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Bachelor Thesis
*Passive victims or active members of society?
On 9/11 and how Muslim New Yorkers have dealt with the backlash
Kim Swanborn
3418162
Arab Language & Culture, 2012
Word Count: 12873
Table of Contents
Introduction
4
Part I: Victims of history
Chapter one: The Genesis of a Flourishing Religious Community in the United States
1.1. Early history until World War II
1.2. World War II and after
1.2.1. The shift: from ethnicity to religion
1.3. Conclusion
Chapter two: American Muslims and the event that changed their lives forever
2.1. The day itself: 9/11
2.2. The aftermath and its consequences
2.2.1. Law enforcement
2.2.2. Physical crimes
2.2.3. Financial implementations
2.2.4. Stereotyping
2.3. Consequences inside the umma
2.3.1. Fear and facts
2.3.2. Self-reflection
2.4. Conclusion
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Part II: From victims to activists
Chapter three: The New York Times and the coverage of Muslim life since 9/11
3.1. Article quantity curve
3.2. Analysis: tone of voice
3.3. The articles assessed
3.4. Conclusion
Chapter four: Changes in NY Muslim's attitudes toward their situation since 9/11
4.1. Moderate Sunni
4.2. Sufi
4.3. Ahmadiyya
4.4. Shi’a
4.5. Conclusion
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Conclusion
Summary of the Outcomes
Conclusion and Prediction
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Bibliography
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Appendices
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3
Introduction
1.1. Main Question and Purpose
A stereotype is “a social construction which may have some basis in reality but is a gross
generalization [..] To stereotype is to apply these casts, or gross generalization, to people or
situations rather than seeing the individual variation.”1
After 9/11, Muslims in the United States have had to face certain stereotypes, most of
times with a negative connotation. As Lori Peek states,
[t]he association of Islam with the most deadly terrorist attacks in the history of the
United States intensified preexisting prejudices against the faith and its followers and
also generated new hostilities that affected the day-to-day lives and life chances of New
York Muslims.2
Although the realization of the fact that Muslims have been victims of the 9/11 attacks too
might not have penetrated the minds of all people, it of course has always been felt by the
Muslim society itself. The purpose of my dissertation will be to make clear the reality of life
in New York for Muslims and to create a more nuanced picture from a European perspective,
contributing to a better understanding. I will try to portray an internal view, coming from the
Muslim American community itself, and an external view, coming from the media, resulting
in a certain way of portraying the Muslim community. Last, I will try and wrap things up and
defend my conclusion.
There are a few questions that I will try and answer in this thesis: have Muslims come
out of their secondary ‘victim’ position (where the people targeted in the attack were the
primary victims)? What have they done to become more active? For example, have they
attributed to media campaigns? Have they become more active in society? For example,
have they shown an increased interest in participating in debates? These questions will lead
up to an answer for the main question, namely: Are Muslims in New York passive victims of
9/11 or have they become active members of society?
1.2. Hypothesis
With my involvement in the Muslim community in the summer of 2011, a few weeks before
the tenth anniversary of 9/11 at Ground Zero, I have gotten more insight in the impact that
9/11 has had on Muslims in New York. Experiencing the work done in preparation for the
holy month of Ramadan first and a secure 9/11 memorial right after, it became clear that the
event still, until this day, has a strain on the whole community. New York is on its way to
retrieving and reviving the ties of people within communities and between communities.
After the horrific events of 9/11 and the losses of the people directly involved in it, the
Muslim community was struck hard, losing all pride and respect, facing misconceptions and
1
2
http://bitbucket.icaap.org/.
Lori Peek, Behind the Backlash, (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2010) p. 63.
4
attacks, that have gone on much longer than the day of 9/11 itself. However, the Muslim
community of New York seems to have picked up the pieces to build a stronger relationship
with those around them.
1.3. Theory & Method
1.3.1. Theoretical Framework
It is important to note that I will use the term ‘Muslim’ in my thesis frequently. I am
restricting myself to a very broad definition of this word, since defining who can be or
cannot be called Muslim is a whole different area of study. I will include all people that call
themselves Muslim and use all information that speaks of Muslims and that are relevant for
my thesis.
My field of study will mainly be the social sciences, since my thesis question is concerned
with society and forms of human behavior. Within this framework history is very important
to define existent Muslim communities in New York, but also the social consequences that
history has had on those existing Muslim communities in the West. Theories that cannot be
forgotten are the theory of ‘Orientalism’ by Edward W. Said, the ‘Clash of Civilizations’ by
Samuel Huntington and Bernard Lewis. In this theory, Said already problematized the
distinction made between East and West by Lewis. It is a deep seated discourse in the West
and there is a possibility that these stereotypes survived after 9/11. The ‘Clash of
Civilizations’ is something that keeps returning, since there is a strong link between
Huntington’s theory and the situation after 9/11.
1.3.2. Methodology
Literature analysis
To get a good image of the Muslims in the United States and in New York before and after
the events of 9/11, in chapter one I have analyzed several articles and books that examine
their history in these places. Also, through this method, I have touched upon the events on
the day of 9/11 itself and the far reaching effects on Muslims in the ten years after, following
this major event.
I have used readings from different perspectives, to not get a one-sided ‘Muslim’ view
on the history of Muslim communities in the United States and New York. For example,
besides Kambiz Ghanea Bassiri, I used Edward E. Curtis.
Analysis of media
To get more insight in the media reports that have been written concerning New York
Muslims in connection with 9/11, I have made an analysis of articles from the New York
Times in chapter two. First I created a diagram of all articles written throughout the ten
years after 9/11. After this I chose seventeen articles and assessed their tone of voice. The
manner in which I have chosen these articles is subjective, however, I have looked for certain
5
characteristics in each of them, like violence and dialogue, where the former goes into
“negative” and the latter into the “positive” category. The negative or positive tone can be
interpreted here as whether it will harm the image of Islam or benefit it, after reading.
For the assessment of individual articles I will try and answer the following questions:
Are Muslims portrayed as victims or are they stereotyped? Is there positive or negative
attention given to the different communities? What kind of news is given about these
communities in the past 10 years? Has this changed?
I have used the article database, which can be accessed through the website of the New
York Times. Here, I was able to use an advanced search option that allowed me to restrict
my search to a certain date or time frame. I have chosen multiple search terms for my
analysis, namely: Muslim + New York + 9/11. This way I was able to narrow down my options
and be more effective in my search.
Interviews
I have interviewed four main representatives of four different Muslim communities in New
York. In this way have gotten different views that are most likely to get across the ideas of a
larger community and that are close to the experiences of that larger community, since the
people I have talked to have a very personal and emotional connection with their
community. Since I had no opportunity to do the interviews face to face, I limited my
question form to eight questions.3 This way it was easier and faster to complete through email.
A difficulty that I experienced was that not all community leaders have responded to the
questions in the same amount. I do not consider this a problem for my thesis. I have given all
communities the same amount of questions, which gave them the choice to respond in
whichever way or length as pleased. Elaboration on one community or another thus is not a
personal choice, but an inevitability and benefit or disadvantage for one or the other.
3
Appendix 1.
6
Part I: Victims of history
Chapter 1 The Genesis of a Flourishing Religious Community in the United States
1.1 Early history until World War II
Christian men travelled to Palestine in the 1800’s and about seventy years later, Islamic
symbols became visible in an American Muslim fraternal organization called the ‘Shriners’.
Thousands of white and African Americans joined this organization, displeasing the Christian
Americans. They saw Islam as a misguided religious tradition.4 Americans, already then,
revived the stereotypes of Islam that came up in Christian Europe at the time of the
Crusades.5 However, real contact between Muslims and non-Muslims in the United States
(US) was rare.
Because of World War I, immigration slowed. Also, the Immigration act, or Johnson
Reed-act, of 1924 limited the number of immigrants allowed entry into the US through a
national origins quota.6 It was a law that basically banned all immigration from the Middle
East, Southern Europe, Eastern Europe and Asia. It also highly preferred white immigrants
from “Nordic stock”.7
The period between the two world wars was very important for the history of Islam in
the US. In this period, it was the second and third generation of Muslim Americans that
guaranteed the endurance of American Muslim institutions and communities. Lots of
immigrants had become citizens and wanted to become ‘American’, while staying faithful to
their own religious and ethnic identities.8 The Ahmadiyya missionairy movement was one of
the main movements to spread Islam across America.9 However, in the period before World
War II “the practice of Islam was still individualistic or only pointed at the immediate
community”, according to GhaneaBassiri.10 Ethnicity played a more prominent role than
religion.11
1.2. World War II and after
A new national identity emerged after World War II, based on “political loyalty to the
founding liberal democratic values articulated in the Declaration of Independence and the
Constitution.”12 However, the democratic ideals that the US identified with after WWII, were
in stark contrast with the discrimination that was still going on, even after the Civil War:
“black Americans still remained outside America’s national narrative.” Islam became very
appealing and attracted many African Americans that viewed Islam as the religion of
4
Edward E. Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, (New York: Columbia University Press, 2008),
p. 2.
5 Ibidem.
6 http://history.state.gov/.
7 Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 40.
8 Ibidem.
9 Kambiz GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 165.
10 GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 178.
11 Ibidem.
12 GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 228.
7
liberation.13
In 1965, the law that restricted nonwhite immigration to the US was reversed by
President Lyndon B. Johnson.14 Consequently, thousands of Latin Americans, Asians and
Africans came to the US.15 The South Asian Muslims were very successful financially and
founded their own mosques.16 These mosques were built far away from mosques attended
by many African American Muslims, so, according to Curtis, “one might argue that after 1965
American Muslims remained divided by race and class.”17
However, this did not stop Islam from growing and becoming more active. Shia Islam
became institutionally established in the US, while many professionals and students arrived
from the Middle East, partially as refugees, trying to escape the Lebanese Civil War (19751990), the Gulf War (1990-1991) and the Iraq War (2003)18. Sufism also gained in popularity
and became more numerous and diverse.19
During the rise of the oil price after the Arab Oil Embargo, which lasted from October
1973 to March 1974, multiple Arab governments and individuals financially supported
Islamic centers and institutions in the US.20 “These financial supporters were successful
missionaries for a socially conservative form of Islam that bore a great deal of resemblance
to what one might call “family-values” Christianity and Judaism.” 21 By some, it was labeled
‘Islamic fundamentalism’.22
1.2.1. The shift: from ethnicity to religion
In the sixties and seventies, nationality played a more prominent role than religion when
framing American discourse on Middle Eastern conflicts. In the eighties these conflicts were
more and more framed in terms of Islam.23 Events like the Iranian Revolution played a
fundamental role in this reframing process. “The Islam of the Iranian revolution, became the
poster child of fundamentalism in the 1980’s, thus identifying Islam with religious violence in
the American public imagination”, as GhaneaBassiri puts it.24 The first bombing of the World
Trade Center in 1993 and the Gulf War intensified the growth of bias and violence against
American Muslims.25
What had been ‘the Arab World’ became falsely known as ‘the Islamic World’.26
13
GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 228.
Idem, p. 105.
15 Appendix 2.
16 Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 105.
17 Idem, p. 106.
18 Ibidem.
19 Idem, p. 107.
20 http://history.state.gov/milestones/1969-1976/OPEC.
21 Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 108.
22 Idem, p. 108.
23 GhaneaBassiri, A History of Islam in America, p. 303.
24 Ibidem.
25 Idem, p. 340.
26 Idem, p. 307.
14
8
Consequently, ‘Arab Terrorism’ transformed into ‘Islamic terrorism’ and several variations
thereof.27
1.3. Conclusion
Stereotyping Islam in the United States is nothing new. Already in the 1800’s, when white
and African Americans joined a Muslim American fraternal organization, Christians spoke out
about Islam. They felt that it was misguided religious tradition; consequently they revived
the stereotypes of Islam that came up in Christian Europe at the time of the Crusades.
This was only the beginning of discrimination and stereotyping. After WWI, immigration
of Muslims to the US slowed, while the discriminatory Immigration Act was implied by the
government, restricting immigration to people from “Nordic Stock.” Immigrant Islamic
communities at this point were still very individualistic and as well focused on ethnic
identity. However, they did want to become fully American.
After WWII, when the Immigration Act was abolished, immigration was revived, causing
the Muslim community to become even more diverse and divided by race and class. Due to
different events taking place, like the Iranian Revolution, the Arab Oil Embargo and the first
World Trade Center bombing, a shift took place. Instead of framing in terms of ethnicity,
religion now became the primary identity marker. The first signs of bias against the Muslim
communities of the US became visible and labels like ‘Islamic fundamentalism’ arose. 28
Conflicts were now framed in terms of Islam.
27
28
GhaneaBassiri, A History of Islam in America, p. 307.
Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 108.
9
Chapter 2 American Muslims and the event that changed their lives forever
2.1 The day itself, 9/11
On September eleventh, 2001, nineteen members of al-Qā’ida hijacked four airplanes and
crashed into important places on American soil: the Pentagon and the World Trade Center,
also known as the Twin Towers. There was a plane headed to Washington D.C. as well, which
crashed in Pennsylvania.29 The US was being attacked on their own land, which had not
happened since Pearl Harbor.30 An estimated number of 2762 people, including the
hijackers, died.31 Payback for American policy in the Middle East is how Osama bin Laden,
leader of al-Qā’ida justified the event. The attacks were immediately condemned as terrorist
and so was al-Qā’ida.32
2.2.
The aftermath and its consequences
2.2.1 Law enforcement
In 2001, after the Department of Homeland Security was founded, the USA PATRIOT Act was
passed by the congress. The PATRIOT Act gave law enforcement and immigration authorities
more power to fight terrorism. To many of the law’s opponents, this meant that the civil
rights of American citizens were in danger. “The PATRIOT Act radically altered Americans’
civil rights and allowed the government unchecked powers over its citizens whom it
suspected of terrorist activity.”33 This became visible when about 1200 Arab, South Asian
and Muslim immigrant men were rounded up, because they supposedly had ties to
terrorism.34 In addition to this suspicion, about 8000 men were interviewed by the Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to examine these possible ties. This was sending mixed
messages about the trustworthiness of the Muslim American community to the non-Muslim
community. Why should they trust Muslims if the government does not trust them? 35 36 For
many American Muslims their image of the government changed. Instead of being impartial,
it was now showing signs of bias against them.37
Then there was the Iraq war of 2003. There was no clear link between al-Qā’ida and the
regime of Ṣaddām Ḥusayn, the Iraqi president at that time. Still, President George W. Bush,
the president of the US at that time, cited this as one of the reasons to go to war. 38
According to him, Ḥusayn was supporting al-Qāʿida and creating ‘weapons of mass
destruction’. The US was concerned that these weapons would fall in the wrong hands:
29
Edward E. Curtis, Muslims in America: A Short History, (New York : University Press, 2009), p. 97.
GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 328.
31 CNN U.S., New York reduces 9/11 death toll by 40, October 29, 2003.
32 Curtis, Muslims in America: A Short History, p. 97.
33 GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 328.
34 Curtis, Muslims in America: A Short History, p. 100.
35 Ibidem.
36 Ibidem.
37 Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the Unites States, p. 268.
38 Curtis, Muslims in America: A Short History, p. 101
30
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those of Muslim terrorists. 39 However, not many Muslim Americans thought that this war
was legitimate.”40
2.2.2 Physical crimes
The fear of a backlash, reactions of revenge for 9/11, was very present in the minds of
Muslim Americans.41 Hate crimes, like harassment and violent attacks against Muslims and
mosques, took place. Seven people were killed, including an Arab Christian.42 43
The Council of American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) saw a 49 percent increase (from 1019
to 1522) in civil rights cases from 2003 to 2004. Most cases were reported in New York.44
Increases occurred in the area of “unreasonable arrests, detentions, searches/seizures and
interrogations.”45 However, there were also a few decreases visible, for example in
workplace discrimination.46 47
2.2.3. Financial implementations
American Muslim charities also experienced hard times after 9/11, while some had their
capital frozen and their activities stopped.48 However, there was not one person convicted of
terrorism within these organization nor has it been proven that the funds of these
organization were used to finance terrorist activities linked to 9/11 or al-Qā’ida. Still,
closures of Muslim American organizations and charities are counted as progress in the War
on Terror.49
2.2.4. Stereotyping
Samuel P. Huntington (d.2008) and Bernard W. Lewis were very influential when writing
about relationships between ‘the Orient’, meaning the East, and the West or Islam and the
West. Huntington, an American political scientist, wrote the famous book “The Clash of
Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order.” He writes that for 1400 years there have
been problems between Islam and the West. “Each has been the other’s Other.” 50
Huntington argues that “the causes of this ongoing pattern of conflict lie not in transitory
phenomena such as twelfth-century Christian passion or twentieth-century Muslim
fundamentalism. They flow from the nature of the two religions and the civilizations based
on them.”51
39
GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 328.
Curtis, Muslims in America: A Short History, p. 102.
41 Idem, p. 99.
42 Idem, p. 100.
43 Ibidem.
44 Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 269.
45 Ibidem.
46 Idem, p. 269.
47 Appendix 3.
48 Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 276.
49 Ibidem.
50 Samuel P. Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, (New York: Simon&Schuster, 1996), p.
209.
51 Idem, p. 210.
40
11
In the twentieth-century multiple causes triggered new conflict between Islam and the
West. Huntington quotes Lewis, who talks about a ‘clash of civilizations’ to explain the ‘Cold
War’ with Islam as “a surely historic reaction of an ancient rival against our Judeo-Christian
heritage, our secular present, and the worldwide expansion of both.”52 He also quotes Barry
Buzan, who complements Lewis’ view that besides secularism, historical rivalry and
‘jealousy’ of Western power, the ‘clash’ between Islam and the West
[p]artially has to do with resentments over Western domination of the postcolonial
political structuring of the Middle East, and partly to do with the bitterness and
humiliation of the invidious comparison between the accomplishments of Islamic and
Western civilizations in the last two centuries.53
Lewis is a controversial, but much respected Orientalist and has been a very large factor in
forming Western perceptions of Islam.
Edward Said (d. 2003) did not agree with Lewis’ views and wrote the well-known book
‘Orientalism’, critiquing his theory. Said argued that the Orient was a European invention for
personal gain, “a Western style for dominating, restructuring and having authority over the
Orient.”54 The term Orientalism, according to him “connotes the high-handed executive
attitude of nineteenth-century and early-twentieth-century European colonialism.”55
Ever since the fifties, the East and West, according to Said, have had a rocky relationship.
The “”East” has always signified danger and threat during this period.”56 Said talks about
stereotypes, influenced by television, film and other media, by which the Orient is viewed.57
“So far as the Orient is concerned standardization and cultural stereotyping have intensified
the hold of the nineteenth-century academic and the imaginative demonology of “the
mysterious Orient””, especially concerning Arabs and Islam.
However, “there is no historical or theological reason to assume that there is an inherent
conflict between “Islam and the West””, GhaneaBassiri argues, referring to critics like Said. 58
However, theories coming from Huntington and Lewis became the frame after 9/11, when
relating Islam and the US to each other. A consequence of this was that it seemed that there
were only two options to choose from, when being Muslim in the US: “one could either
follow the “good Islam” that was compatible with “the West”, or adhere to the “bad Islam”,
that was in conflict with “the West”.59
This is exactly what Mahmood Mamdani analyzes in his book Good Muslim, Bad Muslim.
According to him, Islam took the place of communism as ‘the other’, after the Cold War and
52
Huntington, The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order, p. 213.
Idem, p. 212.
54 Edward W. Said, Orientalism, (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1985), p. 3.
55 Idem, p. 2.
56 Idem, p. 26.
57 Ibidem.
58 GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 371.
59 Idem, p. 373.
53
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[t]he new global threat is interpreted as “the clash of civilizations”, with the challenge
coming from “bad” Muslims in the form of fundamentalism, Islamism, extremism and
jihad.60
In the emerging dominant American public discourse, “bad Muslims” were clearly
responsible for terrorism, so Mamdani explains. “Good Muslims” did not approve of these
acts and would be eager to join ‘the war on terror’ to clear their name. 61 However, “this
could not hide the central message of such discourse: unless proved to be ‘good’ every
Muslim was presumed to be ‘bad’.” 62
The interchangeable use of the terms “Muslim” and “Arab”, after 9/11, did not help
either. The fusion of these terms by media and public officials led to the believe that all
Muslims are Arab and all Arabs are Muslims.63
Consequently, 81 percent of Arabs and Muslims in the Unites States felt that they were
profiled.64 Polls affirmed this feeling: “47 percent of Americans thought Muslims were
‘fanatical’. Forty percent thought Muslims were ‘violent’, and 57 percent said Muslims were
‘closed-minded.’”65
There was also the believe that Muslims were anti-American. However, American
Muslims have unequivocally condemned terrorism as a means to reach political goals.
According to Curtis, “most American Muslims are law-abiding and even believe that they
should be active participants in American political life and public affairs.”66 Of course not
every Muslim agrees with American politics or society, and they might also abstain from
voting.67 This, however, does not mean that they are anti-American. “Few of the people that
actually think the US should become an Islamic country, have advocated a violent overthrow
of the U.S. government.”68 Most American Muslims do not have the desire to engage in such
an event.69 They want to be Muslim and American.
2.3. Consequences within the umma
2.3.1. Fear & Facts
The backlash against Middle Eastern and Muslim Americans had a large psychological
impact, but one emotion was predominantly present within the communities: fear.70 In the
first place we need to think about fear of becoming a victim of the backlash, for example
60
Bakalian and Bozorgmehr, Backlash 9/11, (Berkely:University of California Press, 2009), p. 188.
Mahmood Mamdani, Good Muslim, Bad Muslim, (New York: Pantheon, 2004), p. 15.
GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 373.
63 Peek, Behind the Backlash, p. 11.
64 GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America (Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 2010), p. 364.
65 Kambiz GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 365.
66 Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 264.
67 Idem, p. 265.
68 Ibidem.
69 Ibidem.
70 Bakalian and Bozorgmehr, Backlash 9/11, p. 168.
61
62
13
through detentions and deportations.71 Secondly, communities also feared repercussions on
a larger scale. In the interviews that Lori Peek did for her book Behind the Backlash: Muslim
Americans after 9/11 respondents seeking jobs feared, in particularly, that their Islamic
names and connections to Muslim organizations would deter companies from even giving
their applications a second look.72 Within the educational field there was also fear. This fear
was not unfounded. In 2002, “the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC) and
the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR) documented more than two hundred cases
of physical violence, threats, and harassment against Arab American and Muslim American
students.”73
2.3.2. Self-reflection
After 9/11, some Muslims called for a reform among American Muslim communities and
communities abroad. “Turning inward, they saw 9/11 as a sign of larger problems in the
umma, the worldwide Muslim community.” Muslims had the duty to stop violence by
Muslims against non-Muslims in the name of Islam. According to Ingrid Mattson, professor
and Muslim leader, “Muslim states who thwart democracy, repress women, use the Qurʾān
to justify un-Islamic behavior, and encourage violence” are included in this. However,
according to her, the voices would have to come from people that were actually “recognized
as authentic interpreters of Islam among the global community.” “American Muslims should
not expect to abandon whatever Islamic religious traditions they disliked and then be
greeted with acceptance in the worldwide community.”74 Muslims thus had a challenge
ahead of them, being taken seriously by their community abroad, but also striving for reform
and renewal in Islamic tradition. 75
2.4. Conclusion
After 9/11, the consequences for Muslim stereotyping proved to be enormous. Muslims and
Arab looking people dealt with verbal and physical attacks and suffered from new rules and
strategies implemented by the US government that affected them and their institutions,
inside and outside of the US.
The USA PATRIOT Act was implemented, which was based on profiling and thus
endangered all of Muslims civil rights. Men were rounded up in suspicion of terrorism
without firm ground or proof connecting them to it. They were Muslim and looked Arab,
therefore they needed to be checked. The government was thus showing bias against
Muslims in a very public manner. People were being identified with the created image of
‘the terrorist’.
Again without firm ground, the US government chose to invade Iraq in 2003. The US
hurried their army into the war, since ‘weapons of mass destruction’ could fall in the hands
71
Bakalian and Bozorgmehr, Backlash 9/11, p. 168.
Peek, Behind the Backlash, p. 78.
73 Idem, p. 86.
74 Curtis, Muslims in America: A Short History, p. 104.
72
75
Idem, p. 105.
14
of terrorist and consequently endanger the US. However, there was no link between alQā’ida and the regime of Ṣaddām Ḥusayn.
American Muslims, subsequently, find themselves in a “good Muslim, bad Muslim”
discourse. 76 As Huntington would explain, these ‘clashes’ have to do with the civilizations,
that are in itself based on religion. According to Mamdani, this “clash of civilizations” in the
twenty-first-century comes from “bad Muslims” in the form of Islamic fundamentalism.
The stereotyping prior to this, according to Said, is influenced by the media. The “East”
has always been identified with certain stereotypes created by television, film and other
media. The interchangeable use of the terms “Muslim” and “Arab”, after 9/11, did not help
either. Orientalism thus was created, according to Said, for personal gain. Some might say
Bush his activities in Iraq are the perfect example.
The 9/11 attacks however led to other important, and maybe even needed, actions by
the Muslim community, like self-reflection of the umma and the realization that an internal
change was needed. They felt the umma was also partially responsible for the stereotyping.
76
GhaneaBassiri, A History of Islam in America, p. 375.
15
Part II: From victims to activists
Chapter 3
The New York Times and the coverage of Muslim life since 9/11
As mentioned by Said, the history of stereotyping Muslims is influenced by the media and it
thus could be important to take a look at one of the biggest New York newspapers: the New
York Times. It is the third most read newspaper in the United States after the Wall Street
Journal and USA Today. Its circulation in 2012 was over 1.500.000, digital and print
newspapers, on weekdays and Saturdays and over 2.000.000 on Sundays.77 78 They play a
major role in American media and are consequently influential. Centered in New York, they
are in the heart of the 9/11 aftermath and thus it is interesting to look at the way they have
been going about gathering information.
The media act as ““moral entrepreneurs,” or agents of indignation, generating anxiety
and concern and “amplifying” threats, whether real or imagined.”79 The conventional media
thus play an important part in communicating a discourse that consists of anxiety and
hostility. They are the ones to judge the risk of a message before sending it to the public.
They have power to either diminish or amplify a crisis.80
3.1.
Article quantity curve
When looking at articles from the New York Times in 2001, we have to keep in mind that the
attacks took place in September. From September 11th to December 31st, which is about four
months, 198 articles were written, which equals 49,5 articles per month. Already in 2002,
the amount of articles drops to 141 a year, which equals 11,75 articles per month. Only in
2004, the amount of article rises again after an even further decline in 2003. In my opinion,
the rise or decline of the amount of articles written is related to several events that
occurred. For example, 2004 is the year after the invasion of Iraq, but also the year where
the bombings in Madrid take place, which causes a high peak. In 2005 and 2006 the amount
of articles written stays fairly high, possibly due to the London bombings. For a few years the
amount of articles drops and stagnates until 2010, when plans to build a mosque near
ground zero emerge. Due to this, discussions light up and the amount of articles that is
written rises substantially. In 2011, the killing of Bin Laden and the tenth anniversary of 9/11
leads to a high amount of articles as well. 81
Neal Lulofs, The top U.S. newspapers for March 2012, May 1, 2012.
http://bitbucket.icaap.org/.
79 Bakalian and Bozorgmehr. Backlash 9/11, p. 150.
80 Ibidem.
81
Appendix 4.
77
78
16
250
200
150
Articles written
100
50
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
3.2.
Analysis: tone of voice
In this analysis I have looked at articles that look negative or positive by first sight.82 There is
a curve visible. The highest amount of articles with a negative tone is found in 2002. This can
of course be related to the events of 9/11 in the previous year. The amount of positive
articles stays quiet stable and goes up after the election of President Barack Obama. The
negatives seem to go up after events taking place, like the killing of Bin Laden and the
Madrid and London bombings.
25
20
15
Positive
Negative
10
5
0
2001 2002 2003 2004 2005 2006 2007 2008 2009 2010 2011
82
Appendix 5.
17
3.3.
The Articles Assessed
The year of 2001 is one of the most interesting years when we want to take a closer look at
some of the articles from the New York Times, since the attacks of 9/11 took place in this
year. Not surprisingly, most articles that have a negative tone in 2001 seem to revolve
around Bin Laden or foreign politics. Articles with a more positive tone share insight in
‘different’ types of Islam and tolerance efforts.
In a nine page article, written by Pulitzer Prize-winning author Joseph Lelyveld, published
on October 28, 2001, the concept of ‘suicide bombing’, is looked at. The author visits the
family of a 23 year old man in Gaza that blew himself up. His farewell video was taken by
Hamas as recruiting material for new suicide bombers. After this threatening scene, the
author takes it closer to home when he describes his experience in the West. First he states
that
[i]n hours and hours of conversation in Gaza and Cairo not a single person said the Sept.
11 suicide bombers -- as distinct from the Palestinians -- had earned their way to
paradise. Osama bin Laden would not become a hero for calling for the ''neck smiting'' of
Americans.83
In Hamburg, however, “war on America, as far as I could tell, made perfect sense to them”.
Statements like ''Sept. 11 was the happiest day of my life,'' make the author realize that
[t]he field of battle had moved to Europe and America. A looming question, I was coming
to believe as I walked around Hamburg, was how you smash terrorist networks in
conditions of an open society, which allow them to operate on our ground far more
confidently than they ever could on their own.
It is the West; Europe and the Unites States that should be afraid of terrorists, according to
this author. In the wake of 9/11 this must have painted a very threatening scene in the
minds of non-Muslim readers.84 A stereotype and profile of ‘the Islamic terrorist’, as talked
about in chapter two, is created. We can even see a parallel here with Huntington’s theory
of “The Clash of Civilizations.”
The US government, in another article, is said to have done a good job to “isolate and
shame those who might attack Arab-Americans. “ The author writes that the government
“has cast the extremists as just that – extremists.” 85 According to him it has become
politically unacceptable to single out enemies based merely on dark skin, religious belief or a
turban. The article clearly emphasizes that there should not be a division made by religion
per se, but that there are varying degrees of engaging in religion, that we should single out
as just that, for example: extreme or moderate. In a wider context, this article might actually
83
Lelyveld, All suicide bombers are not alike, October 28, 2001.
Ibidem.
85 Blaine Harden, Arab-Americans are finding new tolerance amid the turmoil, September 22, 2001.
84
18
provide a broader frame for Americans, so they can look beyond the label of ‘the Islamic
terrorist’.
In the following year, articles are mostly about terrorism or about people who are
supposedly ‘linked’ to terrorism or supposedly support al-Qā’ida. They talk about Homeland
Security and the measures that the government is taking to observe Muslims. There are also
some articles that show a certain insecurity about how to approach a solution for hate and
misunderstandings towards Muslims: do we have to talk about religion or does that make
the anxiety worse?86
With an article in the following year we can see that the NYT is trying to be balanced.
Besides reporting about suspected links with terrorism, they also report about bias and
discrimination, for example about employees of the Oak Room in the Plaza Hotel, all of them
Muslims who have accused their supervisors of “insulting and mistreating them”
immediately after September 11th. 87
In 2003 the suspicion and fear for terrorist attacks is not yet gone. However, more
articles about Homeland Security appear, mostly about whether or not measures taken by
them, like the rounding up of men or the invasion in Iraq discussed in chapter two, are just
or not. There is on more than one occasion recognition of the lack of evidence that there is
in some cases of a suspected terrorist threat, for example in the case of a small Brooklyn
mosque that becomes a ‘terror icon’ without firm ground.88
In the same year, a poll from the NYT concludes that two-third of New Yorkers say that
“Arab Americans, Muslims and immigrants from the Middle East are still likely to be unfairly
singled out.” Although Mrs. Haq, the realtor commenting on the poll, says that she considers
Americans very prejudiced right now, she also expresses that it is much better than it was
right after the 9/11 attacks. 89 It is very likely that the NYT has contributed to this, while in
2003, they also publish the first series of “Islam in America”, a print advertisement
campaign, set up by CAIR, in response to racism pointed at Muslims and increased
Islamophobia.90
In 2004 the first attacks on the West after 9/11 take place in Madrid. Also, the Iraq War
ends in December. With these events taking place, a peak in articles with a negative tone is
visible. However, again, a longer, more researched article is actually positive. This time it is
about the growing Muslim community in Utah, a place mostly populated by people that
follow the Mormon faith. However, it seems that the two are getting along fine. “We have
no beef with the other faiths”, is how the article ends.'91
The year 2005 is again a very interesting year, since it is the year where another attack
takes place in the West: the London bombings. Most articles are thus focused on this event.
A particular interesting article that catches one’s eye is the one titled “Blair says, ‘evil
86
Sachs, For many American Muslims, complains of quiet but consistent bias, April 25, 2002.
Sachs, Plaza hotel accused of bias, April 23, 2002.
88 Newman with Khan, Brooklyn mosque becomes terror icon, but federal case is unclear, March 9, 2003.
89 Connelly, There’s still a chill for arab americans in new York, September 14, 2003.
90 Idem, p. 192.
91 Madigan and Sanford, In Utah, two faiths and one prayer, July 1, 2004.
87
19
ideology’ must be faced directly”. The title immediately creates a negative connotation, by
framing Islam as an ‘evil ideology’. However, when we look closely at the article, Blair clearly
puts terrorism and the ideology that terrorists have, aside from Islam, although they use it as
a justification for their acts. He even stresses that there is no such thing as a “clash of
civilizations” going on.
At first sight, the article seems quite negative about Islam due to the choice of title.
When we look closer, the people in the article are trying to make a definite distinction
between terrorism and Islam and also show that not all Muslims have the same ideas.92 This
is however the result of the choice that the New York Times made, to zoom in on Blair’s
explanation and the family of the bomber, that do not agree with his actions.
In the year following the London bombings, the NYT continues to publish about Muslim
efforts against bias. Articles talk about Muslim initiatives in speaking out and encouraging
other Muslims to do the same. They also posts articles about individual successful initiatives,
for example, about Muslim Staff members that try to educate the Congress about Islam.93
This trend goes on in 2007. Many articles talk about interfaith dialogue: conversations
between Muslims and other religions, but also dialogue with non-Muslims. One article even
talks about how there is a division between Muslim communities, but they are forced to
work together after 9/11. Andrea Elliot writes that
[t]he divide between black and immigrant Muslims reflects a unique struggle facing
Islam in America. Perhaps nowhere else in the world are Muslims from so many racial,
cultural and theological backgrounds trying their hands at coexistence. Only in Mecca,
during the obligatory hajj, or pilgrimage, does such diversity in the faith come to life,
between black and white, rich and poor, Sunni and Shiite. 94
This statement underlines the racial and religious differences mentioned in chapter one and
shows that besides shifting from ethnic identity to religion, the Muslim communities in the
US among themselves have gone from separated to united. However, it exposes a division
that still exists on macro level, between Muslims in the West and Muslims in the Middle
East. A division, which’ important existence, will later be explained by Imam Shamsi Ali in an
interview.
The year 2008 is again a very interesting year, since President Obama is elected. We will
see later, that Obama plays a very substantial role in the way that Muslims are portrayed.
For now, it is interesting to see that efforts from law enforcement are being exposed. In a
particular article, law enforcement organizations come together at the New York Tolerance
Center, where bigotry, tolerance and diversity are discussed. The importance of such a
program for public sector employees to do their job better, handle the multicultural society
better and built trust in the post-9/11 community, is basically emphasized.95
92
Cowell, Blair Says 'Evil Ideology' Must Be Faced, July 17, 2005.
93
Neela Banerjee, Muslim Staff members on mission to educate Congress, June 3, 2006.
Andrea Elliott, Between black and immigrant Muslims, an uneasy alliance, March 11, 2007.
95
Joseph P. Fried, Toppling stereotypes, past and present, March 2, 2008.
94
20
Then, trouble starts again with a real estate project close to Ground Zero. There are
plans to use the space as a mosque, or at least, an overflow place for gathering and prayer.
The Imam leading the mosque, Abdul Feisal Rauf, wants to push back against extremism in
this way, so it becomes clear. Fatima Shama, from the Office of Immigrant Affairs, says that
Muslims want to rebuild New York as well and this is a center that will strengthen ties
between Muslims and all people in New York, no matter what background.
Although there are already some negative attitudes towards the idea from outsiders at
this moment, the NYT chooses to let the Muslim community speak out about the project. In
this way, the NYT article underlines the trustworthy character of Imam Feisal with this
statement, in regards to his intention to have the Islamic center near Ground Zero be a
bridge building project.
In 2010, more people start learning about the project, called Park 51, and more negative
voices start appearing. There are mixed views, coming from political and religious leaders.
The NYT article is emphasizing, just like the 2009 article, that Muslims identify as Americans.
“We believe in the American constitution”, is one quote from the article.
The discussion uncovers a deeper issue, namely that Muslim-Americans become less and
less sure of their place in society. Being both American and Muslim is very difficult. The
discussions around Park 51 crystalize these difficulties. “Several compared the experience to
the years just after the attack on Pearl Harbor, when Japanese-Americans were presumed by
many to be disloyal.”96
The NYT does not only publish the feelings of the New York society about the project,
but also President Obama’s opinion. One article shows that Obama strongly supports the
idea of Park 51. He says
[t]his is America, and our commitment to religious freedom must be unshakable. The
principle that people of all faiths are welcome in this country, and will not be treated
differently by their government, is essential to who we are. 97
In contradiction to Bush creating mixed feelings about Muslim’s trustworthiness, as
mentioned in chapter two, this time the government is backing Muslims, raising their
trustworthiness.
Negative opinions about the project are not specifically highlighted or dominating in the
article. Although the NYT added some negative opinions, coming from politicians like Sarah
Palin, they are only small quotes that do not dominate the article. The article even reinforces
Obama’s statement by ending with the following quote by him: “Al-Qa’ida’s cause is not
Islam.”98
Since, through Obama’s office, there is more encouragement for religious tolerance, it is
very likely that this has influenced the amount of articles that is positive about Muslims. 99 In
96
Paul Vitello, Islamic center exposes mixed feelings locally, August 19, 2010.
Sheryl Gay Stolberg, Obama strongly backs Islam center near 9/11 site, August 13, 2010.
98
Ibidem.
99
Helene Cooper, Obama Tries to Calm Tensions In Call for Religious Tolerance, September 11, 2010.
97
21
2010 this amount is higher than the amount of negative articles written. When we look back
at 2001 and 2002, we see that the amount of articles written is the same, but most of them
were negative.
The year that might tell us the most about the changes that the New York society has
gone through, is 2011. It is the tenth anniversary of 9/11, the year of The Arab Spring and
the year in which Bin Laden is killed. Most articles written in 2011, however, look back on
9/11 and the ten years that have gone by. There are articles about new terror suspects and
about who is going to follow in Bin Laden’s footsteps. There are also some polls that reflect
the way 9/11 has both faded somewhat in people's minds and remains a constant factor in
American life, particularly in New York.100
The NYT actually organized a poll about the situation in New York, together with CBS
news. The first thing to say about this is that they obviously recognize that there has been a
‘situation’. The results from the poll show that
[a] quarter of Americans say they have negative feelings toward Muslims because of the
attack on the World Trade Center; 73 percent do not. Similarly, 20 percent of New York
City residents also say they feel negative toward Muslims because of 9/11, while 76
percent say they do not.101
The NYT articles tries to put in perspective the idea of a larger community, which can be
used and possibly benefit the growth of initiatives and any progress being made in working
towards mutual understanding.
Last, the article written for the tenth anniversary of September eleventh is a composed
article, consisting of letters sent in by readers. There are no bad comments on the Muslim
community, but mostly criticism about the PATRIOT Act and unjust military missions abroad,
pushed by former President Bush. The longest published letter is from a Muslim woman.102
Again, the NYT chooses a certain path with the article that shows a balanced way of
reporting.
3.4.
Conclusion
First of all it can be said that the New York Times (NYT) is a newspaper that deserves some
credit for extensive coverage of specific items concerning the Muslim community. Chapter
3.2 shows that, overall, there are more articles with a negative tone than articles with a
positive tone. It is not too surprising that most articles that talk about Islamist terrorism are
joined by names and terms like Bin Laden, jihad and al-Qā’ida. They have become symbols of
the enemy threatening America’s security.103 There are also lots of articles that mainly talk
about suspicion and fear, and the insecurity and bias that follows from this. This does not
mean, however, that the NYT is stating an opinion about any of these issues. By only looking
100
Peter Applebome, The 9/11 decade; feeling safer, but still wary, September 11, 2011.
Ibidem.
102
By readers of the New York Times, Sept. 11: A decade later, a day of reflection, September 10, 2011.
103
Bakalian and Bozorgmehr. Backlash 9/11, p. 150.
101
22
at the second chart, we cannot yet determine whether or not the NYT has contributed to
setting a negative or positive image about Islam.
The articles that leave a negative experience are mostly articles that report an event, like
the arrest of terrorism suspects, the London bombings or the possible link of a person or
institution to al-Qaida. The articles that present a longer story, where a reporter actually
does research and speaks to multiple people, tend to be quite positive. The NYT seems to
make conscious choices, time and time again, when it comes to quoting certain people. They
also, on multiple occasions, uncover the deeper impact of certain issues, for example with
the Park 51 project and the new found, but maybe forced, unity between different Muslim
communities. The choice of subjects and the choice of speakers shows that the NYT articles
do not ignore the struggles of the Muslim community, which a biased newspaper very likely
would.
When we look at the Park 51 case, it is again emphasized that Muslims want to be
American, just like before 9/11, as mentioned in chapter one, when Muslims clearly wanted
to be Muslim and American. The stereotype that Muslims are Anti-American is made undone
by the NYT articles.
Stereotypes thus not seem to take over the NYT articles and negativity about the Muslim
community never seems to dominate the articles, although negative opinions or thoughts
are quoted, when relevant. Besides this, discussing events like the gathering at the New York
Tolerance Center show that the NYT is very aware of their environment and actions going on
dealing with the issue of stereotyping. They find it important enough to mention.
Overall, it thus can be said that the NYT is fairly neutral and contributing to a better
understanding of the Muslim community in the US with their articles, although factual
reports of events, that are general news, might distort the image and create curves, visible
after specific events.
23
Chapter 4
Changes in NY Muslim's attitudes toward their situation since 9/11
According to Lori Peek, “Americans’ attitudes toward Islam and Muslims are undoubtedly
shaped, at least in part, by their lack of familiarity with the faith and its followers.” Six out of
ten Americans recognize that they do not even possess primary knowledge of Islam.104 Those
who say they do have some knowledge, often have erroneous ideas about the religion. 105
This is in accordance with the polls in chapter two, that found 47 percent of Americans
thought Muslims were ‘fanatical’, forty percent thought Muslims were ‘violent’, and 57
percent said Muslims were ‘closed-minded.’”106
Now that we have looked at the history and the role of the media in stereotyping, I want
to look at the different Islamic communities in New York and how they have tried to fight
these stereotypes. Their personal experiences and their commitment to change are
important, while they might give more insight in the rise or decline of stereotyping.
4.1 Moderate Sunni
Imam Shamsi Ali is imam of the biggest mosque in New York, the Jamaica Muslim Center in
Queens. He is also a prominent figure in the mosque and Islamic center at 96 th street. Ali was
very important as a representative and leader of the Muslim community in New York right
after 9/11. On the day itself he was called up and asked to speak on behalf of the Muslim
Community, but also he was one of the two imams invited by former President Bush to join
him at Ground Zero, 4 days after the attacks.
The day itself he was sent home from his office, walked uptown and got a taxi. “The
driver was Mexican and he thought I was Mexican too. He sent all Muslims to hell.”
Confusion was the predominant emotion at this time. “We didn’t know if we should open or
go to the mosques.” Families asked Ali for advice about what to tell neighbors and how to
tell their kids. Ali knew there was going to be a backlash; there were attacks on Muslims by
other people and by the media. “The worst thing was not only discrimination or the attacks,
but some regulations that were produced by the government, like the PATRIOT Act. Houses
of Muslims could be entered without permission and mosques were being monitored.” This
is in accordance with what we discussed in chapter two. The PATRIOT Act was endangering
Muslim’s civil rights and an image of ‘the terrorist’ was created in American minds, leaving
Muslims to be victimized.
Ali believes Muslims are victims on multiple levels. First of all, the religion is victimized,
“because people think it is the justification for al-Qā’ida’s actions.” Secondly, Muslims in the
US are victims because they are part of the nation, Ali feels. “Any consequence that takes
place out of this tragedy is on us too.” Ali includes the death of up to a hundred Muslims in
the World Trade Center and the loss of jobs. Outside of the US there have been political and
104
Peek, Behind the Backlash, p. 14.
Council on American-Islamic Relations, American Public Opinion about Islam and Muslims.
106 GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America p. 365.
105
24
military consequences.
Regardless of the attacks, discrimination and victimization, there has also been support
from non-Muslims, Ali recognizes. In the first few days after nine eleven, many Christians
came to the mosque and offered help. These interactions brought along a change, according
to Ali. “I experience the existence of trust between the communities. The effort to reaching
out to the people and interfaith, have resulted in positive things.”
Just as we saw in the NYT articles, Ali mentions that the change of presidents, from Bush
to Obama, has contributed to a more positive sphere between Muslims and non-Muslims,
since Obama increased the trustworthiness of Muslims again.
Barack Obama has tried to correct some mistakes that have been made by the former
president. I think that is why he handles Muslims different. The laws are easier towards
Muslims and there are more equal opportunities.
According to Ali, these all are blessings in disguise, because Islam is greatly exposed and is
discussed everywhere, both positive and negative. Ali thinks that it is very important to
respond to this. “We cannot be passive, we need to be active. Before 9/11 the Muslim
community did not do their job, they did not let their neighbours know who they are. After
9/11 Muslims are more actively involved.”
Self-reflection, as mentioned in chapter two, has thus taken place. The umma in New
York is experiencing an internal change, according to Ali. The young generations are doing
their jobs. They are in all dimensions of New York’s life. However, there also needs to be an
attitude change from non-Muslim Americans. It has to come from both sides.
Last but not least, Ali thinks that the Middle Eastern umma also needs to change from
within. As briefly mentioned in chapter 3.3, there is still a division between Muslims in the
West and Muslims in the Middle East. “Muslims in the US are relatively stable. We do not
have to deal with many crises compared to other Muslim nations.” According to him, Middle
Eastern people are being hijacked by their own political situation; they see what is in the
West, but still feel that their system is working well, yet they are suffering. Those crises
make Middle-Eastern Muslims practice Islam on the hotspot, Ali says. “Here we can live our
Islam in the modern time, where our neighbours are Muslim but also non-Muslim.” Ali thinks
this attitude can be transported into the Muslim world. “The US is embracive and thus an
ideal country for Muslims to live their Islam. Here they can be a role model for the rest of the
Muslim world.”107
4.2 Sufi
Salim Chisti is imam at the Light of Guidance Center, a New York City Center of Sufi Order
International, which identifies as Muslim.108 He explains that right after 9/11, people in his
community became very paranoid and turned to conspiracy theories about Israel and the US
having planned the attacks. Others tried to learn more about their religion, reached out to
107
Interview with respondent Imam Shamsi Ali, May 17, 2012.
108
http://twoseasjoin.org/light/.
25
other faiths and tried to have dialogues, which they did not do before.
However, Chisti feels that his community is still suspicious and paranoid, especially of
the police and government in the US. He thinks the media does not care about the way they
are portraying Muslims, if they are portraying them a certain way. To my question how he
feels about the media covering 9/11 and his religion, he answers that they do no different
than before: “they are beholden to their advertisers and so they broadcast/print whatever
they feel will sell air time/ad inches.” However, when we look at the analysis of the NYT
articles, we see that the NYT were the first to publish a print campaign against Islamophobia,
set up by the Council of American-Islamic Relations. A print campaign the NYT chose to print.
Chisti also feels that the amount of ‘reaching out’ stayed fairly the same. According to
him, the Muslim community has always reached out and it increased a little bit right after
9/11, but mostly because other faiths and people reached out and wanted to learn, not
because they did. Chisti makes a nice remark: “if there is any influence on the increase in
stereotyping it is due to the conservative right in the US. I think it will increase during the
time leading up to the presidential election just like it did in 2008.”
He adds that he thinks my research is too limited, because “the matrix that we find
ourselves in is very little influenced by the Muslims. It is far more influenced by the Christian
right and corporate money which drives the political system. That is what really influences
more than anything.”109
4.3.
Ahmadiyya movement
Nusrat Qadir is the spokesperson for the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community of New York. The
Ahmadiyya are a minority group consisting of mainly south Asians. During the twenties it
was a very successful Muslim missionary group and consequently left a lasting mark on the
form of Muslim thought and practice in the US and even influenced the growth of Islam
among African-Americans, as we were able to read in chapter one.110 111 112
According to Qadir, no one of her community walked away unaffected and they were
victims, just like the rest of the US. However, they did not reside in their victimhood, but
made tremendous effort to help in the aftermath of 9/11, by volunteering any way they
could. They provided 24 hour coverage at their mosques to be present for those with
questions, but also deter anyone from attempting any unlawful acts. The community
organized prayer vigils and opened doors to all members of society. “We took this
opportunity to educate our fellow Americans about the true teachings of Islam.” She
explains that many of her community its people would be stopped in the street and asked
questions about their religion. Instead of turning away, they welcomed these questions: “we
wished to do our best to negate the stereotypes placed upon our faith.”
The Ahmadiyya community has been a very visible community in fighting bias and
stereotyping.
109
Interview with respondent Imam Salim Chisti , May 19, 2012.
Curtis, The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 41.
111 Ibid, p. 53.
112 Ibid, p. 54.
110
26
Members of our community actively engage in letter writing campaigns in response
to any story revolving around Islam. They have submitted opinion editorials, blogs
and media interviews. We also have done billboard advertisements, including an
electronic bill board advertisement in the heart of New York City’s Time Square.
They openly denounced terrorism through successful campaigns, like Muslims for Peace, and
gained positive attention towards decreasing the negative stereotypes associated with Islam
in this way. “We believe the more activity and presence we provide within our local
communities we will be able to help minimize the fears some may have towards Islam.”
Already, the founder of the Ahmadiyya Muslim Community, called Mirza Ghulam Ahmad
of Qadian, promoted the need for interfaith dialogue. “Our Community continues with this
tradition today and only stepped up our efforts post 9/11”, Qadir explains. The Ahmadiyya
Community works together with non-Muslims in promoting religious seminars and
gatherings to build upon common beliefs as well as answer any questions regarding Islam.
“We work closely with social welfare organizations, volunteer for local events and are
commonly seen at book fairs and other public events enabling our local communities to
interact with us outside of the mosque.”
The misinformation and fear that surrounded 9/11 did create an era of fear of Islam for
Americans, according to Qadir. “American politics and media only perpetuated such
misguided fear unfortunately.” Peaceful and innocent Muslims within America as well as
worldwide are wrongfully associated with terrorism, she says. “Many times the media will
include a Muslim’s faith with any violent act yet not mention a non-Muslim’s faith with equal
acts of injustice.” However, according to Qadir, it would be easy to generalize and state that
the media coverage has been biased against Islam and Muslims. “There has been a balance
in that more interest has been generated regarding Islam and now there are more stories
about Islam for the public to review.”113
4.4.
Shia
Munawar Kermalli, from the Shia Ithna’asheri Jamaat of New York, a twelver Shiite
community, states explains that the Shia community became very paranoid about law
enforcement taking away their fundamental rights of free speech and privacy, and the
community became less aggressive in pushing the envelope when it came to controversial
issues. This feeling of being less sure of their rights as citizens in the US stayed, according to
Kermalli. “It seems that fundamental rights that we have as citizens of the US can be revoked
under the guise of national security.” This is in accordance with the analysis the NYT makes
on the critic surrounding Park 51, as shown in chapter three. The discussions around
whether or not they are allowed to have a mosque near Ground Zero, crystalizes the
difficulties of being both Muslim and American and it makes Muslim Americans less sure of
their place in society.
Kermalli says Muslims were definitely victims of the backlash of 9/11 in this way.
113
Interview with respondent Nusrat Qadir, May 13, 2012.
27
“Innocent citizens of the US were lumped together with criminals just because they shared a
similar sounding name or looked like a certain ethnic class.” Kermalli does acknowledge that
this has declined with respect to the general public, but has stayed the same with regard to
government officials.
In accordance with Nusrat Qadir, Kermalli accepts that the media has had an interesting
place when it comes to either promoting or discouraging stereotypes. “The media has
definitely raised the awareness of Islam to the general public. But at the same time they
have been quick to jump on stereotyping innocent individuals and jumping to conclusions
instead of just reporting the news or the facts.” However, Kermalli explains that, when this
happened, the community immediately tried to reach out to the media to make corrections
where possible.
Surprisingly, Kermalli says that there has been no change in activity within his
community in interacting with the community of New York and non-Muslims to fight
stereotyping and maintain good relationships. He expresses that non-Muslims are reaching
out to the Shia community and that they are very open to this, and he points to my
questionnaire as an example. However, he also seems to criticize his own community, just
like Chisti, when it comes to reaching out to non-Muslims. “Our community is open but
seems only to react instead of actively pursue such bonds.” And he also recognized that the
more active the community is, the less stereotyping there will be.114
4.5.
Conclusion
In all the above communities, physical, verbal and media attacks were felt. For all of them,
the worst after effect of 9/11 seems to be the PATRIOT act, implemented by the
government, which brought along fear and suspicion. This, to most leaders, made everyone
in their community a victim. However, there has been help and support from non-Muslim
communities, which has resulted in a better understanding of each other and more unity.
The overall attention can be seen as a blessing in disguise, because some light was shed on
Islam and the Muslim community, needed for both internal change and reflection, but also
to achieve a change in non-Muslim minds.
According to Imam Shamsi Ali, these mutual efforts towards mutual understanding, still
need to develop more. He is, however, very optimistic about the effort made by the Sunni
community, especially by the younger generation. Multiple other factors, like the election of
Obama, have contributed as well, in Ali’s opinion. This reinforces the NYT article about
Obama’s tolerance efforts.
The Ahmadiyya community has done a lot of work and did not stay within their own
community’s boundaries to educate fellow non-Muslim citizens. They have been very active
in explaining Islam and condemning terrorism and only extended their efforts after 9/11.
They are also the first to put media attention in perspective. Media attention, either good or
bad, did make people more interested in Islam. Although, some of the Ahmadiyya felt like
114
Interview with respondent Munawar Kermalli, June 3, 2012.
28
they were victims, they did not stay passive, while they feel that there is a need for interfaith
harmony and dialogue more than ever within the US.
Efforts of the Sufi community are quite limited, so it seems. According to imam Chisti, it
is politics that completely shape the image of Islam. He seems a bit paranoid and thus
reflects the emotion he describes his community still feels. According to him, for example,
the media have little influence on how Muslims are portrayed. They publish whatever they
are told and whatever benefits them. Subsequently, they create either a negative or positive
image. We may conclude that Chisti feels it is solely politics that make or break the
characterization of the New York Muslim community and no matter what the community
does, in the end it is not in their hands. In my opinion, the analysis of NYT articles, which
shows that a conscious choice is made when it comes to quoting and certain actions, like the
placement of an anti-Islamophobia campaign, weaken his argument.
Although the Shiite community seems to respond when the media makes an unfair
generalization and they are open to efforts from outside the community, they lack the effort
to take the first step in engaging with the non-Muslim communities that reach out to them,
just like the Sufi community. Munawar Kermalli is very critical of his community at this point.
He believes that mutual effort will help in creating a less stereotyped image of Islam, but
agrees that his community is too passive to make a change in this.
We may conclude that not all communities put in the same amount of effort to rectify
erroneous stereotypes. While the Ahmadiyya community seems to have left no option
unexploited, other communities feel that their efforts are not sufficient or even helpful at
all.
29
Conclusion
Summary of the Outcomes
Stereotyping Islam in the United States is a phenomenon that goes back to the start of
immigrant arrivals in the US and their conversion to Islam in this Christian environment. Its
severity progressed with time and governmental implementations, like the Immigration Act,
right after WWII.
Divisions by race and class were persistent and only through great events in history, like
the Iranian Revolution, a shift took place. Religion became the primary identity marker and
the bias against Muslims started to develop, which manifested itself in labeling conflicts in
terms of Islam.
Real contact between Muslims and non-Muslims in the US was, however, rare. After the
9/11 attacks, stereotyping rose and its consequences were severe for Muslim Americans.
Besides new governmental implementations against them nationally and internationally,
they were attacked on the streets, verbally and physically. A profile was created in people’s
minds, (falsely) linking Muslims and Arab looking people to terrorists.
A ‘good Muslim, bad Muslim’ discourse came about, and parallels were drawn with
Huntington’s theory of “the Clash of Civilizations”. 115 According to Mamdani, this “clash of
civilizations” in the twenty-first-century comes from “bad Muslims” in the form of Islamic
fundamentalism. According to Said, these discourses and ways of stereotyping are highly
influenced by the media, which create them on television, film and other. Orientalism,
where it is ‘us’ versus ‘them’, is thus definitely created, according to Said.
We can clearly see this as well, when analyzing the New York Times, which is much read
in the US and thus very influential. Over the ten years that have passed since 9/11, they
overall published more articles that left a negative connotation about Muslims behind than
positive. Only when we look closer, we can see that the more researched articles are fairly
positive and the negative articles are in most occasions a representation of facts.
The NYT’s choice of quotation or and coverage of certain issues uncover that the NYT is
most unlikely to deliberately portray a negative image about Islam. If anything, they are
actually trying to support interfaith dialogue and the revising of existing stereotypes.
This is one of the blessings in disguise of the media that several representatives of the
New York Muslim community mention. Governmental implementations and negative media
attention also shed some light on Islam and the Muslim community. Non-Muslims stood up
to help, but also internally, Muslims were helping themselves, by changing their
communities from within.
Like Imam Ali expressed, before 9/11, the Muslim community was fairly inactive, and
thus the umma, at some point, felt that they were partially responsible for stereotyping.
Although not every community put in the same amount of effort, most communities stood
up and expanded their boundaries to educate fellow non-Muslim citizens.
115
GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 375.
30
Conclusion and Prediction
Muslim communities have stepped up their efforts to communicate with the Non-Muslim
society around them. Mosques held information sessions, high schools and colleges invited
guest speakers. Edward E. Curtis confirms this: “In one way or another, American Muslims
after 9/11 refused to be marginal or marginalized in American public life.”116 This is
confirmed by a poll, which shows that approximately ninety percent of Muslims in the US
support interfaith dialogue and interreligious contact.117
That a shift has taken place here, from individual practice to boosting interfaith efforts,
is confirmed by the Congress. Curtis states that
[i]nterfaith dialogue - in its American context - is in many ways a new phenomenon
for Islam. In the US, civil society has matured to the extent that people of different
religions can meet and discuss each other’s faith on equal, respectful terms that
reach mutual understanding.118
According to GhaneaBassiri, Muslim Americans started to actively integrate more within
their local communities and the local communities became more involved in local and
national politics.119
The media, in this case, have been a tremendous help. As mentioned, media are very
influential in creating stereotypes. This is confirmed by Lori Peek, who acknowledges, just
like Said, that before 9/11, Muslims experienced an uphill battle against “derogatory images
of Muslims in film and television. Mainstream American and Western print and broadcast
media also regularly, and unapologetically, reinforce the worst stereotypes about Islam- that
it is a violent, primitive, and imminently hateful religion.”120 We may say that the deep
seated Orientalism discourse was present in the West before 9/11 and survived and revived
after 9/11. However, I would like to conclude that influential media, like the New York
Times, who seems to live up to its status as liberal and neutral newspaper, have contributed
to a weakening of this discourse in the ten years after the attacks.
The open attitude of the NYT has provided a stage for Muslims to speak out. This is
confirmed by several Muslim communities that have themselves worked closely with the
media and have experienced their impact directly. They feel their story has come across and
they were given the opportunity to speak out. I would like to dismiss the input from Imam
Chisti in this matter, since he was not very active in society and has not reached out to the
media himself. His argument, that newspapers only publish according to what generates the
most income for them, is made undone in the case of the NYT, who was the first to publish a
campaign against Islamophobia by CAIR.
Of course there are other factors that contribute to the rise of stereotyping besides the
116 Curtis,
The Columbia Sourcebook of Muslims in the United States, p. 268.
Ibid, p. 322.
118 Ibid, p. 323.
119 GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 363.
120 Peek, Behind the Backlash, p. 13.
117
31
effort of both communities and the media. As Imam Chisti mentioned, politics have a great
influence. It is fairly safe to say that also the changing of presidents is one large factor. While
Bush was still very much into a ‘fighter’ mode to battle Islamic ‘terrorism’, Obama calls for
religious tolerance.121
Last but not least, I like to conclude that we have a clear answer to whether or not a
”Clash of Civilizations” has taken place. I would like to argue that New York and the efforts of
the Muslim and non-Muslim communities actually provide an example to where
Huntington’s theory is incorrect. First of all, because throughout all three analyses
performed in this thesis, it becomes clear, that Muslims in the Unites States very much want
to be American. Second of all, because several factors, like the media and politics, caused
the communities to come together and thus a change of mindset has appeared on both
sides.
The realization that internal change from the umma was needed was a most important
outcome. In my opinion, this was the catalyst for Muslim’s behavior change in the American
society, but also a trigger for non-Muslims to respond in a more open and positive way.
Muslims fought off the ‘good Muslim’/’bad Muslim’ discourse in the same way, as confirmed
by GhaneaBassiri.122
Although Muslim Americans have always put in effort to communicate with nonMuslims,”the events of 9/11 threatened to silence such voices in Muslim America- or more
accurately, made it impossible for some non-Muslim Americans to hear these voices, at
first.”123 However, since the interfaith dialogue has never been more vibrant than after 9/11,
one could say that Muslims have not stayed in their secondary victim, or maybe even
immigrant, status. They have elevated their activities to a higher level to intermingle with
society, consequently ensuring a decline in stereotyping.
We could also argue that 9/11 has brought the Muslim community itself closer, whether
forced or not. And, although some Muslims feel that there still needs to be an internal
change and reflection within the umma and a change in non-Muslim minds, Muslims in New
York have united in their efforts after 9/11 and consequently did not become passive victims
of 9/11, but became active members of society.
Together with the facts that approximately 75% of New Yorkers do not have negative
feelings towards Muslims, the Muslim community is now working towards an internal
change and interfaith dialogue, and the government and media are less discriminative, I
think New York will only become more homogeneous in the future.124
121
Helene Cooper, Obama Tries to Calm Tensions In Call for Religious Tolerance, September 11, 2010.
GhaneaBassiri. A History of Islam in America, p. 375.
123
Curtis. Muslims in America: A Short History p. 107.
124
Peter Applebome, The 9/11 decade; feeling safer, but still wary, September 11, 2011.
122
32
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35
Appendices
Appendix 1

Interview Question Form
Interview Questions
Main question of my dissertation:
Although the realization, of the fact that Muslims have been victims of the 9/11 attacks too, might
not have penetrated the minds of all people, it of course has always been felt by the Muslim society
themselves. Have they come out of their secondary ‘victim’ position (where the people targeted in
the attack were the primary victims)? What have they done to become more active? Have they
become more active in society? Do they feel like victims now? Did they feel like victims then?
Being Muslim in New York after 9/11: passive victim or active member of society?
1. How did 9/11 affect Muslims of your community individually & how did it affect your
community as a whole?
2. What characterizes the changes that your community has gone through in the past ten years,
due to 9/11?
3. Were Muslims also victims of 9/11? For example, through stereotyping or other ways? Has
this declined/increased, since 9/11?
4. How do you feel the media have covered 9/11 and your religion? Did this contribute to an
increase/decline in stereotyping? How did your community respond to this?
5. How is your Muslim community interacting with the community of New York and NonMuslims to fight stereotyping and promote good relationships with the Non-Muslim
communities? Did activity increase/decline over the past 10 years?
6. Are Non-Muslims reaching out to Muslim communities as well? In what way? And is your
community open enough to create bonds with the non-Muslim community or to create a
lower boundary for non-Muslims to reach out? In what way?
7. Do you think there is a link between the decline/increase in stereotyping and the activity of
the Muslim community?
If you have any general comments or things you would like to add, please go ahead!:
36
Appendix 2

Table on diversification of the American Muslim population
Page 294 Kambiz
Appendix 3

Sample cases of civil rights abuse
Until page 275 from Curtis Sourcebook
Appendix 4

2001:
2002:
2003:
2004:
2005:
2006:
2007:
2008:
2009:
2010:
2011:
Outcome article count with search terms Muslim + New York + 9/11
198
141
88
106
76
93
53
52
50
145
125
Appendix 5

2001
2002
2003
2004
2005
2006
2007
2008
2009
2010
2011
Outcome of the analysis focusing on tone of voice
12 positive
9 positive
15 positive
15 positive
12 positive
15 positive
14 positive
20 positive
15 positive
17 positive
10 positive
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
/
17 negative
21 negative
15 negative
15 negative
18 negative
15 negative
16 negative
10 negative
15 negative
13 negative
20 negative
37
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