in different responses for the two groups. The grant recipients agree with the statement that put the blame on the society, arguing that they deserve the grant they get because it is societies fault for them to be found in their needy situation. The non-recipients have ever are split with more disagreeing with the first two statements that put the blame on the society. This could be that these households are not on grants because they are better off. These could be the households that fall above the poverty line, are in employment and feel that the society is fair and just. However they agree with some of the statements that blame the society and most of these is general like the poor lack opportunities, which basically one would easily agree with. On the fatalistic perceptions, both the grant recipients and the non-recipients disagreed with all the statements of fate. This could mean that no one wants to leave their circumstances to fate; at least something that can be controlled is acceptable to the households as a cause of poverty, but not fate. 5. Conclusion This study investigated the perceptions of households towards poverty in a low-income urban neighbourhood. The paper considers the perceptions between grant receiving households and non-recipients of grants to explore the differences in their perceptions. The results showed that grant recipients agree with the individualistic perceptions. The non-grant recipients feel that the idea that they lack ability to manage money is incorrect. The grant recipients agree with statements that put the blame on the society, arguing that they deserve the grant because it is societies fault for them to be found in their needy situation this could mean that the non-recipients responded to the statement as talking about them. On the fatalistic perceptions, both the grant recipients and the non-recipients disagreed with all the statements of fate. This could mean that no one wants to leave their circumstances to fate; at least something that can be controlled is acceptable to the households as a cause of poverty, but not fate. The need to understand what the poor think or perceive to be the courses of poverty may explain the effort or lack thereof on their part in addressing their situation. The results reported on in this study contribute to the growing body of knowledge on the perceptions on poverty. It is suggested that policymakers consider the perceptions on poverty as part of developing a policy framework towards addressing poverty in low income neighbourhoods. 6. References Adato, M. and Basset, L. 2012. Social protection and cash transfer to strengthen families affected by HIV. Washington: International Food Policy Research Institute. Artkinson, A. B. (1987). 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An attributional analysis of reactions to poverty: the political ideology of the giver and the perceived morality of the receiver. Personality and Social Psychology Review : An Official Journal of the Society for Personality and Social Psychology, Inc, 15(2), 199–213. doi:10.1177/1088868310387615 Zucker, G.S. and Weiner, B. 1993.Conservatism and Perseptions of Poverty: An Attributional Analysis. Journal of Applied Social Psycholgy, Volume 23, Issue 12 p 925-943. 9